Produced by Karl Hagen, Juliet Sutherland,

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** Transcriber's Notes **

The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the spelling and abreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript abbreviations have been silently expanded:

- vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm' - q; = -que (in the Latin) - y[e] = the; y[t] = that; w[t] = with

This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in poetry, where they are moved to the nearest convenient break in the text.

** End Transcriber's Notes **

THE PRINCIPAL
Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,
AND
Discoveries
OF
The English Nation.

Collected by
RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER,

AND

Edited by
EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S.

VOL. II.

NORTHEASTERN EUROPE, AND ADJACENT COUNTRIES.

Part I.

TARTARY.

THE PRINCIPAL
Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,
AND
Discoveries
OF
The English Nation.

Collected by
RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER,

AND

Edited by
EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S.

EASTERN EUROPE AND THE MUSCOVY COMPANY.

Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoveries in EASTERN EUROPE

Part of an Epistle written by one Yuo of Narbona vnto the Archbishop of Burdeaux, containing the confession of an Englishman as touching the barbarous demeanour of the Tartars, which had liued long among them, and was drawen along perforce with them in their expedition against Hungarie: Recorded by Mathew Paris in the yere of your Lord 1243.

The Lord therefore being prouoked to indignation, by reason of this and other sinnes committed among vs Christians, is become, as it were, a destroying enemie, and a dreadful auenger. This I may iustly affirme to be true, because an huge nation, and a barbarous and inhumane people, whose law is lawlesse, whose wrath is furious, euen the rod of Gods anger, ouerrunneth, and vtterly wasteth infinite countreyes, cruelly abolishing all things where they come, with fire and sword. And this present Summer, the foresayd nation, being called Tartars, departing out of Hungarie, which they had surprised by treason, layd siege vnto the very same towne, wherein I my selfe abode, with many thousands of souldiers: neither were in the sayd towne on our part aboue 50. men of warre, whom, together with 20. cros-bowes, the captaine had left in garrison. All these, out of certeine high places, beholding the enemies vaste armie, and abhorring the beastly crueltie of Antichrist his complices, signified foorthwith vnto their gouernour, the hideous lamentations of his Christian subiects, who suddenly being surprised in all the prouince adioyning, without any difference or respect of condition, fortune, sexe, or age, were by manifolde cruelties, all of them destroyed with whose carkeises, the Tartarian chieftains, and their brutish and sauage followers, glutting themselues, as with delicious cates, left nothing for vultures but the bare bones. And a strange thing it is to consider, that the greedie and rauenous vultures disdeined to praye vpon any of the reliques, which remained. Olde, and deformed women they gaue, as it were for dayly sustenance, vnto their Canibals; the beautifull deuoured they not, but smothered them lamenting and scritching, with forced and vnnaturall rauishments. Like barbarous miscreants, they quelled virgins vnto death, and cutting off their tender paps to present for deinties vnto their magistrates, they engorged themselues with their bodies.

Howbeit, their spials in the meane time discrying from the top of an highe mountaine the Duke of Austria, the king of Bohemia, the Patriarch of Aquileia, the Duke of Carinthia, and (as some report) the Earle of Baden, with a mightie power, and in battell aray, approching towards them, that accursed crew immediately vanished, and all those Tartarian vagabonds retired themselues into the distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie who as they came suddenly, so they departed also on the sudden which their celeritie caused all men to stand in horrour and astonishment of them. But of the sayd fugitiues the prince of Dalmatia tooke eight, one of which number the Duke of Austria knew to be an English man, who was perpetually banished out of the Realme of England, in regard of certaine notorious crimes by him committed. This fellow, on the behalfe of the most tyrannicall king of the Tartars, had bene twise, as a messenger and interpreter, with the king of Hungarie, menacing and plainely foretelling those mischiefes which afterward happened, vnlesse he would submit himselfe and his kingdome vnto the Tartars yoke. Well, being allured by our Princes to confesse the trueth, he made such oathes and protestations, as (I thinke) the deuill himselfe would haue beene trusted for. First therefore he reported of himselfe, that presently after the time of his banishment, namely about the 30. yere of his age, hauing lost all that he had in the citie of Acon at Dice, euen in the midst of Winter, being compelled by ignominious hunger, wearing nothing about him but a shirt of sacke, a paire of shooes, and a haire cappe onely, being shauen like a foole, and vttering an vncoth noise as if he had bene dumbe, he tooke his iourney, and and so traueiling many countreyes, and finding in diuers places friendly entertainment, he prolonged his life in this maner for a season, albeit euery day by rashnesse of speech, and inconstancie of heart, he endangered himselfe to the deuill. At length, by reason of extreame trauaile, and continuall change of aire and of meats in Caldea, he fell into a greuious sicknesse, insomuch that he was wearie of his life. Not being able therefore to go forward or backeward, and staying there a while to refreshe himselfe, he began (being somewhat learned) to commend to writing those wordes which hee heard spoken, and within a short space, so aptly to pronounce, and to vtter them himselfe, that he was reputed for a natiue member of that countrey: and by the same dexteritie he attained to manie languages. This man the Tartars hauing intelligence of by their spies, drew him perforce into their societie and being admonished by an oracle or vision, to challenge dominion ouer the whole earth, they allured him by many rewards to their faithfull seruice, by reason that they wanted interpreters. But concerning their maners and superstitions, of the disposition and stature of their bodies, of their countrey and maner of fighting &c, he protested the particulars following to be true: namely, that they were aboue all men, couetous, hasty, deceitfull, and mercilesse: notwithstanding, by reason of the rigour and extremitie of punishments to be inflicted vpon them by their superiours, they are restreined from brawlings, and from mutuall strife and contention. The ancient founders and fathers of their tribes, they call by the name of gods, and at certaine set times they doe celebrate solemne feasts vnto them, many of them being particular, & but foure onely generall. They thinke that all things are created for themselues alone. They esteeme it none offence to exercise cruelty against rebels. They be hardie and strong in the breast, leane and pale-faced, rough and huf-shouldered, hauing flatte and short noses, long and sharpe chinnes, their vpper iawes are low and declining, their teeth long and thinne, their eyebrowes extending from their fore-heads downe to their noses, their eies inconstant and blacke, their countenances writhen and terrible, their extreame ioynts strong with bones and sinewes, hauing thicke and great thighes, and short legs, and yet being equall vnto vs in stature: for that length which is wanting in their legs is supplied in the vpper parts of their bodies. Their countrey in olde time was a land vtterly desert and waste, situated far beyond Chaldea, from whence they haue expelled Lions, Beares, & such like vntamed beasts with their bowes, and other engines. Of the hides of beasts being tanned, they vse to shape for themselues light, but yet impenetrable armour. They ride fast bound to their horses, which are not very great in stature, but exceedingly strong, and mainteined with little prouender. They vse to fight constantly and valiantly with iauelines, maces, battle axes, and swords. But specially they are excellent archers, and cunning warriers with their bowes. Their backs are slightly armed, that they may not flee. They withdraw not themselues from the combate, till they see the chiefe Standerd of their Generall giue backe. Vanquished, they aske no fauour and vanquishing, they shew no compassion. They all persist in their purpose of subduing the whole world vnder their owne subiection, as if they were but one man, and yet they are moe then millions in number. They haue 60000. Courriers, who being sent before vpon light horses to prepare a place for the armie to incampe in, will in the space of one night gallop three days iourney. And suddenly diffusing themselues ouer an whole prouince, and surprising all the people thereof vnarmed, vnprouided, dispersed, they make such horrible slaughters that the king or prince of the land inuaded, cannot finde people sufficient to wage battell against them, and to withstand them. They delude all people and princes of regions in time of peace, pretending that for a cause which indeed is no cause. Sometimes they say, that they will make a voyage to Colen, to fetch home the three wise kings into their owne countrey; sometimes to punish the auarice and pride of the Romans, who oppressed them in times past, some times to conquere barbarous and Northren nations; sometimes to moderate the furie of the Germans with their owne meeke mildnesse; sometimes to learne warlike feats and stratagems of the French; sometimes for the finding out of fertile ground to suffice their huge multitudes; sometimes again in derision they say, that they intend to goe on pilgrimage to S. Iames of Galicia. In regard of which sleights and collusions certaine vndiscreet gouernors concluding a league with them, haue granted them free passage thorow their territories, which leagues notwithstanding being violated, were an occasion of ruine and destruction vnto the foresayd gouernours, &c.

* * * * *

Libellus historicus Ioannis de Plano Carpini, qui missus est Legatus ad
Tartaros anno Domini 1246. ab Innocentio quarto Pontifice maximo. Incipit
Prologus in librum Tartarorum.

Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos præsens scriptum peruenerit, frater Ioannes de Plano Carpini ordinis fratrum minorum, Apostolicæ sedis Legatus, nuncius ad Tartaros et nationes alias Orientis, Dei gratiam in præsenti, et gloriam in futuro, et de inimicis suis gloriam triumphalem. Cum ex mandato sedis apostolicæ iremus ad Tartaros et nationes alias Orientis, et sciremus Domini Papæ et venerabilium Cardinalium voluntatem, eligimus prius ad Tartaros profiscisci. Timebamus enimne per eos in proximo ecclesiæ Dei periculum immineret. Et quamuis à Tartaris et alijs nationibus timeremus occidi, vel perpetuo captiuari, vel fame, siti, algore, æstu, contumelia, et laboribus nimijs, et quasi vltra vires affligi (quæ omnia multo plusquam prius credidimus, excepta morte vel captiuitate perpetua nobis multipliciter euenerunt) non tamen pepercimus nobis ipsis, vt voluntatem Dei secundum Domini papæ mandatum adimplere possemus, et vt proficeremus in aliquo Christianis, vt saltem scita veraciter voluntate et intentione ipsorum, possemus illam patefacere Christianis, ne forte subito irruentes inuenirent eos imparatos, sicut peccatis hominum exigentibus alia vice contigit: et fecerunt magnam stragem in populo Christiano. [Sidenote: Annus & 4 menses & amplius.] Vnde quæcunque pro vestra vtilitate vobis scribimus ad cautelam, tanto securius credere debetis, quanto nos cuncta vel ipsi vidimus oculis nostris, qui per annum et quatuor menses et amplius, ambulauimus per ipsos et cum ipsis, ac fuimus, inter eos, vel audiuimus à Christianis qui sunt inter eos captiui, et vt credimus fide dignis. Mandatum etiam à supremo pontifice habebamus, vt cuncta, perscrutaremur et videremus omnia diligenter. [Sidenote: Frater Benedictus Polonus comes Ioannis de Plano Carpini.] Quod tam nos quam frater Benedictus eiusdem ordinis qui nostræ tribulationis fuit socius et interpres fecimus studiose.

De terra Tartarorum, situ, qualitate & dispositione aeris in eadem. Cap. 1.

Volentes igitur facta scribere Tartaroram, vt lectores facilius valeant inuenire, hoc modo per capitula describemus. Primo quidem dicemus de terra. Secundo de hominibus. Tertio de ritu. Quarto de moribus. Quinto de ipsorum imperio. Sexto de bellis. Septimo de terris quas eorum dominio subiugauerant. Octauo quomodo bello occurratur eisdem. De terra possumus hoc modo tractare. In principio quidem dicemus de situ ipsius: secundo de qualitate: tertio de dispositione aeris in eadem. Terra vero prædicta est in ea posita parte Orientis in qua oriens sicut credimus coniungitur Aquiloni. [Sidenote: Al. Solanganorum. Oceauns ab Aquilone.] Ab Oriente autem est terra posita. Kyraiorum et etiam Solangorum: à meridie sunt terræ Saracenorum inter Occidentem et Meridiem Huyrorum. Ab Occidente prouincia Naymanorum; ab Aquilone mari oceano circundatur. Hæc vero in parte aliqua est nimium montuosa, et in aliqua est campestris, sed fere tota adimxta glarea, raro argillosa, plurimum est arenosa. In aliqua parte terne sunt aliquæ modicæ siluæ: alia vero est sine lignis omnino. Cibaria autem sua decoquunt et sedent tam imperator quàm principes et alij ad ignem factum de boum stercoribus et equorum. Terra autem prædicta non est in parte centesima fructuosa: nec etiam potest fructum portare nisi aquis fluuialibus irrigetur. Sed aqua et riui ibidem sunt pauci: flumina vero rarissima vnde ibidem villæ sunt paucæ; nec aliquæ ciuitates excepta vna, quæ esse dicitur satis bona; [Sidenote: Syra orda, curia maior imperatoris.] nos autem non vidimus illam, sed fuimus prope ad dimidium diem, cum apud Syram ordam essemus, quæ curia est maior imperatoris eorum. Et licet aliàs infructuosa sit, quamuis non multum tamen competenter est alendis pecoribus apta. Aer in ipsa est mirabiliter inordinatus. In media etiam æstate quando in alijs partibus solet calor maximus abundare; ibi sunt tonitrua magna et fulgura, ex quibus homines quam plurimi occiduntur. [Sidenote: Maximæ niues in æstate in Tartaria.] Cadunt etiam ibi eodem tempore maximæ niues. Ibi sunt etiam frigidissimorum ventorum tam maximes tempestates, quod cum labore vix possunt homines aliquando equitare. Vnde cum essemus apud ordam (sic enim stationes imperatoris apud eos et principum appellantur) iacebamus in terra præ magnitudine venti prostrati, et propter pulueris multitudinem videre minime poteramus. In ea etiam in hyeme nusquam pluit, sed in æstate: et tam modicum, quod vix potest aliquando puluerem et radices graminum madidare. [Sidenote: Grando maxima.] Grando etiam ibi sæpe maxiina cadit. [Sidenote: Maxima inundatio exubita grandinis resolutione.] Vnde eo tempore quando fuit electus, et in sede regni poni debuit imperator, nobis in curia existentibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod ex subita resolutione sicut plenius intelleximus, plusquam centum et quadraginta homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res autem et habitacula plura deducta fuerunt. Ibi est etiam in æstate subito magnus calor, et repente maximum frigus. In hyeme vero in aliqua parte cadunt maximæ niues, in alia autem paruæ. [Sidenote: Iter quinque mensium et dinudij.] Et vt breuiter de terra concludam, magna est, sed aliter, sicut vidimus oculis nostris, (quia per ipsam circuendam quinque mensibus et dimidium ambulauimus) multo vilior est, quàm dicere valeamus.

De formis Tartarorum, de coniugio, vestibus et habitaculis eorum. Cap. 2.

Dicto de terra, de hominibus est dicendum. Primo quidem formas describemus personarum. Secundò de ipsorum coniugio supponemus. Tertio de vestibus. Quarto de habitaculis. Quinto de rebus eorum. Forma personarum ab hominibus alijs est remota. Inter oculos enim et genas plusquam alij homines sunt lati. Genæ etiam satis prominent à maxillis. Graciles sunt generaliter in cingulo exceptis quibusdam paucis. Pene omnes sunt mediocris staturæ. Barba fere omnibus minime crescit. Aliqui tamen in inferiori labio et in barba modicos habent crines, quos minime tondent. Super verticem capitis in modum clericorum habent coronas, et ab aure vna vsque ad aliam, ad latitudinem trium digitorum similiter omnes radunt. Quæ rasuræ coronæ prædictæ iunguntur. Super frontem etiam ad latitudinem duorum digitorum similiter omnes radunt. Illos autem capillos qui sunt inter coronam et prætaxatam rasuram crescere vsque ad supercilia sinunt. Et ex vtraque parte frontis tondendo plusquam in medio crines faciunt longos: reliquos vero crines permittunt crescere vt mulieres. De quibus faciunt duas cordas, et ligant vnamquamque post aurem. Pedes etiam modicos habent. Vxores vero habet vnusquisque quot potest tenere. Aliquis centum, aliquis quinquaginta, aliquis decem, aliquis plures vel pauciores: et omnibus parentibus generaliter iunguntur, excepta matre, filia, vel sorore ex eadem matre, sororibus etiam ex patre: tamen et vxores patris post mortem ducere possunt. Vxorem etiam fratris alter frater iunior post mortem vel alius de parentela iunior ducere tenetur. Reliquas mulieres omnes sine vlla differentia ducunt in vxores, et emunt eas valde pretiosè à parentibus suis. Post mortem maritorum de facili ad secunda coniugia non migrant, nisi quis velit suam nouercam ducere in vxorem. [Sidenote: Vestes.] Vestes autem tam virorum quàm mulierum sunt vno modo formatæ. Pallijs, cappis vel capputijs vel pellibus non vtuntur. Tunicas vero portant de Bukeramo, purpura, vel Baldaquino in hunc modum formatas. A supremo vsque deorsum sunt scissæ, quia ante pectus dupticantur. A latere vero sinistro vna, et in dextris tribus ligaturis nectuntur, et in latere et in sinistro vsque ad brachiale sunt scissæ. Pellicia cuiuscunque sunt generis in eundem modum formantur: superius tamen pellicium exterius habet pilum, sed à posterioribus est apertum. Habet autem caudulam vnam vsque ad genua retro. Mulieres vero quæ sunt maritatæ habent tunicam valde amplam et vsque ad terram ante scissam. Super caput vero habent vnum quid rotundum de viminibus vel de cortice factum, quod in longum protenditur ad vnam vlnam, et in summitate desinit in quadrum: et ab imo vsque ad summum in amplitudine semper crescit, et in summitate habet virgulam vnam longam et gracilem de auro vel de argento seu de ligno, vel etiam pennam: et est assutum super vnum pileolum, quod protenditur vsque ad humeros. Instrumentum prædictum est tectum de buccaramo, siue purpura vel baldaquino: sine quo instrumento coram hominibus nunquam vadunt, et per hoc ab alijs mulieribus cognoscuntur. Virgines autem et iuuenes mulieres cum magna difficultate à viris suis possunt discerni: quum per omnia vestiuntur vt viri. Pileola habent alia quàm aliæ nationes, quorum formam intelligibiliter describere non valemus. [Sidenote: Tabernacula.] Stationes rotundas habent in modum tentorij præparatas, de virgis et baculis subtiliter factas. Supra vero in medio rotundam habent fenestram vnde lumen ingreditur, et vt possit fumus exire: quia semper in medio ignem faciunt. Parietes autem et tecta filtro sunt cooperta. Ostia etiam de filtro sunt facta. Quædam stationes sunt magnæ, quædam paruæ, secundum dignitatem et hominum paruitatem. Quædam soluuntur subito et reparantur et super somarios deferuntur. Quædam dissolui non possunt, sed in curribus deferuntur. Minoribus autem in curru ad deferendum vnus bos; maioribus tres vel quatuor, vel etiam plures, vel quod est magis, sufficiunt ad portandum. [Sidenote: Opes in pecore.] Quocunque vadunt siue ad bellum, siue alias, semper illas deferunt secum. In animalibus sunt diuites valde: in camelis, bobus, ouibus, capris, et equis. Iumentorum tantam habent multitudinem, quantam non credimus habere totum mundum. Porcos et alias bestias minime habent.

De cultu et de hijs quæ credunt esse peccata, et de diuinationibus et ritu funeris eorum, et de purgationibus suorum peccatorum. Cap. 3.

Dicto de hominibus, dicendum est de ritu: de quo tractabimus in hunc modum. Primo de cultu: secundo de hijs quæ credunt esse peccata: tertio de diuinationibus, et purgationibus peccatorum: quarto de ritu funeris. Vnum Deum credunt, quem credunt esse factorem omnium visibilium et inuisibilium. Et credunt eum tam bonorum in hoc mundo quam pænarum esse factorem: non tamen orationibus vel laudibus, aut ritu aliquo ipsum colunt. Nihilommus habent idola quædam de filtro ad imaginem hominis facta; et illa ponunt et vtraque parte ostij stationis, et subtus illa ponunt quiddam de filtro in modum vberis factum, et illa credunt esse pecorum custodes, et eis beneficium lactis et pullorum præstare. Alia vero faciunt de pannis sericis, et illa multum honorant. Quidam ponunt illa in pulchro curru tecto ante ostium stationis: et quicunque aliquid de illo curru furatur, sine vlla miseratione occiditur. Duces, millenarij, et centenarij vnum semper habent in medio stationis. Prædictis idolis offerunt primum lac omnis pecoris et iumenti. Et cum primo comedere et bibere incipiunt, primo offerunt eis de cibarijs et potu. Et cum bestiam aliquam occidunt, offerunt cor Idolo quod est in curru in aliquo cypho, et dimittunt vsque mane, et tunc auferunt de præsentia eius et decoquunt et manducant. Primo etiam imperatori faciunt idolum, quod ponunt in curru, ante quam stationem honorifice, sicut vidimus ante ordam imperatoris istius offerunt munera multa. Equos etiam offerunt ei, quos nullus audet ascendere vsque ad mortem. Alia etiam animalia eidem offerunt. Quæ vero occidunt ad manducandum, nullum os ex eis confringunt, sed igni comburunt. Et etiam ad meridiem tanquam Deo inclinant, et inclinare faciunt alios nobiles, qui se reddunt eisdem. Vnde nuper contigit quod Michael, qui fuit vnus de magnis ducibus Russiæ, cum iuisset ad se reddendum Bati, fecerunt eum prius inter duos ignes transire: Post hoc dixerunt, quod ad meridiem Cyngis inclinaret. Qui respondit, quod Bati et seruis suis inclinaret libenter, sed imagini hominis mortui non inclinaret, quia non licet hoc facere Christianis. Et cum sæpe diceretur, quod inclinaret, et nollet, mandauit ei prædictus per filium Ieroslai, quod occideretur si non inclinaret. [Sidenote: Martyrium Michaelis ducis Russiæ.] Qui respondit, quod potius vellet mori, quam hoc faceret, quia non liceret. At ille satellitem vnum misit, qui tam diu contra cor eum in ventre calce percussit, quousque deficeret. Tunc quidam de suis militibus quia astabat confortans eum dixit: Esto robustus quia hæc poena non diu tibi durabit, et statim sequetur gaudium sempiternum: post hoc fuit caput eius cultello præcisum. Militi vero prædicto fuit caput etiam cultello amputatum. Solem igitur lumina et ignem venerantur et adorant, et aquam et terram, eis cibonim et potus primitias offerentes, et mane potissime antequam comedant et bibant: quia de cultu Dei nullam legem obseruant. Neminem cogunt suam fidem vel legem negare. Accidit tamen dum adhuc nuper essemus in terra quod Andreas dux de Saruogle [Marginal note: Vel, Sciruogle. Andreas dux Russiæ.] quæ est in Russia fuit apud Bati accusatus, quod educeret equos Tartarorum de terra et venderet alias, et cum tamen non esset probatum fuit, occisus: quod audiens iunior frater eius, venit cum vxore occisi ad ducem prædictum Bati, volens supplicare, ne terra tolleretur eisdem. Qui dixit par esse, quod vxorem fratris carnalis prædicti duceret in vxorem: et mulieri præcepit ducere illum in virum secundum consuetudinem Tartarorum. Qui respondit, quod prius vellet occidi, quam faceret contra legem. At ille, nihilominous tradidit eam illi, quamuis renuerat quantum posset: et duxerunt ambo in lecto, et posuerunt puerum super illam plorantem et clamantem et cogerunt eos commisceri coactione non conditionali, sed absoluta. [Sidenote: De superstitiosis traditionibus eorum. [Greek: Ethelothraeskeia.]] Quamuis de iustitia facienda, vel peccato, cauendo nullam habeant legem, nihilominus tamen habent aliquas traditiones, quas dicunt esse peccata: quas confinxerunt ipsi et patres eorum. Vnum est, cultellum figere in igne, vel etiam quocunque modo tangere cum cultello: vel cum cultello extrahere carnes de caldario: iuxta ignem etiam incidere cum securi. Credunt etiam quod sic auferri caput debeat igni. Item appodiare se ad flagellum, cum quo percutitur equus: Ipsi enim calcaribus non vtuntur. Item tangere flagellis sagittas. Item iuuenes aues occidere, vel accipere: cum froeno equum percutere, Item os cum osse alio frangere. Item lac vel aliquem potum vel cibum super terram effundere. In statione mingere, sed si voluntarie facit occiditur: si autem aliter, oportet quod pecunia soluatur incantatori, qui purificet eos: faciat etiam stationem et ea quæ in ipsa sunt inter duos ignes transire. Sed antequam sic purificetur nullus audet intrare vel aliquid de ipsa portare. Item si alicui morsus imponitur, et deglutire non potest, et de ore suo eijcit eum, fit foramen sub statione, et extrahunt per illud foramen, et sine vlla misericordia occiditur. [Sidenote: [Greek: atheotaes].] Item si aliquis calcat limen stationis alicuius ducis interficitur eodem modo. Et multa habent similia, de quibus longum est narrare. Sed homines occidere, aliorum terras inuadere, res aliorum accipere, quocunque iniusto modo fornicari, alijs hominibus iniunari, facere contra Dei prohibitiones et Dei præcepta, nullum est peccatum apud eos. De vita æterna et damnatione perpetua, nihil sciunt. Credunt tamen quod post mortem in alio seculo viuant, greges multiplicent, comedant, bibant, et alia faciant, quæ in hoc seculo à viuentibus hominibus fiunt. Diuinationibus, augurijs, aruspicijs, veneficijs, incantationibus multum intendunt. Et cum à dæmonibus ipsis respondetur, credunt quod Deus ipsis loquatur, quem Deum vocant Itoga: sed Comani Cham, id est, imperatorem ipsum appellant, quem mirabiliter timent et reuerentur: ac oblationes offerunt multas, et primitias cibi et potus. Secundum autem responsa ipsius faciunt vniuersa. [Sidenote: Cultus luna.] In principio etiam lunationis vel plenilunio incipiunt quicquid noui agere volunt. Vnde illam magnum imperatorem appellant, eique genua flectunt et deprecantur. Solem dicunt esse matrem lunæ, eo quod lumen à sole recipiat. Et vt breuiter dicam per ignem credunt omnia purificari. Vnde cum nuncij veniunt ad eos, vel principes, vel qualescunque personæ, oportet ipsos et munera quæ portant per duos ignes transire, vt purificentur. Item si cadit ignis de coelo super pecora, vel super homines, quod ibidem sæpe contingit, siue aliquid talium euenerit eis, per quod immundos seu infortunatos se reputant, oportet similiter per incantatores mundari. Et quasi omnem spem suam in talibus posuerunt. [Sidenote: Ritus funebris.] Quando aliquis eorum infirmatur, ponitur in statione eius vna hasta, et contra illam filtrum circumuoluitur nigrum: et ex tunc nullus audet alienus postes stationum intrare. Et quando incipit agonizare, omnes recedunt ab eo; quoniam nullus de ijs qui morti eius assistunt, potest ordam alicuius ducis vel imperatoris vsque ad nouam lunationem intrare. Cum autem mortuus est, si est de maioribus, sepelitur occultè in campo vbi placuerit: sepelitur autem cum statione sedendo in medio eius, et ponunt mensam ante eum, et alueum carnibus plenum, et cyphum lactis iumentini: Sepelitur autem cum eo vnum iumentum cum pullo, et equus cum fræno et sella: et alium equum comedunt et stramine corium implent, et super duo vel quatuor ligna altius ponunt, vt habeat in alio mundo stationem vbi moretur, et iumentum de quo lac habeat, et, possit sibi equos multiplicare, et equos etiam in quibus valeat equitare. Aurum et argentum sepeliunt eodem modo cum ipso. Currus in quo ducitur frangitur, et statio sua destruitur, nec nomen proprium eius vsque ad tertium generationem audet aliquis nominare. Alius etiam est modus sepeliendi quosdam maiores. Vaditur in campo occultè, et ibi gramma remouent cum radicibus et faciunt foueam magnam, et in latere illius foueæ faciunt vnam sub terra, et illum seruum quem habet dilectum ponunt sub eo, qui iacet tam diu sub eo donec incipit agonizare, deinde extrahunt eum vt valeat respirare, et sic faciunt ter. Et si euadet, postea est liber, et facit quicquid ei placuerit, et est magnus in statione, ac inter parentes illius. [Sidenote: Idem mos sepeliendi fere in Florida.] Mortuum autem ponunt in foueam, quæ est in latere facta cum his quæ superius dicta sunt. Deinde replent foueam quæ est ante foueam suam, et desuper gramina ponunt, vt fuerant prius, ad hoc, ne locus vlterius vileat inueniri. Alia faciunt vt dictum est. In terra eorum sunt coemeteria duo. Vnum in quo sepeliuntur imperatores, duces et nobiles omnes: et vbicunque moriuntur, si congruè fieri potest, illuc deferuntur. Sepelitur autem cum eis aurum et argentum multum. Aliud est in quo sepeliuntur illi qui in Hungaria interfecti fuerunt: multi enim ibidem occisi fuerunt. Ad illa coemeteria nullus audet accedere præter custodes, qui ad custodiendum positi sunt ibidem. Et si aliquis accesserit, capitur, spoliatur et verberatur, et valde malè tractatur. Vnde nos ipsi nescientes intrauimus termmos coemeterij eorum qui in Hungaria occisi fuerunt, et venerunt super nos sagittæ volantes: sed quia eramus nuncij consuetudinem terræ nescientes, nos liberos dimiserunt abire. [Sidenote: Lustrationes ritus.] Parentes autem et omnes alij qui morantur in stationibus suis oportet purificari per ignem: quæ purificatio fit hoc modo. Faciunt duos ignes et duas hastas ponunt iuxta ignes et vnam cordam in summitate hastarum: et ligant super cordam illam quasdam scissuras de buccharamo: sub qua corda et ligaturis inter illos duos ignes transeunt homines, bestiæ et stationes: Et sunt duæ mulieres, vna hinc, et alia inde aquam projicientes, et quædam carmina recitantes. Et si aliqui currus ibi franguntur, vel etiam res ibi cadunt aliqus, incantatores accipiunt. Et si aliquis occiditur à tonitruo, omnes illos homines qui morantur in stationibus illis, oportet prædicto modo ignes transire. Statio, lectus, filtra, currus, vestes, et quicquid talium habuerint, à nullo tanguntur, sed tanquam immunda ab omnibus respuuntur.

De consuetudinibus bonis et malis et cibis eorum. Cap. 4.

Dicto de ritu, dicendum est de moribus: de quibus tractabimus hoc modo. Primo dicemus de bonis, secundo de malis: tertio de consuetudinibus: quarto de cibis. [Sidenote: Obedientia.] Prædicti homines, scilicet Tartari sunt magis obedientes Dominis suis quàm aliqui homines in hoc mundo, siue religiosi, siue seculares: et magis reuerentur eosdem: neque de facili mentiuntur eis. Verbis ad inuicem rarò aut nunquam contendunt, factis verò nunquam. Bella, rixæ, vulnera, homicidia inter eos non contingunt. [Sidenote: Abstinentia.] Prædones et fures magnarum rerum non inueniuntur inter eos. Vnde stationes et currus eorum, vbi habent thesauram suum setis aut vectibus non firmantur. Si aliquæ bestiæ perduntur, quicunque inuenent eas vel dimittit sic esse, vel ducit eas ad homines illos, qui positi sunt ad hoc. Homines autem quorum sunt bestiæ apud eosdem illas requirunt, et absque vlla difficultate recipiunt illas. [Sidenote: Comitas.] Vnus alium satis honorat: et ad inuicem sunt satis familiares: Et cibaria quamuis inter illos sint pauca, tamen inter se satis competenter communicant illa; et satis sunt sufferentes. [Sidenote: Temperantia.] Vnde quum ieiunant vno die vel duobus diebus nihil comedentes omninò de facili non videntur impatientes, sed cantant et ludunt quasi comederunt bene. In equitando multum sustinent frigus, et calorem nimium patiuntur. Non sunt homines delicati. Inuidi ad inuicem non videntur. Inter eos quasi nulla placita sunt: nullus alium spernit, sed iuuat et promouet quantum congruè potest. [Sidenote: Castitas mulierum.] Mulieres eorum sunt castæ: nec de impudicitia earum inter eas aliquid auditur. Verba tamen quædam ex eis in ioco satis habent turpia et impudica. Seditiones verò inter eas rarò vel nunquam audiuntur. Et quamuis multum inebrientur, in ebrietate sua tamen verbis vel facto nunquam contendunt. [Sidenote: Insolencia aduersus exteros.] Nunc de malis moribus eorum est supponendum. Superbissimi alijs hominibus sunt, et despiciunt omnes: ideò quasi pro nihilo reputant, siue nobiles sint, siue ignobiles. Vidimus euim in curia Imperatoris nobilem virum Ieroslaum. magnum Ducem Russiæ, filium etiam Regis et Reginæ Georgiæ, et Soldanos multos, duces etiam Soldanorum nullum honorem debitum recipere inter eos. Sed Tartari qui erant eis assignati, quantumcunque erant viles, antecedebant eos, et semper primum locum et summum tenebant: immò sæpè oportebat eos post posteriora sedere. [Sidenote: Iracundia Mendacitas.] Iracundi multum et indignantis naturæ sunt: et etiam alijs hominibus plus sunt mendaces, et fere nulla veritas inuenitur in eis. In principio quidem sunt blandi, sed in fine pungunt vt scorpio. [Sidenote: Fraudulentia Sordes.] Subdoli sunt et fraudulenti, et se possunt astutia circumueniunt omnes. Homines sunt immundi, sumendo cibum et potum, et alijs factis suis. Qui cum volunt aliquid mali facere alijs hominibus, miro modo occultant, vt præuidere non possint, vel contra eorum astutias remedium inuenire. [Sidenote: Temulentia.] Ebrietas honorabilis est apud eos: et quum multum quis bibit, ibidem reijcit, nec propter hoc dimittit quin iterum bibat. [Footnote: Chief engineer Melville, in his account of the adventures of the survivors of the "Jeanette" in the Lena Delta, gives a similar description of the drinking customs of the inhabitants of the Tundra .] Valdè sunt cupidi et auari, exactores maximi ad petendum: tenacissimi retentores, et parcissimi donatores. Aliorum hominum occisio pro nihilo est apud illos. [Sidenote: Exortio Crudelitas.] Et, vt breuiter dicam, omnes mali mores eorum propter prolixitatem in scripto redigi non possunt. [Sidenote: Cibi.] Cibi eorum sunt omnia quæ mandi possunt. Comedunt canes, lupos, vulpes, et equos; et in necessitate carnes humanas. Vnde quando pugnauerunt contra quandam ciuitatem Kytaorum, [Footnote: Query, the inhabitants of the province of Kutais, on the Euxine, or of Cathay?] vbi morabatur imperator ipsorum; eam obsederunt tam diu, quod defecerunt ipsis Tartaris omninò expensæ, Et quia non habebant quòd manducarent omninò, tunc accipiebatur de decem hominibus vnus ad manducandum. Abluuiones etiam quæ egrediuntur de iumentis cum pullis manducant. Imo vidimus etiam eos pediculos manducare: vidimus etiam eos commedere mures. Mensalibus et manutergijs non vtuntur: panem non habent, nec olera, nec legumina, nec aliquid aliud nisi carnes: et tam paucas habent, quòd aliæ nationes vix inde viuere possent. Cum pinguedine carnium multum polluunt manus: quando verò comederunt, tunc manus ad ocreas suas, vel ad gramina, vel ad aliquid talium tergunt. Solent etiam honestiores habere aliquos panniculos paruos, cum quibus vltimo tergunt manus, quando carnes manducarunt. Cibum vnius eorum incidit, et alius accipit cum puncto cultelli morsellos, et vnicuique prebet, quibusdam plus, quibusdam minus, secundum quod plus vel minus volunt eos honorare. Scutellas non lauant, et si aliquando cum brodio lauant carnium, iterum cum carnibus in olla reponunt. Ollas etiam vel caldaria, vel alia vasa ad hoc deputata si abluunt, simili modo lauant. Apud eos est magnum peccatum, si de cibo vel potu perire permittatur aliquid. Vnde ossa, nisi prins extrahatur medulla, dari canibus non permittunt. Vestes etiam non lauant, nec lauari permittunt et maximè quo tonitrua ab illa hora incipiunt donec desinant. Lac iumentinum bibunt in maxima quantitate si habent: bibunt etiam ouinum, caprinum, vaccinum, et camelorum. Vinum, ceruisiam, et medonem non habent, nisi ab alijs nationibus mittatur, vel donetur eisdem. In hyeme, nisi diuites sint, lac iumentinum non habent. Millium cum aqua decoquunt, quod tam tenue faciunt, quòd non comedere sed bibere possunt. Et vnus quisque ex eis bibit cyphum vnum vel duos in mane, et nil plus in die manducant. In sero vnicuique parum de carnibus datur, et brodium de carnibus bibunt. In æstate autem, quia tunc habent satis de lacte iumentino carnes rarò manducant, nisi fortè donentur eis, aut venatione aliquam bestiam ceperint, siue auem. [Sidenote: Poena adulterij.] Legem etiam siue consuetudinem habent occidendi virum et mulierem quos in adulterio inuenirent manifestè. Similiter et virginem si fornicata fuerit, mulierem occidunt et virum. [Sidenote: Furti. Arcani cuulgali.] Si aliquis inuenitur in præda vel in furto manifesto in terra potestatis eorum sine vlla miseratione occiditur. Item si aliquis eorum deundat consilium, maximè quando volunt ire ad bellum; centum plagæ dantur super posteriora, quanto maiores dare cum baculo magno vnus rusticus potest. Item quando aliqui di minoribus offendunt in aliquo à suis maioribus non parciter eis, sed verberibus grauiter affliguntur. Item inter filium concubinæ et vxoris nulla est differentia, sed dat pater vnicuique eorum quod vult, et si est de genere ducum, ita est dux filius concubinæ, sicut filius legitimus. [Sidenote: [Greek: Poligamia.]] Et cum vnus Tartarus habet multas vxores, vnaquæque per se suam stationem, et familiam habet; et cum vna comedit, et bibit, et dormit vna die, et altera die cum alia. Vna tamen ex ipsis maior est inter alias, et frequentius cum illa quam cum alijs commoratur. Et cum tam multæ sint inter se tamen de facili non contendunt, Viri nihil operantur omninò exceptis sagittis: et etiam de gregibus aliquantulam habent curam, sed venantur, et exercent se ad sagittandum: Omnes enim à paruo vsque ad magnum sagittarij sunt et boni. Et statim pueri eorum, cum sunt duorum annorum vel trium, incipiunt equitare. Equos eorum regunt et currunt in eis: et dantur eis arcus secundum suam ætatem, et instruunt ad sagittandum. Agiles enim sunt et audates valdè. Virgines et mulieres equitant, et agiliter in equis currunt vt viri. Vidimus enim eas arcus et pharetras portare. Et tam viri quam mulieres diu in equitando possunt durare. Breuissimas habent strepas: equos valde custodiunt; imo rerum omnium sunt magni conseruatores. [Sidenote: Foeminæ Metæ incognitæ eodem modo vestiuntur.] Mulieres eorum omnia operantur. Pellicia, vestes, calceos, ocreas, et omnia opera quæ de corio fiunt. Currus etiam ducunt et reparant camelos onerant, et velocissimæ sunt et strenuæ in omnibus operibus suis: foemoralibus omnes vtuntur: aliquæ, sicut viri, sagittant.

De ipsorum Imperio. Cap. 5.

Dicto de eorum consuetudinibus, dicendum est de eorum imperio. Et primò de ipsius principio. Secundò de principibus eius. Tertiò de dominio Imperatoris et principum. Terra quædam est in partibus Orientis, de qua dictum est suprà, quæ Mongol nominatur. Hæc terra quondam quatuor populos habuit. [Sidenote: Tartariæ populi Tartar fluuius.] Et vnus Yeka Mongol, id est, magni Mongali vocabatur Secundus Sumongol, id est Aquatici Mongali. Ipsi autem seipsos Tartaros appellabant, à quodam fluuio, qui currit per terram eorum, qui Tartar nominatur Allius appellatur Merkat, quartus Metrit. Hij populi omnes vnam formam personarum, et vnam linguam habebant: quamuis inter se per principes et prouincias essent diuisi. [Sidenote: Cygnis ortus et res gestæ.] In terra Yeka Mongol fuit qui vocabatur Cyngis. Iste incepit esse robustus venator coram Domino. Didicit enim homines furari, rapere, prædari. Ibat autem ad alias terras, et quoscunque potuit capere, et sibi associare non demittebat homines verò suæ gentis ad se inclinabat, qui tanquam ducem ipsum sequebantur, ad omnia malefacta. Hic autem incepit pugnare cum Sumongol, siue Tartaris postquam homines aggregauerat sibi, et interfecit ducem eorum, e multo bello omnes Tartaros sibi subiugauit et in suam seruitutem redegit. Post hæc cum omnibus his pugnauit, cum Merkat, qui erant positi iuxta terram Tartarorum, quos etiam bello sibi subiecit: Inde procedens pugnauit contra Metritas, et etiam illos deuicit. [Sidenote: Naymani.] Audientes itaque Naymani, quod Cyngis erat taliter eleuatus, indignati fuerant. Ipsi enim habuerant Imperatorem, qui fuerat strenuus valdè, cuidabant tributum omnes nationes prædictæ. [Sidenote: Fratres discordantes oppressi.] Qui debitum vniuersæ carnis exsoluens, filij eius successerunt loco eius; sed iuuenes erant et stulti, et populum nesciebant tenere sed inuicem diuisi erant et scissi: vnde medio tempore Cyngis erat taliter exaltatus, nihilominus, insultum faciebant in terras superius annotatas, viros et mulieres et pueros occidebant, et capiebant prædam eorum. Cyngis hoc audiens, omnes sibi subiectos homines aggregauit. [Sidenote: Kara Kitai.] Naymani et Kara Kitai, id est nigri Kitai, ex aduerso in quandam vallem strictam inter montes duos, per quam nos euntes ad imperatorem eorum transiuimus, similiter conueniunt: et commissum est prælium, in quo Naymani et Kara Kitai à Mongallis sunt deuicti, et maior pars eorum occisa: et alij qui euadere non potuerunt in seruitutem redacti sunt. [Sidenote: Occady-can.] In terra autem prædictorum Kara Kytaorum Occaday can filius Cyngis can, postquam positus fuit imperator, quandam ciuitatem, ædificauit, quam Omyl [Marginal note: Vel Chanyl.] appellauit. [Sidenote: Homines syluestres.] Propè quam ad meridiem est quoddam desertum magnum, in quo syluestres homines pro certo habitare dicuntur, qui nulla modo loquuntur, nec in cruribus habent iuncturas: et si quando cadunt, per se surgere sine adiutorio aliorum minime possunt, aliquantam tamen habent discretionem. Mongali autem in terram eorum reuertentes se contra Kytaos in prælium præparauerunt, qui castra mouentes terram eorum intrauerunt. [Sidenote: De mutua victoria Mongalorum et Kytaorum. Tartarorum Kytama clades.] Imperator autem Kytaorum hoc audiens venit contra eos cum exercitu suo; et commissum est prælium durum; in quo prælio Mongali fuerunt deuicti: et omnes nobiles Mongalorum qui erant in prædicto exercitu fuerunt occisi vsque ad septem. Cyngis verò et alij qui remanserunt in tetram suam fugerunt. Et quum aliquantulum quieuisset Cyngis, præparauit se rursus ad prælium et contra terram Huiyrorum processit ad bellum. Isti homines Christiani de secta Nestorianorum erant, quos etiam bello deuicit, et eorum literas acceperunt. Nam prius scripturam aliquam non habebant. [Sidenote: Nouæ victoriæ literæ.] Nunc autem eandem literam Mongallorum appellant. Inde processit contra terram Saruiuorum [Marginal note: Vel Saruiur.], et contra terram Karauitarum [Marginal note: Vel Karanitarum.], et contra terram Voyrat [Marginal note: Vel Hudirat.], et contra terram Comana, quas terras omnes deuicit. Inde est in teram suam reuersus. Et cum aliquantulum quieuisset, conuocans omnibus gentibus supradictis, contra Kytaos ad bellum processit, et cum diu contra eos pugnasset, magnam partem terræ Kytaorum vicerunt: Imperatorem autem eorum concluserunt in sua ciuitate maiori: quam cum tam diu obsiderunt, quod exercitui defecerunt expensæ, et cum non haberent quod manducarent, præcipit illis Cyngis can, quod de decem hominibus vnum darent ad manducandum. Illi autem de ciuitate pugnabant viriliter contra illos sagittis et machinis: [Sidenote: Argentum loco lapidum in hostem proiectum.] Et cum deficerent lapides, pro lapidibus proiecerunt argentum, et maximè liquefactum. Ciuitas enim hæc multis diuitijs erat plena. Et cum diu pugnassent, et eam bello vincere minimè possent, fecerunt vnam magnam viam sub terra ab exercitu vsque ad mediam ciuitatem, et aperientes subitò terram, eis nescientibus prosilierunt in medio ciuitatis, et pugnabant cum hominibus ciuitatis, et illi qui erant extra simili modo pugnabant, et concidentes portas intrauerant ciuitatem: [Sidenote: Kytai victi.] et occidentes Imperatorem et homines plures, ciuitatem possidebant: et aurum et argentum, et omnes diuitias abstulerunt. Et cum terræ prædictæ Kytaoram suos homines præfecissent, in terram propriam sunt reuersi. [Sidenote: Cyngis salutator Imperator. Kyathaiæ pars in mari posita. Kytaorum litera et religio.] Et tunc Imperatore Kytaoram deuicto factus est Imperator. Quandam autem partem terræ Kytaorum, quæ posita est in mari, vsque in hodiernum diem nullatenus deuicerunt. Kytai autem, de quibus superius diximus, homines sunt Pagani, qui habent literam specialem: et habent nouum et vetus Testamentum; et habent vitas patrum, et Erimitas et domos quasi Ecclesias factas, in quibus orant temporibus suis: Et dicunt se quosdam sanctos, habere. Vnum Deum colunt: Dominum nostram Iesum Christum honorant, et credunt vitam æternam, sed minimè baptizantur. Scripturam nostram honorant et reuerentur: Christianos diligunt, et Ecclesias faciunt plures. Homines benigni et humani satis videntur: barbam non habent, et in dispositione faciei satis concordant cum Mongalis, non tamen sunt in facie ita lati. [Sidenote: Opificiorum laus.] Linguam propriam habent: meliores artifices non inueniuntur in toto mundo in omnibus operibus, in quibus solent homines Terra eorum est opulenta valdè in frumento, vino, auro, argento, et serico, et omnibus rebus in quibus solet sustentari humana natura. Et cum aliquantulum quieuissent, suos exercitus diuiserunt. [Sidenote: Thossuch can Cyngis filius Comanos deuicit. India minor debellata.] Vnum de filijs Tossuch nomine, quem etiam Can appellabant, id est Imperatorem, misit cum exercitu contra Comanos, quos multo bello deuicit: et postquam vicerat eos in terram suam reuertabatur. Alium etiam filium misit cum exercitu contra Indos; qui Minorem Indiam deuicerunt. Hij autem nigri sunt Saraceni, qui Æthiopes nuncupantur. Hic autem exercitus contra Christianos, qui sint in India maiori in pugnaro processit. Quod audiens rex terræ illius, qui vulgò Presbyter Iohannes appellatur, venit contra eos exercitu congregato. [Sidenote: Presbyter Iohannes: eiusdem stratagema.] Et faciens imagines cupreas hominum in sella posuit super equos, ponens ignem interius, et posuit hominem cum folle post imaginem cupream super equum: et cum multis imaginibus, et equis taliter præparatis venerunt contra prædictos ad pugnandum. Et cum ad locum prælij peruenissent, istos equos vnum iuxta vnum præmiserunt. Viri autem, qui erant retro, posuerunt nescio quid super ignem qui erat in prædicta imagine, et cum follibus fortiter sufflauerunt. Vnde factum est, quod de fumo illo aer est denigratus. [Sidenote: Victoria de Tartaris. ] Et tunc super Tartaros iecerunt sagittas, ex quibus multi interfecti et vulnerati fuerunt. Et sic cum confusione eos de finibus suis eiecerunt: Et nunquam audiuimus, quod vltra ad eos redierunt. [Sidenote: De monstrosis mulieribus et canibus monstrosa narratio.] Cum autem per deserta redirent, in quandam terram venerunt in qua quædam monstra foemineas imagines habentia reperirunt. Et cum interrogassent eas per multos interpretes vbi essent viri terræ illius, responderunt quod in illa terra quæcunque foeminæ nascebantur, habebant formam humanam: Masculi verò formam caninam. Et dum moram protraherant in terra prædicta, Canes in alia parte conuenerunt in vnum: Et dum esset hyems asperrima, se omnes proiecerunt in aquam: et post hæc incontinenti in puluerem mouebantur, et ita puluis admixtus aquæ super eos congelauit: [Sidenote: Glacies.] et dum sæpè; hoc fecissent, glacies densa facta est super eos: Vnde cum magno impetu cum Tartaris conuenerunt ad pugnam. At illi quum sagittas super eos iactabant, ac si super lapides sagitassent, retro sagittæ redibant: Alia etiam arma eorum in nullo eos lædere potuerunt. Canes verò insultum facientes in eos morsibus vulnerauerunt, multos etiam occiderunt, et ita eiecerunt eos de finibus suis. [Sidenote: Burutabeth regio.] Et dum reuerteretur exercitus ille, venit ad terram Burutabeth, quos bello vicerunt: qui sunt Pagani. Qui consuetudinem mirabilem imo potius miserabilem habent. Quia cum aliquis patrum suorum humanæ naturæ debitum exsoluit, omnem congregant parentelam, et comedunt eum. [Sidenote: Incolarum mores.] Isti pilos in barba non habent: immo quoddam ferrum in manibus portant, cum quo barbam semper depilant, si fortè aliquis crinis crescit in ipsa: et multum etiam deformes sunt. Inde exercitus ille reuertebatur in terram suam. [Sidenote: Terra Kergis Orientalis.] Cyngis can etiam eo tempore quo diuisit exercitus illos, misit in expeditione contra Orientem per terram Kergis, quos bello non vicit: et vsque ad Caspios montes peruenit, montes autem illi sunt de lapide adamantino. Vnde eorum sagittas et arma ferrea ad se traxerant. Homines inter Caspios montes conclusos viderunt, quia iam montem fregerunt: sed nubes quædam erat posita ante ipsos, ad quam accedere non poterant vllo modo quia statim moriebantur, cum perueniebant ad illam. [Sidenote: Nota iter duorum mensium versus Orientem.] Sed antequam peruenirent ad prædictum montem plusquam per mensem vastam solitudinem transierunt. Inde procedentes adhuc contra Orientem plusquam per mensem per magnum desertum iuerunt. Et peruenerunt ad quandam terram, vbi viderunt vias tritas, sed nullum hominem noterant inuenire. [Sidenote: Troglodytæ.] Sed tantum quæsiuerant per terram, quod inuenerunt hominem cum vxore sua; quos ante Cyngis can adduxerunt. Et cum interrogasset vbi essent homines terræ illius, responderunt quod in terra sub montibus habitarent. At Cyngis can retenta vxore misit viram illum cum nuncijs suis mandans hominibus illis vt venirent ad mandatum ipsius. Illi verò euntes ad eos, narrauerunt omnia quæ Cyngis can mandauerat. Qui responderunt quod tali die venirent ad mandatum suum faciendum. Medio vero tempore congregauerunt se per vias occultas sub terra et venerunt contra istos ad pugnandum: et irruentes subitò super eos plurimos occiderunt. At illi, Cyngis can videlicet et sui fugam ineuntes, terram exierunt prædictam. Illos tamen homines, virum scilicet et mulierum secum duxerunt, qui vsque ad mortem in terra Tartarorum fuerunt. [Sidenote: Videtur hic sonitus fieri, et fragore glaciei, et niuium de montibus.] Interrogati verò quare sub terra habitarent, dixerunt quod vno tempore anni quum sol oritur, tantus souitus est, quod homines nulla ratione possunt sustinere. Immo etiam tunc percutiebant in organis et tympanis, et alijs instrumentis, vt illum sonitum non audirent. [Sidenote: Cyngis lex.] Et dum Cyngis de terra illa reuerteretur, defecerunt ei victualia et habebant maximam famem. Et tunc recentia interiora vnius bestiæ eos contigit inuenire: quæ accipientes, depositis tamen stercoribus decoxerunt: et coram Cyngis can portantes cum suis illa comedit. Et ex hoc statutum fuit ab eo, vt nec sanguis, nec interiora, nec aliquid de bestia quod manducari potest, exceptis stercoribus, proijciatur. Et deinde in terram propriam est reuersus: et ibidem leges et statuta multiplicia iecit, quæ Tartari non violabiliter obseruant. Ex quibus tantum duo dicemus. Vnum est, quod quicunque in superbia erectus, propria authoritate sine electione principum esse voluerit imperator, sine vlla miseratione debet occidi. Vnde ante electionem ipsius Cuynch propter hoc vnus de principibus, nepos ipsius Cyngis can fuit occissus. Volebat enim sine electione regnare. Aliud statutum est, quod sibi debent subiugare omnem terram: nec cum aliqua gente debent pacem habere, nisi prius eis subdatur, quo vsque veniat tempus occisionis eorum. Debent enim occidi, vt prophetatum est eis: Et illi qui euadere poterunt, vt dicunt, debent illam legem tenere quam tenent alij, qui eos bello deuincunt. Statuit etiam quod per millenarios, et centenarios et Decanos debeat eorum exercitus ordinari. [Sidenote: Interitus.] Post hoc ab ictu tonitrui esc occisus, peractis suis ordinationibus and statutis. Hic autem habuit quatuor filios: Vnus vocabatur Occoday, secundus Tossuch can, tertius Thaaday et nomen quarti ignoramus. [Sidenote: Liberi.] Isti quatuor filij cum alijs maioribus qui tunc erant, primum filium videlicet Occoday elegerunt imperatorem, filij autem istius Occoday Cuyne, qui nunc est imperator, Cocthen et Cyrenen. [Sidenote: Nepotes.] Et si plures habuerit filios ignoramus. Filij autem Tossuch can Bati: iste est ditior et potentior post imperatorem: Ordu, iste est senior omnium ducum: Syban, Bora, Bercuthanth: aliorum filiorum Tossuch can nomina ignoramus. Filij Thaaday sunt Burin et Chadan, nomina aliorum filiorum nescimus. Alterius autem filij Cyngis can, cuius nomen nescimus, filiorum nomina sunt hæc. Vnus vocatur Mengu, cuius mater est Seroctan. Ista domina inter omnes Tartaros, excepta matre imperatoris, est magis nominata: et potentior est omnibus excepto Bati. Alius vocatur Becas. Alios filios habuit plures, sed eorum nomina ignoramus. [Sidenote: Duces.] Hæc sunt ducum nomina. Ordu: iste fuit in Polonia et in Hungaria: Bati, Cathan, Syban, Bureth. Omnes isti fuerunt in Hungaria, Cyrpodan iste est adhuc vltra mare contra Soldanum Damasci. Isti remanserunt in terra: Mangu, Cuthen, Syrennen, Hybilay, Syremum, Synocur, Thuatamur, Cyragay, Sybedey, senex quidam miles inter eos, Bora, Berca, Mauci, Choranca: sed iste inter alios est minimus. Alij verò duces sunt plures, sed eorum nomina ignoramus.

[Sidennote: Imperatoris Tartarorum seruile in omnes imperium.] Imperator autem Tartarorum habet mirabile dominium super omnes. Nullus audet in aliqua parte morari, nisi ipse assignet ei. Ipse autem assignat vbi maneant duces: millenarij centenarijs. Centenarij decanis. Insuper quicquid præcipitur in quocunque tempore quocunque loco, siue ad bellum, siue ad mortem, siue ad vitam, sine vlla contradictione obediunt. Etiam si petit filiam virginem vel sororem, sine contradictione dant ei. Aut singulis annis, aut intermissis aliquibus annis virgines colligit ex omnibus finibus Tartarorum. Si ipse vult sibi retinere aliquas retinet: alias dat suis hominibus, sicut videtur ei expedire. Nuncios quoscunque quotcunque et vbicunque transmittit, oportet quod dent ei sine mora equos subdititios et expensas. Vndecunque venerint ei tributa vel nuncij, oportet quod equi, currus, et expensæ similter dentur eis. [Sidenote: Inhumanitas erga Legatos.] Nuncij qui veniunt aliunde in magna miseria sunt in victu pariter et vestitu: quia expensæ viles sunt et paucæ: et maximè cum veniunt ad principes, et ibi debent moram contrahere. Tunc ita parum datur decem hominibus, quod inde vix possint viuere duo. Nec etiam in curijs principum, nec in via datur eis comedere, nisi semel in die, et satis parum. Insuper si aliquæ iniuriæ sibi fiunt, conqueri de facili minimè possunt. Vnde eos oportet illa patienter portare. Insuper multa tam à principibus, quam ab alijs nationibus et minoribus ab eis exiguntur: et si non daretur, vili pendunt eos, immò quasi pro nihilo habent eos. Et si à magnis viris mittuntur, nolunt ab eis modicum munus habere: sed dicunt: A magno homine venistis, et cur modicum datis? et accipere dedignantur. Et si nuncij benè volunt facere facta sua, oportet eos dare maiora. Idcirco magnam partem rerum, quæ nobis à fidelibus erant datæ, oportuit nos de necessitate muneribus dare. Et sciendum, quod ita omnia sunt in manu imperatoris prædicti, quod nemo audet dicere, hoc est meum vel illius; sed omnia sunt Imperatoris, res, iumenta, et homines. Et super hoc etiam nuper emanauit Imperatoris statutum. Idem dominium per omnia habent duces super homines suos. Diuisi enim sunt homines Tartari, videlicet etiam alij inter duces. Nuncij etiam ducum, quocunque eos transmittunt, et homines tam Imperatoris quàm alij omnes equos subdititios et expensas, et qui equos custodiant, et etiam nuncijs seruiant sine contradictione dare tenentur. Imperatori autem iumenta vt habeat ex eis lac ad annum vel ad duos, vel ad tres, sicut placuerit ei, tam duces quàm alij pro redditu dare tenentur. Et homines ducum idem facere tenentur dominis suis. Inter eos enim nullus est liber. Et vt breuiter dicam, Quicquid Imperator et duces volunt, et quantum volunt de rebus suis accipiunt. De personis etiam eorom disponunt per omnia, sicut volunt. [Sidenote: Occaday secundus Imperator Tartarorum.] Mortuo Imperatore, sicut superius dictum est, conuenerunt Duces et elegerunt Occoday filiam Cyngis can prædicti Imperatorem. Qui habito consilio principum diuisit exercitus. Bati, qui in secundo gradu attinebat ei, misit contra Altisoldanum, et contra terram Biserminorum. Hij erant Saraceni, et Komanicum loquebantur. Et cum intrasset terram illorum pugnauit contra eos, et bello eos sibi subiecit. Quædam autem ciuitas quæ Barthra [Marginal note: Barthra ciuitas vel Barchin.] dicitur, diu restitit ei, fecerant enim foueas multas in circuitu ciuitatis et operuerant illas; et quando illi veniebant cadebant in foueas. Vnde non potuerunt capere ciuitatem, donec illas foueas replessent. Homines autem de quadam ciuitate quæ vocatur Iakint [Marginal note: Vel Sarguit.] hæc audientes exierunt obuiam eis, se sponte in manus eorum tradentes: vnde ciuitas eorum non erat destructa, sed plures eorum occiderunt, et alios transtulerunt. Et accepto spolio ciuitatis, ipsam alijs hominibus repleuerunt. [Sidenote: Orna super Don fluuium.] Et venerunt contra ciuitatem quæ vocatur Orna. Ista ciuitas erat nimium populosa: Christiani ibi erant plures; Gazari videlicet, Rutheni, et Alani, et alij: nec non et Saraceni, Saracenorum enim erat dominium ciuitatis. Hæc autem ciuitas erat diuitijs multum plena. Est enim posita super fluuium qui vocatur Don, qui intrat in mare. Vnde est quasi portus: et forum maximum habebant de illa ciuitate alij Saraceni. Et cum non possent aliter deuincere, præciderunt fluuium, qui ciurrebat per ciutatem, et illam cum rebus omnibus submerserunt. Quo facto: postea intrauerunt terram Tortorum, qui similiter sunt Pagani: quam deuincentes, iuerunt contra Russiam, et fecerunt magnam stragem in terra Russiæ, ciuitates et castra destruxerunt, et homines occiderunt: [Sidenote: Kiouia ciuitas.] etiam Kiouiam quæ erat Metropolis Russiæ obsederunt: et cum diu obsedissent, illam ceperunt, et occiderunt homines ciuitatis. Inde procedentes pugnando destruxerunt totam Russiam. De Russia autem et Comania processerunt duces prædicti, et pugnauerent contra Hungaros et Polonos. Ex quibus Tartaris in Polonia, et in Hungaria plures interfecti fuerunt. Et si non fugissent, sed viriliter restitissent, Hungari exiuissent Tartari de finibus suis: quia tunc habuerant timorem, quod omnes fugere attentabant. Sed Bati vaginato gladio in faciem eis restitit, dicens: Nolite fugere: quia si fugitis nullus euadet: Et si debemus mori, moriamur omnes: quia futurum est, vt Cyngis can prædixit, quod interfici debeamus: Et si nunc est tempus, sustineamus. Et sic animati sunt et remanserunt, et Hungariam destruxerunt. [Sidenote: Morduanorum terra.] Inde reuertentes iuerunt in terram Morduanorum, qui sunt Pagani, et bello deuicerunt. [Sidenote: Bulgaria magna.] Inde procedentes contra Bileros, id est Bulgariam magnam, et ipsam destruxerunt omnino. [Sidenote: Hungaria magna.] Inde procedentes ad Aquilonem adhuc contra Bascart, id est, Hungariam magnam, et eos etiam deuicerant. [Sidenote: Parossitæ.] Inde egredientes iuerunt ad Aquilonem, et venerunt ad Parossitas qui habent paruos stomachos et os paruulum, nec manducant, sed decoquunt carnes: quibus decoctis ponunt se inter fumum et ollam, et recipiunt fumum, et de hoc solo reficiuntur: Sed etiam si aliquid manducant, hoc valdè modicum est. [Sidenote: Samogedi.] Inde procedentes venerunt ad Samogedos. Hij autem homines tantum de venationibus viuunt: tabernacula et vestes habent tantummodo de bestiarum pellibus. [Sidenote: Oceanus Septentrionails. Similes Frobisheri hominibus.] Inde vltra procedentes venerunt ad quandam terram super Oceanum, vbi inuenerunt quædam monstra quæ per omnia formam humanam habebant, sed pedes desinebant in pedes bouinos, et faciem per omnia habebant vt canis: duo verba loquebantur more humano et tertio latrabant vt canis: et sic per interualia temporum latratum interponebant: tum ad naturam suam redibant: et sic intelligi poterat quod dicebant: Inde redierant in Comaniam, et vsque nunc quidam ex eis morantur ibidem. [Sidenote: Expeditio Cyrpodanis.] Cyrpodan vero eodem tempore misit Occoday can cum exercitu ad meridiem contra Kergis, quos etiam bello deuicit. Hij autem homines sunt pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum consuetudo est talis. Cum pater moritur alicuius, præ dolore quasi vnam corrigiam in signum lamenti ab aure vsque ad aurem de facie sua leuant. [Sidenote: Armeni.] Quibus deuictis, ad meridiem iuit contra Armenos. [Sidenote: Hij videntur sagittasse balistis.] Sed cum per deserta transiret, etiam quædam monstra effigiem humanam habentia inuenerunt: sed non nisi vnum brachium cum manu, in medio pectoris, et vnum pedem habebant; et duo sagittarunt cum vno arcu, et isti ita fortiter currebant, quod equi eos inuestigare non poterant. Currebant enim saltando super illum vnum pedem, et cum essent fessi taliter eundo, ibant super manum et pedem, remouendo se quasi rota; et sic cum essent fessi iterum currebant secundum modum priorem: aliquos tamen occidebant ex eis. [Sidenote: Georgia.] Inde procedentes venerunt in Armeniam, quam bello vicerunt, et partem Georgiæ: et alia pars venit ad mandatum eorum; et quadraginta millia yperperorum singulis annis dederunt, et adhuc faciunt idem. [Sidenote: Terra Soldani Deurum.] Inde procedentes ad terram Soldani Deurum, qui erat satis magnus et potens, cum eo pugnauerunt et deuicerunt. [Sidenote: Terra Soldani Halapiæ.] Inde procedentes vltra de bellando et vincendo vsque ad terram Soldani Halapiæ et nunc terram illam impugnant, nec postea vsque in hodiernum diem in terram suam fuerunt reuersi. Alius exercitus iuit contra terram Calif de Baldach, quam sibi etiam subdiderunt: Et quadraginta bisantia exceptis Baldachinis et alijs muneribus omni die dant pro tributi: Et omni anno pro Calif, vt ad eos veniat, nuncios mittunt: qui cum tributo munera magna mittit, rogans vt eum supportent. Ipse vero imperator munera accipit et nihilominus vt veniat mittit pro eo.

Qualiter Tartari se habent in prælijs. Cap. 6.

Dicto de imperio, dicendum est hoc modo de bello. Primo de ordinatione acierum. Secundo de armis. Tertio de astutijs in congressione, quarto de crudelitate quam faciunt in captiuos. Quinto de oppugnatione castrorum et ciuitatum. Sexto de perfidia quam exercent cum hijs qui se reddunt eisdem. De ordinatione acierum dicemus hoc modo. Cyngis can ordinauit, vt decem hominibus præponeretur vnus: et ille secundum nos appellatur Decanus. Decem autem Decanis præponeretur vnus, qui centenarius nuncupatur: Decem vero Centenarijs præponeretur vnus qui millenarius nuncupatur decem millenarijs præponeretur vnus, et ille numerus vocatur tenebre apud eos. Cuncto vero exercitui præponnuntur duo duces vel tres, ita tamen quod habeant respectum ad vnum. Cum autem omnes sunt in bello si de decem hominibus fugit vnus vel duo, vel tres, vel etiam plures, omnes occiduntur. Et vt breuiter dicam, nisi communiter cedant, omnes qui fugiunt occiduntur. Item si vnus vel duo aut plures audacter ad pugnam accedunt, et decem alij non sequuntur etiam occiduntur. Item si vnus de decem vel plures capiuntur, et alij socij sui non liberant eos, etiam occiduntur. Duo arcus vel tres, vel vnum bonum ad minus, et tres pharetras magnas plenas de sagittis et vnam securim, et funes ad machinas trahendas habere debet vnusquisque. Diuites autem habent gladios acutos in fine, ex vna tantum parte incidentes, et aliquantulum curuos: et habent equum armatum, crura etiam tecta. Galeas et loricas quidam habent de corio in hunc modum formatas. Habent quasdam corrigias de boue ad latitudinem vnius manus, et bituminant tres vel quatuor simul, et ligant illos corrigiolis vel cordis. In corrigia superiori ponunt cordulas in fine; in inferiori ponunt in medio, et sic faciunt vsque ad finem. Vnde quum se inclinant in inferiores, corrigiæ superiores ascendunt et sic duplicantur super corpus, vel triplicantur. De coopertura equi faciunt quinque partes: ex vna parte faciunt vnam, ex alia parte faciunt aliam, quam partem ducunt à cauda vsque ad caput: quæ ligantur ad sellam, et post sellam in dorso et etiam in collo, super renes etiam partem aliam ponunt, vbi duæ partium ligaturæ iunguntur: in qua pecia faciunt vnum foramen, per quod caudas exponunt: et ante pectus ponant etiam vnam: quæ omnes protenduntur vsque ad crurium iuncturas. Et ante frontem laminam ferream ponunt, quæ ex vtraque parte colli partibus prædictis ligatur. Lorica vero etiam quatuor partes habet, vna pars protenditur à foemore vsque ad collum; sed est facta secundum dispositionem humani corporis: quia ante pectus est stricta; in rotundum obuoluitur circa corpus à brachijs inferius: Super humeros autem retro ad renes habent aliam peciam, quæ protenditur à collo vsque ad aliam peciam, quæ reuoluitur circa corpus: Super humeros autem istæ duæ peciæ anterior videlicet et posterior, ad duas laminas ferreas quæ sunt in vtroque humero fibulis connectuntur. Et in vtroque brachio vnam habent peciem, quæ ab humero protenduntur vsque ad manus, quæ etiam inferius sunt aptæ. Et in vtroque crure vnam habent peciam: quæ peciæ omnes fibulis coniunguntur. Galea autem superius est ferrea. Sed illud quod protegit in circuitu collum et gulam de corio fit. Et omnes istæ peciæ de corio sunt formatæ secundum modum superius annotatum. Quidam autem omnia quæ superius diximus habent de ferro in hunc modum formata. Vnam laminam tenuem ad latitudinem vnius digiti faciunt, et ad longitudinem palmæ vnius. Et in hunc modum faciunt laminas multas: et in vnaquaque lamina octo foramina paruula faciunt, et interius tres corrigias strictas et fortes ponunt, et laminas vnam super aliam ponunt, quasi ascendendo per gradus: et ligant laminas prædictas ad corrigias tenuibus corrigiolis, quas mittunt per foramina superius annotata: Et in superiori parte consuunt corrigiolam vnam, vt laminæ prædictæ bene et firmiter cohæreant sibi. Et faciunt ex laminis quasi corrigiam vnam, et postea ligant per pecias per omnia, sicut superius dictum est. Et ista faciunt tam ad equorum quam ad hominum armaturas. Et faciunt illa ita lucere, quod potest homo in eis faciem suam videre. Aliqui eoram lanceas habent: et in fine ferri lanceæ vnum habent vncum, cum quo trahunt hominem de sella si possunt. Longitudo saggitarum est duorum pedum et vnius palmæ, et duorum digitorum. Et quia diuersi sunt pedes, mensurum pedum geometricam ponimus. Duodecem grana hordei pollicis transuersio est. Sexdecem pollices transuersi faciunt vnum geometricum pedem. Ferramenta sagittarum sunt acutissima, et ex vtraque parte incidentia quasi gladius biceps, et semper portant limas iuxta pharetram ad acuendum sagittas. Ferramenta prædicta caudam habent acutam ad longitudinem vnius digiti, quam imponunt in lignum. Scutum habent de viminibus vel de virgulis factum. Saggitas habent alias ad sagittandum aues bestias et homines inermes ad trium digitorum latitudinem. Sagittas alias habent diuersimodas ad aues et bestias sagittandas. Quum ad bellum procedere volunt præcursores præmittunt, qui nihil secum portant præter filtra sua, equos et arma. Isti nihil rapiunt, domos non comburunt, bestias non occidunt: Sed tamen homines vulnerant et mortificant, et si non possunt aliud mittunt in fugam; multo libentius tamen occidunt, quam fugant, post istos sequitur exertitus, qui cuncta quæ inuenit accipit, et homines etiam, si inueniri possunt, accipiunt et occidunt. [Sidenote: Mos tranandi flumina.] Quum autem ad flumina perueniunt, hoc modo transeunt illa etiamsi sunt magna. Maiores vnum rotundum et leue corium habent, in quo in summitate per circuitum crebras faciunt ansas, in quibus funem imponunt, et stringunt ita quod in circuitu faciunt quendam ventrem, quem replent vestibus, et alijs rebus, et fortissime comprimunt ad imuicem: post hoc in medio ponunt sellas et alias res duriores: homines autem in medio sedent: et ligant et caudam equi nauem hanc taliter præparatam, et vnum hominum qui equum regat faciunt pariter cum equo ante natare: vel habent aliquando duos remos, et cum illis remigant vltra aquam, et sic transeunt fluuium. Equos vero pellunt in aqua, et vnus homo iuxta vnum equum, quem regit, natat: et alij equi illum sequuntur. Et sic transeunt aquas et flumina magna. Alij vero pauperiores vnam bursam de corio bene consutam vnusquisque tenetur habere: in qua bursa vel in quo sacco vestes et omnes res suas imponunt; et in summitate saccum fortissime ligant, et suspendunt ad caudam equi, et transeunt, vt suptadictum est. Sciendum est, quod cum vident hostes tunc vadunt ad eos, et vnusquisque iacit tres saggitas vel quatuor contra aduersarios: Et si vident quod eos superare non possunt, retro gradiuntur ad suos: Et hoc faciunt in fraudem, vt aduersarij eos sequantur ad loca vbi insidias paruerunt: Et si inimici eorum sequuntur ad prædictas insidias, circumdant eos et sic vulnerant et occidunt. Item si vident quod magnus exercitus est contra eos, aliquando diuertunt ab eo per vnam dietam vel duas, et aliam partem terræ inuadunt et spoliant: et interficiunt homines, et terra destruunt et deuastant. Et si vident quod hoc etiam facere non possunt, cedunt retro ad decem vel duo decem dietas: aliquando etiam morantur in loco tuto, quousque aduersariorum exercitus separetur, et tunc furtim veniunt, et depopulantur totam terram. In bellis etiam astutissimi sunt: quia iam per quadraginta annos et amplius cum alijs gentibus dimicarunt. Cum autem volunt ad pugnam accedere, omnes acies ordinant sicut deberent pugnare. Duces siue principes exercitus bellum non intrant, sed stant à longe contra inimicorum exercitum, et iuxta se habent pueros in equis et mulieres et equos. Et faciunt aliquando imagines hominum, et ponunt super equos. Hoc ideo faciunt, vt multitudo magna bellantium esse credantur. Contra faciem equorum vnam aciem captiuorum et aliarum gentium quæ sunt inter eos transmittunt: et forsitan aliqui Tartari vadunt cum eis. Alias acies fortiorum hominum longe mittunt à dextras et à sinistris, vt non videantur ab aduersarijs suis: et sic circumdant aduersarios et colligunt in medium, et pugnare incipiunt ex omni parte. Et cum sunt aliquando pauci, putantur ab aduersarijs qui circumdati sunt, esse multi. Et maxime cum videant illos, qui sunt cum duce vel principe exercitus pueros et mulieres et equos, et homines fictos, vt dictum est supra: quos credunt esse pugnatores: et per hoc terrentur et confunduntur. Et si forte aduersarij bene pugnant, faciunt eis viam vt fugiant: et statim cum fugere incipiunt, ab inuicem separati insequuntur eos, et plures tunc occidunt fuga, quàm mortificare possent in bello. Sciendum tamen est, quod si aliud possunt, non libenter congrediuntur, sed homines et equos sagittis vulnerant et occidunt. Munitiones in hunc modum expugnant. [Sidenote: Qualiter munitiones obsident.] Si est talis munitio ipsam circumdat, immo aliquando ita sepiunt, vt nullus ingredi vel exire possit. Expugnant fortissime machinis et sagittis: et nec die nec nocte cessant à prælio, vt illi qui sunt in munitionibus non quiescant. Ipsi Tartari quiescunt: quia acies diuidunt et vna succedit alteri in pugnam vt non nunium fatigentur. Et si eam taliter habere non possunt græcum proijciunt ignem. Imo solent aliquando accipere aruinam hominum quos occidunt, et liquefactum proijciunt super domos: Et vbicunque venit ignis super pinguedinem illam, quasi inextinguibiliter ardet. Et si ita non præualent, et si ciuitas illa vel castrum habeat flumen, obstruunt illud, vel faciunt alium alueum et submergunt illam munitionem si possunt. Si autem non possunt suffodiunt illam, et sub terræ armati in ipsam ingrediuntur. Et cum iam intrauerunt, vna pars ignem imponit vt comburatur: et alia pars cum illius munitionis hominibus pugnat. Si autem nec sic illam vincere possunt, castrum vel munitionem suam faciunt contra illam, vt ab inimicorum iaculis non grauentur, et contra illam multo tempore iacent: nisi forte exterius adiutorium exercitus qui pugnat cum eis adhibeat, et vi remoueant ipsos. [Sidenote: Punica fides.] Sed cum iacent ante munitionem, blande eis loquuntur, et multa promittunt, ad hoc vt se in eorum manus tradant: Et si illi se eis tradiderint, dicunt: Exite, vt secundum morem nostrum vos muneremus. Et cum illi ad eos exeunt, quærunt qui sunt artifices inter eos, et illos reseruant: alios autem, exceptis illis quos volunt habere pro seruis cum securi occidunt. Et si aliquibus alijs parcunt, vt dictum est, nobilibus et honestis nunquam parcunt. Et si forte aliquo casu contingente reseruant aliquos nobiles; nec prece nec precio vltra de captiuitate possunt exire. In bellis autem quoscunque capiunt occidunt, nisi forte velint aliquos reseruare vt habeant eos pro seruis. Occidendos autem diuidunt per centenarios, vt cum bipenni interficiantur ab eis. Ipsi vero post hoc diuidunt captiuos, et vnicuique seruo ad interficiendum dant decem aut plures vel pauciores, secundum quod maioribus placet.

De terris quas eorum dominio subiugarunt. Cap. 7.

Scripto quomodo pugnant, dicendum est de terris, quas eorum dominio subiugarunt. De quo isto modo scribemus. Primo dicemus quomodo faciunt cum hominibus pacem. Secundo de terrarum nominibus quas sibi subdiderunt. Tertio de tyrannide quam exercent in eis. Quarto de terris quæ viriliter restiterunt. Sciendum est quod cum nullis hominibus faciunt pacem, nisi subdentur eis, quia, vt dictum est supra, Cyngis can habent mandatum, vt cunctas si possunt sibi subijciant nationes. Et hæc sunt illa quæ petunt ab eis, vt vadant cum eis in exercitu contra omnem hominem quando placet, et vt dent decimam de omnibus tam de hominibus, quam de rebus. Computant enim decem, et vnum accipiunt. De puellis faciunt illud idem, quos in terram eorum deducunt et tenent eos pro seruis: reliquos numerant et ordinant secundum morem. Sed quando plene habent dominium super eos, si aliquid promiserunt eis nihil obseruant: sed quascunque possunt congrue occasiones inueniunt contra eos. Nam cum essemus in Russia, missus fuit Saracenorum ex parte Cuynthcan vt dicebatur et Bati et præfectus ille à quolibet homine qui habebat tres pueros vnum accipiebat: et quicunque viri non habebant vxores, illos deducebant, et faciebant de mulieribus etiam illud idem quæ viros legitimos non habebant. Pauperes etiam qui mendicando suum victum quærebant similiter deportabunt. [Sidenote: Vrsi albi.] Reliquos autem secundum eorum consuetudinem numerauit, præcipiens vt vnusquisque tam paruus quam magnus, et infans vnius diei, siue pauper siue diues esset, tale tributum præberet: vt scilicet daret vnum pellem albi vrsi, et vnum nigrum castorem, et vnum Zabulum, et vnam nigram pellem cuiusdam animalis quod in terra latibulum habet, cuius nomen nescio in latinum transferre, sed Teutonice dicitur illit [Marginal note: Vel Illic.]: [Sidenote: Dochon.] Poloni autem et Rutheni appellant illam Dochon: et vnam nigram pellem vulpinam. Et quicunque ista non dat, inter Tartaros debet duci, et in eorum redigi seruitutem. Mittunt etiam pro principibus terrarum, vt ad eos veniant sine mora: et cum venerint, debitum honorem nullum recipiunt, sed habentur vt aliæ viles personæ: et oportet vt eis munera magna præsentent, tam ducibus quam vxoribus eorum, et officialibus, millenarijs et centenarijs. Imo omnes generaliter, et ipsi etiam serui ab eis cum magna importunitate munera quærunt: Et non solum ab ipsis, sed etiam à nuncijs eorum cum mittuntur. Aliquibus etiam inueniunt occasiones vt eos occidant. Sicut de Michaele et alijs actum est. Aliquos vero alliciunt, quos permittunt redire. Aliquos etiam potionibus perimunt vel veneno. Eorum enim intentio est, vt ipsi soli dominentur in terra. Idcirco quærunt occasiones contra nobiles, vt eos occidant. Ab illis vero quos redire permittunt petunt eorum filios aut fratres, quos vlterius nunquam dimittunt. Sicut factum est de filio Ieroslai, et de quodam duce Alanorum, et alijs plurimis. Et si moritur pater vel frater siue hæres, filium vel fratrem nunquam dimittunt: immo illius principatum totaliter accipiunt sibi. [Sidenote: Solangi. Bascha, vox Tartarica qua vtuntur Turci.] Sicut de quodam Solangorum vidimus esse factum, Baschathos suos ponunt in terris eorum quos redire permittunt, quibus oportet vt ad nutum tam duces quam alij debeant obedire. Et si homines alicuius ciuitatis vel terræ non faciunt quod volunt, isti Baschathi imponunt eis, quod sunt Tartaris infideles: et sic ciuitatem illam vel terram destruunt et homines qui sunt in ea occidunt, per manum validam Tartarorum, qui ex mandato principis illius cui obedit terra illa veniunt eis nescientibus, et subito irruunt super eos: sicut nuper contigit cum in terra Tartarorum essemus de quadam ciuitate. Quod ipsummet de Ruthenis fecerunt in terra Comanorum. Et non solum princeps Tartarorum qui terram vsurpauit, sed præfectus ipsius, et quicunque Tartarus per ciuitatem illam siue terram transit quasi dominatur eidem, et maxime qui maior est apud eos. In super aurum et argentum, et alia quæ volunt et quando libet ad imperatorem vadant Tartarorum ad placitandum. Sicut nuper contigit de duobus filijs regis Georgiæ. Vnus enim erat legitimus, et alter de adulterio natus, qui vocabatur Dauid legitimus autem Melic vocabatur. Filio adulteræ terræ partem relinquebat pater. Alius vero, qui iunior erat, veniebat cum matre ad Tartarorum imperatorem, pro eo quod Dauid prædictus ad ipsum iter arripuerat veniendi. Mater alterius scilicet Melic regina Georgiæ, per quam maritus tenebat regnum, quia per foeminas illud regnum tenebatur, mortua fuit in via. Illi autem cum venerunt dederunt maxima munera: et maxime legitimus filius, qui repetebat terram quam reliquerat pater filio suo Dauid, cum non deberet habere, quia adulteræ filius erat. Ille vero respondit: Licet sim filius concubinæ, peto tamen vt fiat mihi iusticia secundum legem Tartarorum qui nullam differentiam faciunt inter filios legitimæ et ancillæ: vnde fuit data sententia contra filium legitimum, vt ille Dauidi qui maior erat subesset, et terram haberet quiete et pacifice, quam dederat ei pater: et sic donaria quæ dederat, et causam quam contra fratrem suum Dauid habuerat, amisit. Ab illis etiam nationibus quæ longe sunt ab eis, et coniunctæ sunt alijs nationibus quas aliquo modo timent, quæ non sunt eis subiecta, tributum accipiunt et quasi misercorditer agunt cum eis, vt non adducant exercitum super eos, vel etiam vt alij non terreantur, se tradere eis. Sicut factum est de Obesis siue Georgianis, à quibus quinquaginta vel quadraginta millia, vt dictum est, yperperorum siue Bysantiorum accipiunt pro tributo: alias ad hoc in pace esse permittunt. Tamen, secundum quod intelleximus ab eis, rebellare proponunt.

Terrarum nomina quas vicerunt sunt hæc. Kytai, Naymani, Solangi, Kara Kytai, siue nigri Kytai, Comania, Tumat, Vourat, Caraniti, Huyur, Soboal, Merkiti, Meniti, Baryhryur, Gosmit, Saraceni, Bisermini, Turcomani, Byleri magna Bulgaria, Baschare, magna Hungaria, Kergis, Colona, Thorati, Buritabeth, Parossiti, Sassi, Iacobiti, Alani, siue Assi, Obesi siue Georgiani, Nestoriani, Armeni, Cangiti, Comani Brutachi, qui sunt Iudæi, Mordui, Torci, Gazari, Samogedi [Sidenote: Samogedi aquilonares.], Perses, Thoas, India minor siue Æthiopia, Yrchasi, Rutheni, Baldach, Sarthi: Aliæ terræ sunt plures, sed earum nomina ignoramus. Vidimus etiam viros et mulieres fere de omnibus terris supra nominatis. Hæc autem sunt nomina Terrarum quæ eis viriliter restiterunt, nec sunt adhuc subditæ eis, India magna, Mangia; [Sidenote: Mangia.] Quædam pars Alanorum, Quædam pars Kytaorum, Sayi. Quandam enim ciuitatem Sayorum prædictorum obsederunt et debellare tentauerunt. At ipsi fecerunt machinas contra machinas eorum, et Tartarorum machinas omnes fregerunt, nec ciuitati appropinquare poterant ad pugnam contra machinas et balistas. Tandem vnam viam sub terra fecerunt, et prosiluerunt in ciuitatem, et alij tentabant incendere ciuitatem, alij pugnabant. Homines autem ciuitatis vnam partem populi ad extinguendum ignem posuerunt, et alia pars fortiter pugnabat cum hijs qui intrauerunt ciuitatem, et multos occiderunt ex eis, et alios vulnerauerunt, compellentes eos ad suos redire. At ipsi videntes quod nihil possent facere, et multi homines morerentur, recesserunt ab eis. In terra Saracenorum et aliorum vbi sunt quasi inter eos domini, accipiunt omnes artifices meliores, et in omnibus operibus suis ponunt. Alij autem artifices dant eis de opere suo tributum. Segetes omnes condunt in horreis dominorum: et vnicuique vnum pondus satis modicum dant in die: nihil aliud nisi ter in septimana modicum quid de carnibus eis prebent. Et illi hoc tantum artificibus faciunt qui in ciuitatibus commorantur. Item quando dominis placet iuuenes omnes accipiunt, et post se cum omnibus famulis suis ire cogunt: qui de cætero certo sunt numero Tartarorum; immo potius de numero captiuorum: quia etsi inter ipsos sunt numerati, non tamen habentur in reuerentia sicut Tartari; sed habentur pro seruis, et ad omnia pericula vt alij captiui mittuntur. Ipsi enim in bello sunt primi: Etiam si debet palus vel aqua periculosa transiri, eos oportet primo vadum tentare. Ipsos est etiam necesse operari omnia quæ sunt facienda. Ipsi etiam si in aliquo offendunt, vel si non obediunt ad nutum, vt asmi verberantur. Et vt breuiter dicam, modicum quid manducant, et etiam modicum bibunt, et pessime induuntur; nisi forte aliquid possunt lucrari, nisi sunt aurifabri et alij artifices boni. Sed aliqui tam malos dominos habent, quod nihil eis dimittunt, nec hadent tempus præ multitudine operum dominorum, vt sibi aliquid operentur, nisi furentur sibi tempus, quando forsitan debent quiescere vel dormire. Et hoc si vxores vel propriam stationem permittuntur habere. Alij autem qui tenentur in domo pro seruis omni miseria sunt repleti. Vidi enim eos ire in bracis sæpissime, et toto corpore nudos in maximo solis ardore. Et in hyeme patiuntur maximum frigus. Vidimus etiam aliquos pedicas et digitos manuuni de magno frigore perdidisse. Audiuimus etiam alios esse mortuos, vel etiam de magno algore quasi in omnibus membris inutiles esse, factos.

Quomodo bello occurratur Tartaris. Cap. 8.

Dicto de terris, quæ obediunt eis, supponendum est quomodo bello occurratur eisdem. Quod videtur nobis hoc modo dicendum. Primo scribendum est quid intendunt. Secundo de armis et ordinatione acierum. Tertio quomodo occurratur astutijs eorum in congressione. Quarto de munitione castrorum et ciuitatum. Quinto quid faciendum sit de captiuis eorum. Intentio Tartarorum est subijcere sibi totum mundum si possunt. Et de hoc Cyngischan habent mandatum, sicut superius dictum est. Idcirco eorum imperator sic in literis suis scribit: "Dei fortitudo, Omnium imperator." Et in superscriptione sigilli sui hoc habet: "Dominus in coelo, et Cuynch Chan super terram. Dei fortitudo, omnium hominum imperatoris sigillum." Et ideo cum nullis hominibus faciunt pacem, vt dictum est, nisi forte se in eorum manibus tradunt. Et quia excepta Christianitate nulla est terra in orbe quam timent, idcirco se ad pugnam præpararunt contra nos. Vnde nouerint vniuersi quod nobis existentibus in terra eorum in solenni curia, quæ iam ex pluribus annis indicta erat, fuimus, vbi elegerunt Cuynch imperatorem in presentia nostra, qui in lingua eorum dicitur Chan. Qui Cuynch Chan prædictus erexit cum omnibus principibus vexillum contra ecclesiam dei et Romanum imperium, et contra omnia regna Christianorum et populos occidentis, nisi forsan facerent ea, quæ mandat Domino Papæ, et potentibus ac omnibus Christianorum populis Occidentis: quod nulla ratione faciendum est: tum, propter nimiam seruitutem et intolerabilem, quæ est hactenus inaudita, quam vidimus oculis nostris, in quam redigunt omnes gentes sibi subiectas: tum propterea quod nulla in eis est fides: nec potest aliqua gens confidere in verbis eorum: quia quicquid promittunt non obseruant, quando vident sibi tempora fauere: et subdoli sunt in omnibus factis et promissis eorum. Intendunt etiam delere omnes principes, omnes nobiles, omnes milites de terra, vt superius dictum est: sed hoc faciunt subdole et artificiosem subditos suos. Tum etiam quia indignum est quod Christiani subdantur eisdem, propter abominationes eorum, et quia in nihilum redigitur cultus dei, et animæ pereunt, et corpora vltra quam credi possit multitudine affliguntur. In primo quidem sunt blandi, sed postea vt scorpio cruciant et affligunt. Tum quia pauciores sunt numero, et corpore debiliores quam populi Christiani. In prædicta autem curia sunt bellatores et principes et exercitus assignati. De decem hominibus mittuntur tres cum familijs eorum, de omni terra potestatis eorum. Vnius exercitus debet intrare per Hungariam: secundus per Poloniam. Veniunt autem pugnaturi continue octodecem annis. Tempus est etiam eis assignatum. In Martio an. Dom. 1247, si de terra sua mouebunt. Venient autem in tribus vel in quatuor [Marginal note: Forte mensibus.] annis vsque ad Comaniam. De Comania autem insultum facient in terras superius annotatas. Hæc omnia firma sunt et vera, nisi dominus aliquod impedimentum pro sua gratia faciat eis. Sicut fecit quando venerunt in Hungariam et Poloniam. Debebant enim procedere tunc pro certo triginta annis. Sed interfectus fuit tunc imperator eoram veneno: et propter hoc quieuerunt à prelijs vsque nunc. Sed modo, quia positus est imperator de nouo, iterum se de nouo ad pugnam incipiunt præparare. [Sidenote: Tartari proponunt inuadere Liuoniam at Prussiam.] Adhoc sciendum est, quod imperator dixit ore suo, quod vellet mittere exercitum in Liuoniam et Prussiam. Et quoniam omnem terram volunt delere vel in seruitutem redigere, quæ seruitus est intolerabilis nostræ genti, et superius dictum est: Occurrendum est igitur eis in bello. Sed si vna prouincia non vult alteri opem ferre, terra illa delebitur contra quam pugnant, et cum illis hominibus quos capiunt pugnabunt contra aliam terram; et in acie erunt primi. Si male pugnant occidentur ab eis: Si autem bene, ipsos cum promissis adulationibus tenent: et etiam vt ab ipsis non fugiant promittunt eis quod facient eos dominos magnos et post hoc quando securi esse possunt de ipsis, vt non redeant, faciunt eos infoelicissimos seruos. Ac de mulieribus quas volunt in concubinas tenere pro seruitijs faciunt illud idem. Et ita cum hominibus deuictæ prouinciæ destruunt aliam terram. Nec est aliqua prouincia quæ per se possit resistere eis: quia de omni terra potestatis eorum, vt dictum est homines congregint ad bellum. Vnde si Christiani seipsos et suam terram et Christanitatem volunt seruare, oportet quod in vnium conueniant reges, principes et barones, et terrarum rectores, et mittant de communi consilio homines contra eos ad pugnam, antequam ipsi incipiunt in terras diffundi. Quoniam postquam incipiunt spargi per terras, vndique homines quærunt, et nullus congrue auxilium alteri potest præbere: quoniam ipsi cateruatim vndique quærunt homines et occidunt. Et si claudunt se in castris, ponunt tria millia vel quatuor millia hominum contra castrum vel ciuitatem, qui obsideant eam; et ipsi nihilominus diffunduntur per terras homines occidentes. Quicunque autem volunt pugnare cum eis, hæc arma debent habere. Arcus bonos et fortes, et balistas quas multum timent, et sagittas sufficientes: et bonum dolabrum de bono ferro, et scutum cum longo manubrio. [Sidenote: Temperamentum ferri.] Ferramenta sagittarum de arcu vel de balista debent, vt Tartari, quando sunt calida, temperari in aqua cum sale mixta, vt fortia sint ad penetrandum arma eorum. Gladios et etiam lanceas cum vnco, qui valeant ad trahendum eos de sellis: quia de eis facillime cadunt; ac cultellos ac loricas duplicatas; quia illos eorum sagittæ non penetrant; et galeam et arma alia ad protegendum corpus et equum ab armis et sagittis eorum. Et si aliqui non sunt ita bene armati, vt dixit; debent ire post alios vt faciunt Tartari: et trahere contra eos de armis et sagittis. Nec debent parcere pecuniæ, quoniam comparent arma, vt possint animas et corpora, libertatem et res alias conseruare. Acies debent ordinari, vt ipsi, per millenarios, centenarios, et decanos et duces exercitus: qui duces nequaquam debent prælium intrare, sicut nec duces eorum, sed debent exercitus videre et ordinare: legemque debent ponere vt simul incedant ad bellum, siue alias, sicut sunt ordinati. Et quicunque relinquit alium siue ad bellum procedentem, siue pugnantem, vel quicunque fugerit, nisi omnes communiter cedant, grauissime puniatur: quia tunc pars bellantium sequitur fugientes, et sagittis eorum occidunt, et pars cum hijs qui remanent pugnant, et sic confunduntur et occiduntur remanentes et fugientes. Similiter quicunque conuersus fuerit ad prædam tollendam, antequam omnino sit exercitus contrariorum deuictus, maxima poena mulctetur. Talis enim apud Tartaros sine vlla miseratione occiditur. Locus ad præliandum est eligendus, si fieri potest vt campus sit planus, et possint vndique videre: et si possunt habeant syluam magnam à tergo vel à latere. Ita tamen quod non possunt intrare inter ipsos et syluam: nec debent simul omnes conuenire in vnum, sed facere acies multas, et diuersas ab inuicem nec tamen multum distantes. Et contra illos qui post veniunt debent vnam aciem mittere qui eis occurrat. Et si Tartari simulant fugam, non multum vadant post eos, nisi forte quantum possunt videre, ne forte ipsos ad paratas insidias trahant, sicut facere solent: Et alia sit parata ad muandum aciem illam, si fuerit opportunum. [Sidenote: Speculatores.] Insuper habeant speculatores ex omni parte, vt videant quando veniant aliæ acies Tartarorum retro, à dextris et à sinistris et semper debent mittere aciem contra aciem quæ eis occurrat. Ipsi enim semper nituntur concludere aduersarios eorum in medio, vnde magnam cautelam debent habere ne hoc facere possint, quia sic exercitus facillime debellatur. Omnes acies hoc debent cauere, ne diu currant post eos, propter insidias quas solent præparare: plus enim fraudulentia quàm fortitudine pugnant. Duces exercitus semper debent esse parati ad mittendum adiutorium, si necesse est, illis qui sunt in pugna, et propter hoc etiam debent vitare nimium cursum post eos: ne forte fatigentur equi eorum; quoniam nostri multitudinem equorum non habent. Sed Tartari illum quem equitant vna die, illum non ascendunt in tribus vel in quatuor diebus post hoc. Vnde non curant si fatigentur equi eorum propter multitudinem quam habent. Et si Tartari cedunt, non tamen nostri debent recedere, vel ab inuicem separari: quia simulando hoc faciunt, vt exercitus diuidatur, et post hoc terram libere ingrediantur, et eam destruant. Debent etiam cauere vt non faciant nimias expensas, vt solent; ne propter penuriam redire compellantur, et dent Tartaris viam, vt ipsos et alios occidant et destruant omnem terram; et propter eorum superfluitatem nomen Domini blasphemetur. Et hoc debent facere diligenter vt si contingat aliquos pugnatores recedere, quod alij loco eorum succedant. Duces etiam nostri debent die nocteque facere exercitum custodiri, ne repente et subito irruant super ipsos quia Tartari vt dæmones, multas excogitant iniquitates et artes nocendi: Immo tam de die quam de nocte semper debent esse parati: sed nec spoliati debent iacere nec deliciose ad mensam sedere, ne imparati inueniantur, quia Tartari semper vigilant, vt possint nocere. Homines vero teræ qui Tartaros expectant, vel super se timent venire, occultas foueas debent habere, in quibus sagittas, et alia debent reponere, propter duo: vt videlicet Tartari non possint ea habere; et si propitius fuerit eis Deus, valeant ea postea inuenire; Eis fugientibus de terra, debent foenum et stramina comburere, vt equi Tartarorum ad comedendum minus inueniant. Ciuitates autem et castra si volunt munire, videant prius qualia sint in situ. Situs enim talis debet esse in castris, quod machinis et sagittis expugnari non possit: et aquam habeant sufficientem et lignum, et si fieri potest, quod introitus et exitus eis tolli non possit: et quod habeant homines sufficientes qui possint vicissim pugnare. Et debent vigilare diligenter ne aliqua astutia possint castrum furari. Expensas ad multos annos debent habere sufficientes: custodiant tamen diligenter illas, et in mensura manducent, quia nesciunt quanto tempore eos in castris oportet esse inclusos. Quum enim incipiunt, tunc multis annis obsident vnum castrum. [Sidenote: Obsidio 12 annorum.] Sic fit hodierna die in terra Alanorum de quodam monte, quem, vt credo, tam obsederunt per duodecem annos; qui viriliter restiterunt, et multos Tartaros et nobiles occiderunt. Alia autem castra et ciuitates, quæ talem situm non habent debent fortiter vallari foueis profundis munitis, et muris bene præparatis; et arcus et sagittas sufficientes: et lapides ac fundas debent habere. Et debent diligenter cauere, quod non permittant Tartaros ponere machinas suas; et suis machinis debent eos repellere. Et si forte aliquo ingenio vel arte erigunt lartari machinas suas, debent eas destruere machinis suis si possunt. Balistis etiam, fundis et machinis debent resistere ne ciuitati appropinquent. Aliàs etiam debent esse parati, vt superius dictum est. De castris et ciuitatibus, quæ sunt in fluminibus positæ, diligenter debent videre ne possint submergi. Sed ad hoc sciendum est, quod Tartari plus diligunt, quod homines claudant se in ciuitatibus, quàm quod pugnent cum eis in campo. Dicunt enim eos esse suos por cellos in hara conclusos. Vnde ponunt eis custodes, vt supradictum est. Si autem aliqui Tartari de equis suis in bello proijciuntur, statim sunt capiendi: quia cum sunt in terra fortiter sagitant, et equos et homines vulnerant et occidunt. Et si seruantur tales, potest esse, quod habeatur pro eis pax perpetua, aut pecunia magna redimantur: quoniam se adinuicem satis diligunt. Sed quomodo Tartari cognoscantur, superius dictum est vbi forma eorum fuit expressa. Tamen quando capiuntur, si debent seruari, ne fugiant diligens est custodia adhibenda. Sunt etiam aliæ multæ gentes cum eis, quæ per formam superius annotatam possunt ab ipsis cognosci. Est etiam hoc sciendum, quod multi in exercitu eorum sunt, qui si viderent tempus, et haberent fiduciam, quod nostri non occiderent eos, ex omni parte exercitus, sicut ipsimet nobis dixerunt, pugnarent cum eis, et plura malá facerent ipsis, quàm alij, qui sunt eorum aduersarij manifesti.

* * * * *

The long and wonderful voyage of Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini, sent ambassadour by Pope Innocentius the iiii. An. Do. 1246. to the great CAN of Tartaria; wherin he passed through Bohemia, Polonia, Russia, and so to the citie of Kiow vpon Boristhenes, and from thence rode continually post for the space of sixe moneths through Comania, ouer the mighty and famous riuers of Tanais, Volga, and Iaic, and through the countries of the people called Kangittæ, Bisermini, Kara-Kitay, Naimani, and so to the natiue countrie of the Mongals or Tartars, situate in the extreme Northeasterne partes of all Asia: and thence backe againe the same way to Russia, and Polonia, and so to Rome; spending in the whole voyage among the sayd Tartars one whole yeere and aboue foure moneths. Taken out of the 32. booke of Vincentius Beluacensis his Speculum historiale.

LIBRI XXXII.

De prima missione Fratrum Prædicatorum et Minorum ad Tartaros. Cap. 2.

[Sidenote: Ascelinus.] Hoc etiam tempore misit Innocentius IIII. Papa Fr. Ascelinum de ordine Prædicatorum cum tribus alijs Fratribus, auctoritate, qua fungebantur, de diuersis ordinis sui conuentibus sibi associatis, cum literis Apostolicis ad exercitum Tartarorum, in quibus hortabatur eos, vt ab hominum strage desisterent, et fidei veritatem reciperent. [Marginal note: Vide Mechouium lib. I cap. 5.] [Sidenote: Simon Sanquintinianus.] Et ego quidem ab vno Fratrum Prædicatorum, videlicet à Fr. Simone de S. Quintino, iam ib illo itinere regresso, gesta Tartarorum accepi, illa duntaxat, quæ superius per diuersa loca iuxta congruentiam temporum huic operi inserui. [Sidenote: Ioannes de Plano Carpini.] Siquidem et eo tempore quidam Frater ordinis Minorum, videlicet Fr. Iohannes de Plano Carpini, cum quibusdam alijs missus fuit ad Tartaros, qui etiam, vt ipse testatur, per annum et quatuor menses et amplius cum eis mansit, et inter eos ambulauit. [Sidenote: Benedictus Polonus.] A summo namque Pontifice mandatum, vt omnia, quæ apud eos erant, diligenter scrutaretur, acceperat, tam ipse, quàm Fr. Bendictus Polonus eiusdem ordinis, qui suæ tribulationis particeps et socius erat. [Sidenote: Libellus historialis Iohannis de Plano Carpini.] Et hic ergo Fr Ioannes de his, quæ apud Tartaros vel oculis proprijs vidit, vel à Christianis fide dignis, qui inter illos captiui erant, audiunt, libellum historialem conscripsit qui et ipse ad manus nostras peruenit. De quo etiam hic quasi per epilogum inserere libet aliqua, videlicet ad supplementum eorum, quæ desunt in prædicta Fr Simoms historia.

The same in English.

The voyage of Iohannes de Plano Carpini vnto the Northeast parts of the world in the yeere of our Lord, 1246.

Of the first sending of certaine Friers Prædicants and Minorites vnto the Tartars, taken out of the 32 Booke of Vincentius Beluacensis [Footnote: Vincentius Belvacensis, or of Beauvais who died in 1264 was a favourite of Louis IX of France, who supplied him with whatever books he required. He thus obtained plenty of material for his Speculum Majus (printed at Douay in 1624, 10 vols. in 4, folio), a badly chosen and ill-arranged collection of extracts of all kinds. It is in four parts the first called Speculum naturale the second, Speculum doctrinale , the third Speculum morale and the fourth Speculum Historiale .] his Speculum Historiale beginning at the second Chapter.

[Sidenote: Ascellinus.] About this time also, Pope Innocentius the fourth sent Frier Ascelline being one of the order of the Prædicants, together with three other Friers (of the same authoritie whereunto they were called) consorted with him out of diuers Conuents of their order, with letters Apostolicall vnto the Tartars campe: wherein hee exhorted them to giue ouer their bloudie slaughter of mankinde, and to receiue the Christian faith. [Sidenote: Simon Quintinianus.] And I in verie deede, receuied the relations concerning the deedes of the Tartars onelie, (which, according to the congruence of times, I haue aboue inserted into this my woorke) from a Frier Minorite called Simon de Sanct. Quintin who lately returned from the same voyage. [Sidenote: Iohn de Plano Carpini.] And at that verie time also, there was a certaine other Frier Minorite, namely Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini, sent with certaine associates vnto the Tartars, who likewise (as himselfe witnesseth) abode and conuersed with them a yeere and three moneths at the least. [Sidenote: Benedictus Polonus.] For both he and one Frier Benedict a Poloman being of the same order, and a partaker of all his miserie and tribulation, receiued straight commaundement from the Pope that both of them shoulde diligently searche out all things that concerned the state of the Tartars. And therefore this Frier Iohn hath written a litle Historie (which is come to our hands) of such things, as with his owne eyes hee sawe among the Tartars, or which he heard from diuers Christians worthy of credit, remaining there in captiuitie. Out of which historie I thought good by way of conclusion, to insert somewhat for the supply of those things which are wanting in the said Frier Simon.

De situ et qualitate terræ Tartarorum. Cap. 3.

Iohannes de Plano Carpini.

[Sidenote: Tartariæ descriptio.] Est in partibus Orientis terra, quæ Mongal siue Tartaria dicitur, in ea scilicet parte sita, in qua Oriens Aquiloni coniungi creditur. Ab Oriente quidem habet terram Kythaorum et etiam Salangorum, à meredie verò terram Sarracenorum. Inter Orientem [Marginal note: Vel Occidentem.] et meridiem terram Huynorum, et ab Occidente prouinciam Naymanorum, ab Aquilone verò circundatur Oceano. In parte aliqua nimium est montuosa, et in aliqua campestris, sed tota ferè admixta glarea plurimum arenosa, nec est in centesima parte fructuosa. Nec enim potest fructum portare, nisi aquis fluuialibus irrigetur, quæ ibi sunt rarissimæ. Vnde nec villæ nec aliquæ ciuitates ibidem reperiuntur, excepta vna, quæ Cracurim appellatur, et satis bona esse dicitur. [Sidenote: Syra orda.] Nos quidem illam non vidimus, sed ad dimidiam dietam prope fuimus, cum apud Syram ordam, quæ curia maior Imperatoris, eorum est, essemus. Licet autem aliàs infructifera sit illa terra, tamen alendis pecoribus est apta. In aliqua eius parte sunt aliquæ syluæ modicæ, alia verò sine lignis est omninô. [Sidenote: Aëris intemperies.] Itaque tam Imperator quàm Principes, et omnes alij sedent, et cibaria sua decoquunt ad focum, de boum et equorum stercoribus factum. Ipse quoque aër inordinatus est ibidem mirabiliter. In media siquidem æstate ibi tonitrua magna et fulgura fiunt, ex quibus plurimi occiduntur homines, et eodem quoque tempore cadunt ibidem maximæ niues. [Sidenote: Orda quid.] Sunt et ibi ventorum frigidissimorum tam maximæ tempestates, quòd aliquando vix possunt equitare homines. Vnde cùm ante ordam essemus (sic enim apud eos stationes Imperatoris et Principum appellantur) præ venti magnitudine in terra prostrati iacebamus, et videre propter pulueris magnitudinem minimè poteramus. Nunquam ibi pluit in hyeme, sed frequenter in æstate, et tam modicum, vt vix posset aliquando puluerem et radicem graminum madefacere. Ibi quoque maxima grando cadit sæpè. Vnde cum Imperator electus in sede regni debuit poni, nobis in curia tunc existentibus, tanta cecidit grando, quod ex subita resolutione plusquam CLX. homines in eadem curia fuerunt submersi. Res etiam et habitacula plura fuerunt deducta. Ibi etiam est in æstate subito calor magnus, et repentè maximum frigus.

The same in English.

Of the situation and qualitie of the Tartars land, by Iohannes de
Plano Carpini. Chap. 3.

[Sidenote: A description of Tartaria.] There is towards the East a land which is called Mongal or Tartaria, lying in that parte of the worlde which is thought to be most North Easterly. On the East part it hath the countrey of Kythay [Footnote: Or Cathay.] and of the people called Solangi: on the South part the countrey of the Saracens: on the South east the land of the Huini: and on the West the prouince of Naimani: [Sidenote: The North Ocean.] but on the North side it is inuironed with the Ocean Sea. In some part thereof it is full of mountaines, and in other places plaine and smoothe grounde, but euerie where sandie and barren, neither is the hundreth part thereof fruitefull. For it cannot beare fruite vnlesse it be moistened with riuer waters, which bee verie rare in that countrey. Whereupon they haue neither villages, nor cities among them, except one which is called Cracurim, and is said to be a proper towne. [Sidenote: Syra Orda.] We our selues sawe not this towne, but were almost within halfe a dayes iourney thereof, when we remained at Syra Orda, which is the great court of their Emperour. And albeit the foresaid lande is otherwise vnfruitfull, yet it is very commodious for the bringing vp of cattell. In certaine places thereof are some small store of trees growing, but otherwise it is altogether destitute of woods. Therefore the Emperour, and his noble men and all other warme themselues, and dresse their meate with fires made of the doung of oxen, and horses. [Sidenote: The intemperature of the aire.] The ayre also in that countrey is verie intemperate. For in the midst of Sommer there be great thunders and lightnings, by the which many men are slaine, and at the same time there falleth great abundance of snowe. There bee also such mightie tempestes of colde windes, that sometimes men are not able to sitte on horsebacke. [Sidenote: What Orda signifieth.] Whereupon, being neere vnto the Orda (for by this name they call the habitations of their Emperours and noble men) in regarde of the great winde we were constrained to lye groueling on the earth, and could not see by reason of the dust. There is neuer any raine in Winter, but onely in Sommer, albeit in so little quantitie, that sometimes it scarcely sufficeth to allay the dust, or to moysten the rootes of the grasse. There is often times great store of haile also. Insomuch that when the Emperour elect was to be placed in his Emperiall throne (my selfe being then present) there fell such abundance of haile, that, vpon the sudden melting thereof, more than 160 persons were drowned in the same place: there were manie tentes and other thinges also carried away. Likewise, in the Sommer season there is on the sudden extreame heate, and suddenly againe intolerable colde.

De forma et habitu et victu eorum. Cap. 4.

[Sidenote: Tartarorum species.] Mongalorum autem siue Tartarorum forma ab omnibus alijs hominibus est remota. Inter oculos enim, et inter genas, lati sunt plus cæteris, genæ quoque satis prominent à maxillis. Nasum habent planum et modicum, oculos etiam paruos, et palpebras vsque ad supercilia eleuatas, ac super verticem in modum Clericorum coronas. [Sidenote: Tonsura.] Ex vtraque parte frontis tondendo, plusquam in medio crines longos faciunt, reliquos autem sicut mulieres crescere permittunt. De quibus duas cordas faciunt, et vnamquamque post aurem ligant. Pedes quoque modicos habent. [Sidenote: Habitus.] Vestes tam virorum quàm mulierum vno modo formatæ sunt. Pallijs vel cappis vel caputus non vtuntur. Tunicas verò miro modo formatas portant de buccaramo, vel purpurato, vel baldaquino. Pellicium habet pilos exterius, sed apertum est à posterioribus. Habet tamen caudulam vnam vsque ad genua retrò. [Sidenote: Vestes retro caudatæ.] Vestes suas non lauant, nec lauari permittunt, et maximè à tempore, quo tonitrua incipiunt vsquequo desinat illud tempus. [Sidenote: Tabernacula.] Stationes habent rotundas in modum tentorij de virgulis et baculis subtilibus præparatas. Supra vero in medio rotundam habent fenestram, vnde ingrediatur lumen, et fumus exire possit: quia semper in medio faciunt ignem: parietes autem et tecta filtro sunt operta Ostia quoque de filtro sunt facta Harum quædam subitò soluuntur, et reparantur, et super summarios deferuntur: quædam verò dissolui non possunt sed in curribus portantur. Et quocunque siue ad bellum siue aliàs vadunt, semper illas secum deferunt. [Sidenote: Opes in pecore.] In animalibus valde diuites sunt, vt in Camelis et bobus capris et ouibus. Iumenta et equos habent in tanta multitudine quantam non credimus totum mundi residuum habere. Porcos autem et alias bestias non habent. Imperator ac Duces atque alij magnates in auro et argento ac serico et gemmis abundant. Cibi eorum sunt omnia, quæ mandi possunt. [Sidenote: Victus.] Vidimus eos etiam manducare pediculos. Lac bibunt animalium, et in maxima quantitate, si habent, iumentinum. Porro in hyeme, quia nisi diuites sint, lac iumentinum non habent, millium cum aqua decoquunt, quod tam tenue faciunt, vt illud bibere valeant. Vnde quilibet eorum scyphum bibit vnum vel duos in mane, et quandoque nihil amplius manducant in die. In sero autem vnicuique datur de carnibus modicum, et bibunt ex eis brodium. Porrò in æstate quando satis habent de lacte iumentino carnes comedunt rarò, nisi fortè donentur eisdem, aut venatione bestiam aliquam ceperint vel auem.

The same in English.

Of their forme, habite, and manner of liuing. Chap. 4.

The Mongols or Tartars, in outward shape, are vnlike, to all other people. [Sidenote: The shape of the Tartars.] For they are broader betweene the eyes and the balles of their cheekes, then men of other nations bee. They haue flat and small noses, litle eyes and eye liddes standing streight vpright, they are shauen on the crownes like priests. They weare their haire somewhat longer about their eares, then vpon their foreheads: but behinde they let it growe long like womans haire, whereof they braide two lockes binding eche of them behind either eare. They haue short feet also. [Sidenote: Their habite.] The garments, as well of their men, as of their women are all of one fashion. They vse neither cloakes, hattes, nor cappes. But they weare Iackets framed after a strange manner, of buckeram, skarlet, or Baldakines. [Sidenote: Like vnto Frobishers men.] Their shoubes or gownes are hayrie on the outside, and open behinde, with tailes hanging downe to their hammes. They vse not to washe their garments, neither will in any wise suffer them to bee washed, especially in the time of thunder. [Sidenote: Their tabernacles.] Their habitations bee rounde and cunningly made with wickers and staues in manner of a tent. But in the middest of the toppes thereof, they haue a window open to conuey the light in and the smoake out. For their fire is alwayes in the middest. Their walles bee couered with felt. Their doores are made of felte also. Some of these Tabernacles may quickely be taken asunder, and set together againe, and are caried vpon beastes backes. Other some cannot be taken insunder, but are stowed vpon carts. And whithersoeuer they goe, be it either to warre, or to any other place, they transport their tabernacles with them. [Sidenote: Their cattell.] They are very rich in cattel, as in camels, oxen, sheep, and goats. And I thinke they haue more horses and mares then all the world besides. But they haue no swine nor other beasts. Their Emperors, Dukes, and other of their nobles doe abound with silk, gold, siluer, and precious stones. [Sidenote: Their victuals.] Their victuals are al things that may be eaten: for we saw some of them eat lice. They drinke milke in great quantitie, but especially mares milke, if they haue it: They seeth Mill also in water, making it so thinne, that they may drinke thereof. Euery one of them drinkes off a cup full or two in a morning, and sometime they eate nought else all the day long. But in the euening each man hath a little flesh, giuen him to eate, and they drinke the broath thereof. Howbeit in summer time; when they haue mares milk enough, they seldome eate flesh, vnles perhaps it be giuen them, or they take some beast or bird in hunting.

De moribus eorum bonis et malis. Cap. 5.

Habent autem mores quosdam quidem commendabiles, et quosdam detestabiles. [Sidenote: [Greek: peitharchia].] Magis quippe sunt obedientes Dominis suis, quàm aliqui qui in mundo sint homines, siue religiosi siue seculares. Nam eos maximè reuerentur, nec illis de facili mentiuntur verbis factisue: rarò vel nunquam ad inuicem contendunt, belláque vel rixæ, vulnera vel homicidia nunquam inter eos contingunt. [Sidenote: Abstinentia.] Prædones etiam ac fures rerum magnarum ibi nequaquam inueniuntur, ideoque stationes et currus eorum, vbi thesauros habent, seris aut vectibus non firmantur. Si aliqua bestia perdita fuerit, quicunque inuenit eam vel dimittit, vel ad illos, qui ad hoc positi sum, eam ducit. [Sidenote: Comitas. Temperantia.] Apud quos ille, cuius est bestia, illam requirit, et absque vlla difficultate recipit. Vnus alium satis honorat, et familiaritatem ac cibaria, quamuis apud eos sint pauca, liberaliter satis communicat. Satis etiam sunt sufferentes, nec cùm ieiunauerint vno die, vel duobus, omninò sine cibo, videntur impatientes, sed cantant et ludunt, ac si bene comedissent. In equitando multum sustinent frigus, calorem quoque nimium patiuntur. Inter eos quasi nulla placita sunt, et quamuis multum inebrientur, tamen in ebrietate sua nunquam contendunt. Nullus alium spernit, sed iuuat et promouet, quantum congruè potest. [Sidenote: Castitas.] Castæ sunt eorum mulieres, nec aliquid inter eos auditur de ipsarum impudicitia. Quædam tamen turpia satis habent et impudica. [Sidenote: Insolentia aduersus exteros.] Porrò erga cæteros homines ijdem Tartari superbissimi sunt, omnesque nobiles et ignobiles quasi pro nihilo reputantes despiciunt. Vnde vidimus in curia Imperatoris magnum Russiæ ducem, et filuim regis Georgianorum, ac Soldanos multos et magnos nullum honorem debitum recipere apud eos. [Sidenote: Iracundia.] Quinetiam Tartari eisdem assignati, quantumcunque viles essent illos antecedebant, sempérque primum locum et summum tenebant, imò etiam sæpè oportebat illos post eorum posteriora sedere. Præterea iracundi sunt, et indignantis naturæ multum erga cæteros homines, et vltra modum erga eosdem mendaces. In principio quidem blandi sunt, sed postmodum vt Scorpiones pungunt. [Sidenote: Fraudulentia.] Subdoli enim et fraudulenti sunt, et omnes homines si possunt astutia circumueniunt. [Sidenote: Sordes. Temulentia.] Quicquid mali volunt eis facere, miro modo occultant, vt sibi non possint prouidere, vel contra eorum astutias remedium inuenire. Immundi quoque sunt in cibo et potu sumendis, et in cæteris factis suis. Ebrietas apud illos est honorabilis: cùmque multum aliquis biberit, ibidèmque reijcit, non ideo cessat, quin iterim bibat. [Sidenote: [Greek: dorodoxia.]] Ad petendum maximi sunt exactores, tenacissimi retentores, parcissimi donatores. Aliorum hominum occisio apud illos est pro nihilo.

The same in English.

Of their manners both good and bad. Chap. 5.

[Sidenote: Their obedience.] Their manners are partly prayse-worthie, and partly detestable: For they are more obedient vnto their lords and masters, then any other either clergie or laie-people in the whole world. For they doe highly reuerence them, and will deceiue them, neither in wordes nor deedes. They seldom or neuer fall out among themselues, and, as for fightings or brawlings, wounds or manslaughters, they neuer happen among them. [Sidenote: Their abstinence] There are neither theeues nor robbers of great riches to be found, and therefore the tabernacles and cartes of them that haue any treasures are not strengthened with lockes or barres. If any beast goe astray, the finder thereof either lets it goe, or driueth it to them that are put in office for the same purpose, at whose handes the owner of the said beast demaundeth it, and without any difficultie receiueth it againe. [Sidenote: Their courtesie.] One of them honoureth another exceedingly, and bestoweth banquets very familiarly and liberally, notwithstanding that good victuals are daintie and scarce among them. They are also very hardie, and when they haue fasted a day or two without any maner of sustenance, they sing and are merry as if they had eaten their bellies full. In riding, they endure much cold and extreme heat. There be, in a maner, no contentions among them, and although they vse commonly to be drunken, yet doe they not quarrell in their drunkennes. Noe one of them despiseth another but helpeth and furthereth him, as much as conueniently he can. [Sidenote: Their chastity.] Their women are chaste, neither is there so much as a word vttered concerning their dishonestie. Some of them will notwithstanding speake filthy and immodest words. [Sidenote: Their insolencie against strangers.] But towards other people, the said Tartars be most insolent, and they scorne and set nought by all other noble and ignoble persons whatsoeuer. For we saw in the Emperours court the great duke of Russia, the kings sonne of Georgia, and many great Soldanes receiuing no due honour and estimation among them. So that euen the very Tartars assigned to giue attendance vnto them, were they neuer so base, would alwaies goe before them, and take the vpper hand of them, yea, and sometimes would constraine them to sit behinde their backes. Moreouer they are angrie and of a disdainfull nature vnto other people, and beyond all measure deceitfull, and treacherous towards them. They speake fayre in the beginning, but in conclusion, they sting like scorpions. For craftie they are, and full of falshood, circumuenting all men whom they are able, by their sleights. Whatsoeuer mischiefe they entend to practise against a man they keepe it wonderfully secrete so that he may by no meanes prouide for himselfe, nor find a remedie against their conspiracies. They are vnmanerly also and vncleanly in taking their meat and their drinke, and in other actions. Drunkennes is honourable among them, and when any of them hath taken more drinke then his stomacke can well beare, hee casteth it vp and falles to drinking againe. They are most intollerable exacters, most couetous possessours, and most nigardly giuers. The slaughter of other people is accompted a matter of nothing with them.

De legibus et consuetudinibus eorum. Cap. 6.

[Sidenote: Poena adulterij.] Hoc autem habent in lege siue consuetudine, vt occidant viros et mulieres, si quando inueniantur in adulterio manifestè. Similiter etiam virginem, si fornicata fuerit cum aliquo, occidunt eam cum eo. [Sidenote: Furti.] Præterea si aliquis in præda vel furto manifesto inuenitur, sine vlla miseratione occiditur. Item si quis denudauit consilia, maximè quando volunt ad bellum procedere, dantur ei super posteriora centum plagæ, quanto maiores vnus rusticus cum magno baculo potest dare. [Sidenote: Arcani euulgati.] Similiter cum aliqui de minoribus offendunt in aliquo, non eis à maioribus suis parcitur, sed verberibus grauiter affliguntur. Matrimonio autem generaliter coniunguntur omnibus, etiam propinquis carne, excepta matre et filia et sorore ex eadem matre. Nam sororem tantùm ex patre, et vxorem quoque patris, post eius mortem solent ducere. Vxorem etiam fratris alius frater iunior, post eius mortem, vel alius de parentela, tenetur ducere. [Sidenote: Andreas Dux Russiæ. Vide Herbersteinium de rebus Moschoui. pag. 8. b.] Vnde, dum adhuc essemus in terra, Dux quidam Russiæ, Andreas nomine, apud Baty, quòd equos Tartarorum de terra educeret, et alijs venderet, accusatus est: quod licet non esset probatum, occisus est. Hoc audiens iunior frater, et vxor, occisi, pariter venerunt ad præfatum Ducem, supplicare volentes, ne terra auferretur eisdem. At ille paruo præcepit, vt fratris defuncti duceret vxorem, mulieri quoque vt ilium in virum duceret, secundum Tartarorum consuetudinem. Quæ respondit, se potius occidi velle, quàm sic contra legem facere. At ille nihilominus eam illi tradidit quamuis ambo renuerunt, quantum possent. Itàque ducentes eos in lectum, clamantem puerum et plorantem super illam posuerunt, ipsosque commisceri pariter coëgerunt. Deníque post mortem maritorum, vxores. Tartarorum non de facili solent ad secunda coniugia transire, nisi fortè quis velit soronam aut noueream suam ducere. Nullo verò differentia est apud eos inter filium vxoris et concubinæ, sed dat pater quod vult vnicuique Itàque si sunt etiam ex Ducum genere, ita fit Dux filius concubinæ, sicut filius vxoris legitmæ. [Sidenote: Melich et Dauid fratres Georgiani.] Vnde cùm rex Georgiæ duos filios nuper, vnum scilicet nomine Melich legitimum alterum verò Dauid ex adulterio natum haberet, moriensque terræ partem adulteræ filio reliquisset, Melich, cui etiam ex parte matris regnum obuenerat, quia per foeminas tenebatur, perrexit ad Imperatorem Tartarorum, eo quòd et Dauid iter arripuerat ad ilium Ambobus igitur ad curiam venientibus, datísque maximis muneribus petebat adulteræ filius, vt fieret ei iustitia secundum morem Tartarorum. [Sidenote: [Greek: polygamia.]] Datáque est sententia contra Melich, vt Dauid, qui maior erat natu, subesset, ac terram à patre sibi concessam quietè ac pacificè possideret. Cùmque Tartarorum vnus habet vxorum multitudinem, vnaquæque per se suam habet familiam et stationem. Et vna die Tartarus comedit et bibit et dormit cum vna, altera die cum alia. Vna tamen inter cæteras maior habetur cum qua frequentius quam cum alijs commoratur Et licet vt dictum est, sint multæ, nunquam tamen de facili contendunt inter se.

The same in English.

Of their lawes and customes. Chap. 6.

[Sidenote: Punishments of adultery.] Moreouer, they haue this law or custome, that whatsoeuer manor woman be manifestly taken in adultery, they are punished with death. A virgine likewise that hath committed fornication, they slay together with her mate. [Sidenote: Of theft. Of secretes disclosed.] Whosoeuer be taken in robberie or theft, is put to death without all pitie. Also, if any man disclose their secrets, especially in time of warre, he receiueth an hundreth blowes on the backe with a bastinado, layd on by a tall fellow. In like sort when any inferiours offend in ought, they finde no fauour at their superiours handes, but are punished with grieuous stripes. [Sidenote: Lawes of matrimonie.] They are ioyned in matrimony to all in generall, yea, euen to their neare kinsfolkes except their mother, daughter and sister by the mothers side. For they vse to marrie their sister by the fathers side onely, and also the wife of their father after his decease. The yonger brother also, or some other of his kindred, is bound to marry the wife of his elder brother deceased. [Sidenote: Andreas duke of Russia.] For, at the time of our aboad in the countrey, a certaine duke of Russia named Andreas, was accused before duke Baty for conueying the Tartars horses out of the land, and for selling them to others: and although it could not be prooued, yet was he put to death. His yonger brother and the wife of the party deceased hearing this, came and made their supplication vnto the forenamed duke, that the dukedome of Russia might not be taken from them. But he commanded the youth to marrie his deceased brothers wife, and the woman also to take him vnto her husband, according to the custome of the Tartars. She answered, that she had rather die, than so haynously transgresse the law. Howbeit, hee deliuered her vnto him, although they both refused as much as they could. Wherefore carying them to bed, they constrained the youth, lamenting and weeping, to lie down and commit incest with his brothers wife. To be short, after the death of their husbands, the Tartars wiues vse very seldome to marrie the second time, vnlesse perhaps some man takes his brothers wife or his stepmother in marriage. They make no difference betweene the sonne of their wife and of their concubine, but the father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one: [Sidenote: Melich and Dauid two brothers.] For of late the king of Georgia hauing two sonnes, one lawfully begotten call Melich; but the other Dauid, borne in adulterie, at his death left part of his lande vnto his base sonne. Hereupon Melich (vnto whome the kingdome fell by right of his mother, because it was gouerned before time by women) went vnto the Emperour of the Tartars, Dauid also hauing taken his iourney vnto him. Nowe bothe of them commmg to the court and proffering large giftes, the sonne of the harlot made suite, that he might haue iustice, according to the custome of the Tartars. Well, sentence passed against Melich, that Dauid being his elder brother should haue superioritie ouer him, and should quietly and peaceably possesse the portion of land granted vnto him by his father. Whensoeuer a Tartar hath many wiues, each one of them hath her family and dwelling place by her selfe. And sometime the Tartar eateth, drinketh and lieth with one, and sometime with another. One is accompted chiefe among the rest, with whom hee is oftener conuersant, then with the other. And notwithstanding (as it hath bin said) they are many, yet do they seldome fal out among themselues.

De superstitiosis traditionibus ipsorum. Cap. 7.

[Sidenote: [Greek: ethelothræskeia].] Quibusdam verò traditionibus indifferentia quædam esse peccata dicunt, quas vel ipsi vel antecessores eorum confinxerunt. Vnum est, cultellum in ignem figere, vel quocunque modo ignem cultello tangere, vel etiam de caldaria cum cultello carnes extrahere, vel cum securi iuxta ignem incidere. Credunt enim, quòd sic auferri debeat caput igni. Aliud est appodiare se ad flagellum, quo percutitur equus: ipsi enim non vtuntur calcaribus. Item flagello sagittas tangere, iuuenes aues capere vel occidere, cum fræno equum peroutere, os cum osse alio frangere. Itémque lac, vel aliquem potum aut cibum super terram effundere, in statione mingere. Quod si voluntariè facit, occiditur, si autem aliter, oportet quòd pecuniam multam incantatori soluat, à quo purificetur. Qui etiam faciat, vt statio cum omnibus, quæ in ipsa sunt, inter duos ignes transeat. Antequam sic purificetur, nullus audet intrare, nec aliquid de illa exportare. Præterea si alicui morsellus imponitur, quem deglutire non possit, et ilium de ore suo eijcit, foramen sub statione fit, per quod extrahitur, ac sine vlla miseratione occiditur. [Sidenote: [Greek: atheotaes].] Iterum si quis caleat super limen stationis Ducis alicuius, interficitur. Multa etiam habent his similia, quæ reputant peccata. At homines occidere, aliorum terras inuadere, ac res illorum diripere, et contra Dei præcepta vel prohibitiones facere, nullum apud eos est peccatum. De vita æterna et damnatione perpetua nihil sciunt. Credunt tamen, quòd post mortem in alio seculo viuant, gregesque multiplicent, comedant et bibant, et pætera faciant, quæ hic à viuentibus fiunt. [Sidenote: Cultus lunæ.] In principio lunationis vel in plenilunio incipiunt, quicquid noui agere volunt, ipsamque Lunam Imperatorem magnum apellant, eàmque deprecantes genua flectunt. Omnes, qui morantur in stationibus suis, oportet per ignem purificari. [Sidenote: Lustrationis ritus.] Quæ scilicet purificatio fit hoc modo. Duos quidem ignes faciunt, et duas hastas iuxta eos, vnamque cordam in summitate hastarum ponunt. Ligantque super cordam illam quasdam de Bucaramo scissiones, sub qua scilicet corda et ligaturis inter illos ignes transeunt homines, ac bestiæ ac stationes. Sunt etiam duæ mulieres, vna hinc, et alia inde aquam proijcientes, ac quædam carmina recitantes. Cæterum si aliquis à fulgure occiditur, oportet prædicto modo per ignes transire omnes illos, qui in illis stationibus morantur. Statio siquidem ac lectus et currus, filtra et vestes, et quicquid talium habent, à nullo tanguntur, sed ab hominibus tanquam immunda respuuntur. [Sidenote: Ignis super stitiosa efficacitas.] Et vt breuiter dicam, omnia purificari credunt per ignem. Vnde quando veniunt ad eos nuncij, vel Principes, aut qualescunque personæ, oportet ipsos et munera sua per duos ignes, vt purificentur, transire, ne fortè veneficia fecerint, aut venenum seu aliquid mali attulerint.

The same in English.

Of their superstitious traditions. Chap. 7.

[Sidenote: Ridiculous traditions. ] But by reason of traditions, which either they or their predecessors haue deuised, they accompt some things indifferent to be faults. One is to thrust a knife into the fire, or any way to touch the fire with a knife, or with their knife to take flesh out of the cauldron, or to hewe with an hatchet neare vnto the fire. For they think by that means to take away the head or force from the fire. Another is to leane vpon the whip, wherewith they beate their horses: for they ride not with spurs. Also, to touch arrowes with a whip, to take or kill yong birds, to strike an horse with the raine of their bridle, and to breake one bone against another. Also, to powre out milke, meate, or any kinde of drinke vpon the ground or to make water within their tabernacle: which whosoeuer doth willingly, he is slaine, but otherwise he must pay a great summe of money to the inchanter to be purified. Who likewise must cause the tabernacle with all things therein, to passe betweene two fiers. Before it be on this wise purified, no man dare once enter into it, nor conueigh any thing thereout. Besides, if any man hath a morsell giuen him, which he is not able to swallow, and for that cause casteth it out of his mouth, there is an hole made vnder his tabernacle, by which hee is drawen forth and slaine without all compassion. Likewise, whosoeuer treads vpon the threshold of any of their dukes tabernacles, he is put to death. Many other things there be, like vnto these, which they take for heinous offences. But to slay men, to inuade the dominions of other people, and to rifle their goods, to transgresse the commaundements and prohibitions of God, are with them no offences at all. They know nothing concerning eternall life, and euerlasting damnation, and yet they thinke, that after death they shall liue in another world, that they shall multiply their cattell, that they shal eate and drinke and doe other things which liuing men performe here vpon earth. [Sidenote: The Tartars worship the moone.] At a new moone, or a full moone, they begin all enterprises that they take in hand, and they call the moone the Great Emperour, and worship it vpon their knees. All men that abide in their tabernacles must be purified with fire: Which purification is on this wise. [Sidenote: Their custome of purifying.] They kindle two fires, and pitch two Iauelines into the ground neere vnto the said fires, binding a corde to the tops of the Iauelines. And about the corde they tye certaine iagges of buckram, vnder which corde, and betweene which fires, men, beastes, and tabernacles do passe. There stand two women also, one on the right side, and another on the left casting water, and repeating certaine charmes. If any man be slaine by lightning, all that dwell in the same tabernacle with him must passe by fire in maner aforesaid. For their tabernacles, beds, and cartes, their feltes and garments, and whatsoeuer such things they haue, are touched by no man, yea, and are abandoned by all men as things vncleane. And to bee short, they think that all things are to be purged by fire. Therefore, when any ambassadours, princes, or other personages whatsoeuer come vnto them, they and their giftes must passe betweene two fires to be purified, lest peraduenture they haue practised some witchcraft, or haue brought some poyson or other mischiefe with them.

De initio imperij siue Principatus eorum. Cap. 8.

[Sidenote: Tartariæ populi.] Terra quidem ilia Orientalis, de qua dictum est suprà, quæ Mongal nominatur, quatuor quondam habuisse populos memoratur. Vnus eorum Yeka Mongal, id est, magni Mongali vocabantur. Secundus Sumongal, id est, aquatici Mongali, qui seipsos appellabant Tartaros, à quodam fluuio per eorem terram currente, qui Tartar nominatur. Tertius appellabatur Merkat. Quartus verò Metrit. Omnes vnam personarum formam et vnam linguam habebant hi populi, quamuis inter se per Principes ac prouincias essent diuisi. [Sidenote: Chingis ortus et res gestæ.] In terra Yeka Mongal quidam fuit, qui vocabatur Chingis. Iste coepit robustus venator esse: didicit enim homines furari, et prædam capere. Ad alias terras ibat, et quoscunque poterat, captiuabat, sibíque associabat. Homines quoque suæ gentis inclinauit ad se, qui tanquam Ducem sequebantur ipsum ad malè agendum. Coepit autem pugnare cum Sumongal, siue cum Tartaris, et Ducem eorem interfecit, multòque bello sibi Tartaros omnes subiecit, et in seruitutem redigit. Post hæc cum istis omnibus contra Merkatas, iuxta tenam positos Tartarorum pugnauit, quos etiam bello sibi subiecit. [Sidenote: Naymani. Infra cap. 25.] Inde procedens contra Metritas pugnam exercuit, et illos etiam obtinuit. Audientes Naymani, quòd Chingis taliter eleuatus esset, indignati sunt. Ipsi enim habuerant Imperatorem strenuum valdè, cui dabant tributum cunctæ nationes prædictæ. [Sidenote: Fratres discordantes oppressi.] Qui cùm esset mortuus, filij eius successerunt loco ipsius. Sed quia iuuenes ac stulti erant, populum tenere nesciebant, sed ad inuicem diuisi ac scissi erant. Vnde Chingi prædicto modo iam exaltato, nihilominus in terras prædictas faciebant insultum, et habitatores occidebant, ac diripiebant prædam eorum. Quod audiens Chingis, omnes sibi subiectos congregauit. Naymani et Karakytay ex aduerso similiter in quandam vallem strictam conuenerunt, et commissum est prælium, in quo Naymani et Karakytay à Mongalis deuicti sunt. Qui etiam pro maiori parte occisi fuerunt, et alij, qui euadere non potuerunt, in seruitutem redacti sunt. [Sidenote: Occoday Cham.] In terra prædictorum Karakytaorum Occoday Cham, filius Chingischam, postquam imperator fuit positus, quandam ciuitatem ædificauit, quam Chanyl appellauit. [Sidenote: Homines syluestres.] Prope quam ad Meridiem est quoddam desertum magnum, in quo pro certo syluestres homines habitare dicuntur, qui nullatenus loquuntur, nec iuncturas in cruribus habent, et si quando cadunt, per se surgere non valent. Sed tamen discretionem tantam habent, quod filtra de lana Camelorum quibus vestiuntur, faciunt et contra ventum ponunt. Et si quando Tartari pergentes ad eos vulnerant eos sagittis, gramina in vulneribus ponunt, et fortiter ante ipsios fugiunt.

The same in English.

Of the beginning of their empire or gouernment. Chap. 8.

[Sidenote: The people of Tartarie. ]

The East countrie, whereof wee haue entreated, which is called Mongal, is reported to haue had of olde time foure sortes of people. One of their companions was called Yeka Mongal, that is the great Mongals. The second company was called Sumongal, that is, the Water-Mongals, who called themselues Tartars of a certaine riuer running through their countrey named Tartar. The third was called Merkat, and the fourth Metrit. All these people had one and the same person, attire of body and language, albeit they were diuided by princes and prouinces. [Sidenote: The original and the exploits of Chingis.] In the prouince of Yeka Mongol, there was a certaine man called Chingis. This man became a mighty hunter. For he learned to steale men, and take them for a pray. He ranged into other countries taking as many captiues as he could, and ioining them vnto himselfe. Also hee allured the men of his owne countrey vnto him, who followed him as their captaine and ringleader to doe mischiefe. Then began he to make warre vpon the Sumongals or Tartars, and slewe their captaine, and after many conflicts, subdued them vnto himselfe, and brought them all into bondage. Afterwards he vsed their helpe to fight against the Merkats, dwelling by the Tartars, whom also hee vanquished in battell. Proceeding from thence, he fought against the Metrites, and conquered them also. [Sidenote: The Naimani.] The Naimani hearing that Chingis was thus exalted, greatly disdeined thereat. For they had a mighty and puissant Emperour, vnto whom all the foresaid nations payed tribute. Whose sonnes, when he was dead, succeeded him in his Empire. [Sidenote: The discord of brethren.] Howbeit, being young and foolish, they knew not howe to gouerne the people, but were diuided, and fell at variance among themselues. Now Chingis being exalted, as is aforesaid, they neuerthelesse inuaded the forenamed countries, put the inhabitants to the sword, and carried away their goods for a pray. Which Chingis hauing intelligence of, gathered all his subiects together. The Naimani also, and the people called Karakitay assembled and banded themselues at a certaine straight valley, where, after a battell foughten they were vanquished by the Mongals. And being thus vanquished, they were, the greater part of them, slaine; and others, which could not escape, were carried into captiuitie. [Sidenote: Occoday Cham.] In the land of the foresayd Karakytayans, Occoday Cham, the sonne of Chingis Cham, after he was created Emperour, built a certaine citie, which he called Chanyl. Neare vnto which citie, on the South side, there is an huge desert, wherein wilde men are certainely reported to inhabite, which cannot speake at all, and are destitute of ioynts in their legges, so that if they fall, they cannot rise alone by themselues. Howbeit, they are of discretion to make feltes of Camels haire, wherewith they clothe themselues, and which they holde against the winde. And if at any time, the Tartars pursuing them, chance to wound them with their arrowes, they put herbes into their wounds and flye strongly before them.

De mutua victoria ipsorum et Kythaorum. Cap. 9.

Mongali autem in terram suam reuertentes, se contra [Marginal note: Haythono et Paulo Veneto sunt Cathay.] Kythaos ad prælium parauerunt, et castra mouentes, eorum terram intrauerunt. [Sidenote: Tartarorum Cathayna clades.] Quod audiens eorum Imperator, vnit cum exercitu suo contra illos, et commissum est prælium durum, in quo Mongali sunt deuicti, omnésque nobiles eorum, qui erant in exercitu, præter septem occisi sunt. Vnde cùm illis volentibus aliquam impugnare regionem, minatur aliquis stragem, adhuc respondent: Olim etiam occisi non nisi septem remansimus, et tamen modò creuimus in multitudinem magnam, ideóque non terremur de talibus. Chingis autem et alij, qui remanserunt, in terram suam fugerunt. Cúmque quieuisset aliquantulum, præparauit se rursus ad prælium, et processit contra terram Huyrorum. Isti sunt homines Christiani de secta Nestorianorum. [Sidenote: Nouæ victoriæ. Literæ.] Et hos etiam Mongali deuicerunt, eorumque literam acceperunt; prius enim scripturam non habebant, nunc autem eandem Mongalorem literam appellant. Inde contra terram Saruyur, et contra terram Karanitarum, et contra terram Hudirat processit, quos omnes bello deuicit. Inde in terram suam redijt, et aliquantulum quieuit. Deinde conuocatis omnibus hominibus suis, contra Kythaos pariter processerunt, diúque contra illos pugnantes, magnam partem terræ illorum vicerunt, eorumque Imperatorem in ciuitatem suam maiorem concluserunt. Quam et tam longo tempore obsederunt, quod exercitus expensæ omninò, defecerunt. Cúmque iam quod manducarent, penitus non haberent, præcipit Chingischam suis, vt de decem hominibus vnum ad manducandum darent. [Sidenote: Argentum loco lapidum in hostem proiectum.] Illi verò de ciuitate machinis et sagittis viriliter contra istos pugnabant et cum deficerent lapides, argentum et maximè liquefactum proijciebant. Ciuitas siquidem illa multis erat diuitijs plena. Cúmque diu Mongali pugnassent, et eam bello vincere non possent, vnam magnam sub terra viam ab exercitu vsque ad medium ciuitatis fecerunt, et prosilientes in medium eius, contra ciues pugnauerunt. Illi quoque qui extra remanserant, eodem modo contra illos pugnabant. Denique concidentes portas ciuitatis intrauerunt, et imperatorem cum pluribus occidentes vrbem possederunt, aurumque et argentum, et omnes eius diuitias abstulerunt. [Sidenote: Chingis salutatur Imperator.] Et cùm aliquos terræ suos homines nuntios præficissent, in terram propriam reuersi sunt. Tunc primum Imperatore Kythaorum deuncto, factus est Chingischam imperator Quandam tamen partem illius terræ, quia posita erat in mari nullatenus deuicerunt vsque hodie. [Sidenote: Cathaynorum literæ et religio.] Sunt autem Kitai homines pagani, habentes literam specialem, et etiam vt dicitur, veteris et noui Testamenti scripturam. Habent etiam vitas patrum et eremitas et domes, in quibus orant temporibus suis, ad modum Ecclesiarum facias. Quosdam etiam sanctos habere se dicunt, et vnum Deum colunt. Christum IESVM Dominum venerantur, et credunt vitam æternam, sed non baptizantur. Scripturam nostram honorant ac reuerentur. Christianos diligunt, et eleemosynas plures faciunt, homines benigni satis et humani videntur. Barbam non habent, et in dispositione faciei cum Mongalis in parte concordant. [Sidenote: Opificiorum [Greek: exochae].] Meliores artifices in mundo non inueniuntur in omnibus operibus, in quibus homines exercentur. Terra eonira est opulenta numis in frumento et vino, auro et serico ac rebus cæteris.

The same in English

Of the mutuall victories betweene them, and the pepole of Kythay. Chap. 9.

But the Mongals returning home into their owne countrey prepared themselues to battell against the Kythayans: [Marginal note: Haython [1] and Paulus Venetus [2] call them Cathayans. [Footnote 1: Bishop of Basle, was sent by Charlemagne as ambassador to Nicephorus Emperor of Constantinople, in 811. He published an account of his journey which he called his Itinerarium . There is a curious capitulary of his, inserted in Lucas of Acheri's Spicilegium .] [Footnote 2: Better known as Fra Paolo, or Paul Sarpi, the citizen monk of Venice who has been said to have been "a Catholic in general, but a Protestant in particular". His attempted assassination on the Piazza of St Mark at Venice by order of Paul V, the Pope is still one of the fauourite legends of the City of Gondolas. He is said to have discouered the circulation of the blood. He died in 1623. (See Native Races of America , in Goldsmid's Bibliothica Curiosa , p 17).]] Which their Emperour hearing, set forward against them with his armie, and they fought a cruell battell, wherein the Mongals were ouercome, and all their nobles in the armie, except seuen, were slaine. And for this cause, when they, purposing to inuade anie region, are threatned by the inhabitants thereof to be slaine, they doe, to this day, answere: in old time also our whole number besides being slaine, we remayned but seuen of vs aliue, and yet notwithstanding we are now growen vnto a great multitude, thinke not therefore to daunt vs with such brags. [Sidenote: New victories.] But Chingis and the residue that remained aliue, fled home into their countrey: And hauing breathed him a little, he prepared himselfe to warre, and went forth against the people called Huyri: These men were Christians of the sect of Nestorius. [Sidenote: Letters.] And these also the Mongals ouercame, and receiued letters or learning from them: for before that time they had not the arte of writing, and nowe they call it the hand or letters of the Mongals. Immediately after, hee marched against the countrey of Saruyur, and of the Karanites, and against the land of Hudirat; all which he vanquished. Then returned he home into his owne countrey, and breathed himselfe. Afterward, assembling his warlike troupes, they marched with one accord against the Kythayans, and waging warre with them a long time, they conquered, a great part of their land, and shut vp their Emperour into his greatest citie: which citie they had so long time besieged, that they began to want necessary prouision for their armie. And when they had no victuals to feede vpon, Chingis Cham commaunded his souldiers that they should eate euery tenth man of the companie. [Sidenote: Siluer cast at the enemie instead of stones.] But they of the citie fought manfully against them, with engines, dartes, and arrowes, and when stones wanted they threw siluer, and especially melted siluer: for the same citie abounded with great riches. Also, when the Mongals had fought a long time and could not preuale by warre, they made a great trench vnderneath the ground from the armie vnto the middest of the citie, and there issuing foorth they fought against the citizens, and the remnant also without the walles fought in like manner. At last, breaking open the gates of the citie, they entred, and putting the Emperour, with many other to the sworde, they tooke possession thereof and conueighed away the golde, siluer, and all the riches therein. And hauing appointed certaine deputies ouer the countrey, they returned home into their owne lande. [Sidenote: Chigis Cham proclaimed Emperour.] This is the first time, when the Emperour of the Kythayans being vanquished, Chingis Cham obtayned the Empire. [Sidenote: Part of Cathay in the sea.] But some parte of the countrey, because it lyeth within the sea, they could by no meanes conquere vnto this day. [Sidenote: The letters and the religion of the Cathayans.] The men of Kytay are Pagans, hauing a speciall kinde of writing by themselues, and (as it is reported) the Scriptures of the olde and newe Testament. They haue also recorded in hystories the liues of their forefathers and they haue Eremites, and certaine houses made after the manner of our Churches. which in those dayes they greatly resorted vnto. They say that they haue diuers Saints also, and they worship one God. They adore and reuerence CHRIST IESUS our Lorde, and beleeue the article of eternall life, but are not baptized. They doe also honourably esteeme and reuerence our Scriptures. They loue Christians, and bestowe much almes, and are a very courteous and gentle people. They haue no beardes, and they agree partly with the Mongals in the disposition of their countenance. [Sidenote: Their excelent workmanship.] In all occupations which men practise, there are not better artificers in the whole worlde. Their countrey is exceeding rich, in corne, wine, golde, silke, and other commodities.

De pugna ipsorum contra Indiam minorem et maiorem. Cap. 10.

Cum autem Mongali cum Imperatore suo Chingischam post præfatam victoriam aliquantulum quieuissent, exercitus suos diuiserunt. [Sidenote: Thossut Can, Chingis F.] Imperator siquidem vnum de filijs suis nomine Thosut, quem etiam Can, id est, Imperatorem, appellabant, cum exercitu contra Comanos misit, quos ille multo bello deuicit, et postmodum in terram suam redijt. [Sidenote: India minor debellata.] Alium verò filium cum exercitu contra Indos misit, qui et minorem Indiam subiecit. Hi sunt nigri Sarraceni, qui Æthiopes sunt vocati. Hic autem excercitus ad pugnam contra Christianos, qui sunt in India maiori, processit. [Sidenote: Regis maioris Indiæ stratagema.] Quod audiens Rex illus terræ, qui vulgò [Marginal note: Vide scolion in lib 1. cap. 51. M. Pauli Veneti.] Presbyter Iohannes appellatur, contra illos venit exercitu congregato. Et faciens imagines cupreas hominum, vnamquanque posuit in sella super equum. Posuit et interius ignem, et hominem cum folle super equum post imaginem. Itàque cum multis equis et imaginibus, taliter præparatis, ad pugnam contra Mongalos seu Tartaros processerunt. Et cùm ad locum prælij peruenissent equos istos vnum iuxta alium præmiserunt. Viri autem qui erant retrò, nescio quid super ignem, qui erat intra imagines, posuerunt, et cum follibus fortiter sufflauerunt. Vnde factum est, vt ex Græco igne homines et equi comburerentur, et etiam aër ex fumo denigrantur. [Sidenote: Victoria.] Tùmque super Tartaros sagittas iecerunt Indi, ex quibus multi vulnerati fuerunt et interfecti. Sícque eiecerunt illos cum magna confusione de suis finibus, nec vnquam, quod ad ipsos vltra redierint audiuimus.

The same in English.

Of their warre against India maior and minor. Chap. 10.

And when the Mongals with their emperour Chingis Cham had a while rested themselues after the foresayd victorie, they diuided their armies. [Sidenote: Thossut Can son of Chingis.] For the Emperour sent one of his sonnes named Thossut (whom also they called Can, that is to say, Emperour) with an armie against the people of Comania, whom he vanquished with much warre, and afterward returned into his owne country. [Sidenote: India minor subdued.] But he sent his other sonne with an armie against the Indians, who also subdued India minor. These Indians are the blacke Saracens, which are also called Æthiopians. But here the armie marched forward to fight against Christians dwelling in India maior. Which the King of that countrey hearing (who is commonly called Presbiter Iohn) gathered his souldiers together, and came foorth against them. And making mens images of copper, he set each of them vpon a saddle on horsebacke, and put fire within them, and placed a man with a paire of bellowes on the horse backe behinde euery image. [Sidenote: The stratagem of the king of India.] And so with many horses and images in such sorte furnished, they marched on to fight against the Mongals or Tartars. And comming neare vnto the place of the battell, they first of all sent those horses in order one after another. But the men that sate behind laide I wote not what vpon the fire within the images, and blew strongly with their bellowes. Whereupon it came to passe, that the men and the horses were burnt with wilde fire, and the ayre was darkened with smoake. Then the Indians cast dartes vpon the Tartars, of whom many were wounded and slain. And so they expelled them out of their dominions with great confusion, neither did we heare, that euer they returned thither againe.

Qualiter ab hominibus caninis repulsi, Burithabethinos vicerunt. Cap. 11.

[Sidenote: De monstrosis mulieribus et canibus monstrosa narratio. Forsam totem videri allegorica allusio possit ad Canibales de quibus Petrus [1] Martyr Mediolan de rebus Occatucis. [Footnote 1: Born at Florence in 1500, he entered the church very young, but the reading of the works of Zwingler and Bucer led him to join the reformers. He withdrew to Basle, where he married a young nun. He passed over to England in 1547, and obtained a chair of Theology at Oxford, but Mary caused him to be expelled. He withdrew to Augsburg, and thence to Zurich, where he died in 1562. His real name was Pietro Vermigli.]] Cum autem per deserta redirent, in quandam terram venerunt, in qua, sicut nobis apud Imperatoris curiam per clericos Ruthenos, et alios, qui diu fuerant inter ipsos, firmiter asserendo referebatur, monstra quædam, imaginem foemineam habentia, repererunt. Quas cùm per multos interpretes interrogassent, vbi viri terræ illius essent, responderunt, quòd in illa terra quænunque foeminæ nascebantur, habebant formam humanam, masculi vero speciem caninam. Dumque moram in terra illa protraherent, Canes in alia fluuij parte conuenerunt. Et cùm esset hyems asperrima omnes se in aquam proiecerunt. Post hæc incontinenti sponte in puluerem voluebantur, sícque puluis admixtus aquæ super eos corugelabatur, et vt ita pluries fecerunt, glacie super eos depressata, cum impetu magno contra Tartaros ad pugnam conuenerunt. At verò cum illi sagittas super eos iaciebant, ac si super lapides sagittassent, retrò sagittæ redibant. Alia quoque arma eorum in nullo eos ledere poterant. Ipsi verò Canes insultum in Tartaros iacientes, morsibus vulnerauerunt multos, et occiderunt sícque illos de suis finibus eiecerunt. Vnde adhuc inter illos est prouerbium de hoc facto, quod dicunt ad inuicem ridendo: Pater meus vel frater meus à Canibus fuit occisus. Mulieres autem illorum, quas ceperant, ad terram suam duxerunt, et vsque ad diem mortis eorum ibidem fuerunt. [Sidenote: Burithabeth regio. Incolarum mores.] Cùm autem exercitus ille Mongalorum rediret, venit ad terram Burithabeth, cuius habitatores pagani sunt, et hos Tartari bello vicerunt. Hi consuetudinem habent mirabilem, imò potius miserabilem. Cùm enim alicuius pater humanæ naturæ soluit debitum, congregant omnem parentelam, et comedunt eum. Hi pilos in barba non habent, imò ferrum quoddam in manibus, sicut vidimus, portant, cum quo semper barbam, si forte crinis aliquis in ea crescit, depilant. Multi etiam deformes sunt. Inde verò ille Tartarorum exercitus in terram suam est reuersus.

The same in English

How being repelled by monstrous men shapen like dogs, they ouercame the people of Burithabeth. Chap. 11.

[Sidenote: A strange report of certain monstrous women and dogs.] But returning through the deserts, they came vnto a certaine countrey, wherein (as it was reported vnto vs in the Emperours court, by certaine clergie men of Russia and others, who were long time among them, and that by strong and stedfast affirmation) they found certaine monsters resembling women who being asked by many interpreters, where the men of that land were, they answered, that whatsoeuer women were borne there, were indued with the shape of mankinde, but the males were like vnto dogges. And delaying the time, in that countrey they met with the said dogges on the other side of the riuer. And in the midst of sharpe winter, they cast themselues into the water: Afterward they wallowed in the dust vpon the maine land and so the dust being mingled with water, was frozen to their backes, and hauing often times so done, the ice being strongly frozen vpon them, with great fury they came to fight against the Tartars. And when the Tartars threwe their dartes, or shot their arrowes among them, they rebounded backe againe, as if they had lighted vpon stones. And the rest of their weapons coulde by no meanes hurt them. Howbeit the Dogges made an assault vpon the Tartars, and wounding some of them with their teeth, and slaying others at length they draue them out of their countries. And thereupon they haue a Prouerbe of the same matter, as yet rife among them, which they speake in iesting sorte one to another: My father or my brother was slaine of Dogges. The women which they tooke they brought into their owne countrey, who remayned there till their dying day. [Sidenote: The region of Burithabeth.] And in traueling homewardes, the sayd armie of the Mongals came vnto the lande of Burithabeth (the inhabitants whereof are Pagans) and conquered the people in battell. These people haue a strange or rather a miserable kinde of custome. [Sidenote: The manners of the people.] For when anie man's father deceaseth, he assembleth all his kindred and they eate him. These men haue no beards at all, for we saw them carie a certaine iron instrument in their hands wherewith, if any haires growe vpon their chinne, they presently plucke them out. They are also very deformed. From thence the Tartars army returned to their owne home.

Qualiter à montibus Caspijs, et ab hommibus subterraneis repulsi sunt.
Cap. 12.

[Sidenote: Alia Chingis expeditio.]

Chingischam etiam illo tempore, quo dimisit alios exercitus contra Orientem, per terram Kergis cum cxpeditione perrexit, quos tamen tunc bello non vicit et vt nobis dicebatur, ibidem vsque ad montes Caspios peruenit. At illi montes in ea parte, ad quam applicauerunt, de lapide Adamantino sunt: ideóque sagittas et arma ferrea illorum ad se traxerunt. Homines autem inter Caspios montes conclusi clamorem exercitus, vt creditur, audientes, montem frangere coeperunt, et cùm alio tempore post decem annos redirent Tartari, montem confractum inuenerunt. Cúmque ad illos accedere attentassent, minimè potuerunt: quia nubes quædam erat posita ante ipsos, vltra quam ire nullatenus poterant. Omninò quippe visum amittebant, statim vt ad illam perueniebant. [Marginal note: Vide an Hamsem regionem dicat de qua Haythonus cap. 10.] Illi autem ex aduerso credentes, quod Tartari ad illos accedere formidarent, insultum contra eos fecerunt, sed statim vt peruenerunt ad nubem propter causam prædictam, procedere non potuerunt. Ac verò antequam ad montes prædictos peruenirent Tartari, plusquam per mensem per vastam solitudinem transierunt, et inde procedentes adhuc contra Orientem, plusquàm per mensem per magnum desertum perrexerunt. Itáque peruenerunt ad quandam terram, in qua vias quidem tritas videbant, sed neminem inuenire poterant. Tandem quærentes, vnum hominem cum vxore sua repererunt, quos in præsentiam Chingischam adduuerunt. [Sidenote: Troglodytæ.] Qui cùm interrogasset illos vbi homines allius terræ essent, responderunt, quòd in terra sub montibus habitarent. Tunc Chingischam retenta vxore, misit ad eos virum illum, mandans illis, vt venirent ad ipsius mandatum. Qui pergens ad illos, omnia narrauit, quæ Chingischam eis mandauit. Illi verò respondentes dixerunt, quod die tali venirent ad ipsum, vt facerent eius mandatum. Ac ipsi medio tempore per vias occultas sub terra se congregantes, ad pugnam contra illos venerunt, et subitò super eos irruentes, plurimos occiderunt. [Sidenote: Fabulosus Solis orientis sonitus.] Solis quoque sonitus in ortu suo sustinere non poterant, imò tempore, quo oriebatur, oportebat eos vnam aurem ad terram ponere, et superiorem fortiter obturare, ne sonum illum terribilem audirent. Nec sic tamen cauere poterant, quin hac de causa plurimi ex eis interirent. Videns ergo Chingischam et sui, quòd nihil proficerent, sed potius homines suos perderent, fugerunt, ac terra illa exierunt. Illum tamen virum cum vxore sua secum deduxerunt, qui etiam vsque ad mortem in terra eorum fuerunt. Interrogati verò, cur in regione sua sub terra soleant habitare, dixerunt, quòd ibi quodam tempore anni, cùm oritur Sol, tantus fit sonitus, vt homines nulla ratione valeant sustmere. Quin etiam tunc in organis et tympanis cæterisque musicis instrumentis percutere solent, vt sonitum illum non audiant.

The same in English.

How they had the repulse at the Caspian mountaynes, and were driuen backe by men dwelling in caues. Chap 12.

[Sidenote: Another expedition of Chingis.] Moreouer Chingis Cham, at the same time when he sent other armies against the East, hee himselfe marched with a power into the lande of Kergis, which notwithstanding, he conquered not in that expedition and as it was reported vnto vs, he went on forward euen to the Caspian mountaines. But the mountaines on that part where they encamped themselues, were of adamant, and therefore they drew vnto them their arrowes, and weapons of iron. And certaine men contained within those Caspian mountaynes, hearing as it was thought, the noyse of the armie, made a breach through, so that when the Tartars returned vnto the same place tenne yeeres after, they found the mountaine broken. And attempting to goe vnto them, they could not: for there stood a cloud before them, beyond which they were not able to passe, being depriued of their sight so soone as they approached thereunto. But they on the contrary side thinking that the Tartars durst not come nigh them gaue the assault, and when they came at the cloud, they could not proceed for the cause aforesaid. Also the Tartars, before they came vnto the said mountaines, passed for the space of a moneth and more, through a vast wildernes, and departing thence towards the East, they were aboue a moneth traueiling through another huge desert. At length, they came vnto a land wherin they saw beaten waies, but could not find any people. Howbeit at the last, diligently seeking, they found a man and his wife, whom they presented before Chingis Cham: and demanding of them where the people of that countrey were, they answered, that the people inhabited vnder the ground in mountains. Then Chingis Cham keeping still the woman, sent her husband vnto them, giuing them charge to come at his command. And going vnto them, he declared all things that Chingis Cham had commanded them. But they answered, that they would vpon such a day visite him, to satisfie his desire. And in the meane season by blinde and hidden passages vnder the earth, assembling themselues they came against the Tartars in warlike manner, and suddenly issuing forth, they slewe a great number of them. [Sidenote: A fabulous narration of the sun rising.] This people were not able to endure the terrible noise, which in that place the Sunne made at his vprising: for at the time of the Sunne rising, they were inforced to lay one eare vpon the ground, and to stoppe the other close, least they should heare that dreadfull sound. Neither could they so escape, for by this meanes many of them were destroyed. Chingis Cham therefore and his company, seeing that they preuailed not, but continually lost some of their number, fled and departed out of that land. But the man and his wife aforesaid they caried along with them, who all their life time continued in the Tartars countrey. Being demaunded why the men of their countrey doe inhabite vnder the ground, they sayd, that at a certeine time of the yeare, when the sunne riseth, there is such an huge noyse, that the people cannot endure it. Moreouer, they vse to play vpon cymbals, drums, and other musicall instruments, to the ende they may not heare that sounde.

De statutis Chingischam, et morte ipsius, et filijs ac Ducibus. Cap. 13.

Cum autem de terra illa reuerteretur Chingischam, defecerunt eis victualia, famemque patiebantur maximam. Tunc interiora vnius bestiæ recentia casu inuenerunt: quæ accipientes, depositis tantum stercoribus, decoxerunt, et coram Chingischam deportata pariter comederunt. [Sidenote: Chingis lex.] Ideoque statuit Chingischam, vt nec sanguis, nec interiora, nec aliquid de bestia, quæ manducari potest, proijciatur, exceptis stercoribus. Inde ergò in terram propriam reuersus est, ibique leges et statuta edidit, quæ Tartari inuiolabiliter obseruant, de quibus scilicet iam aliàs superiùs dictum est. Post hoc ab ictu tonitrui occissus est. [Sidenote: Liberi.] Habuit autem quatuor filios: Occoday vocobatur primus, Thossut Can secundus, Thiaday Tertius, quarti nomen ignoramus. Ab his iiij. descenderunt omnes Duces Mongalorum. Primus filiorum Occoday est Cuyne, qui nunc est Imperator. [Sidenote: Nepotes.] Huius fratres Cocten et Chyrenen. Ex filijs autem Thossut Can sunt Bathy, Ordu, Siba, Bora. Bathy post Imperatorem omnibus ditior est ac potentior. Ordu verò omnium Ducum senior. Filij Thiaday, sunt Hurin et Cadan. Filij autem alterius filij Chingischam, cuius ignoramus nomen, sunt, Mengu et Bithat et alij plures. Huius Mengu mater Seroctan est, Domina magna inter Tartaros. excepta Imperatoris matre plus nominata, omnibusque potentior, excepto Bathy. [Sidenote: Duces.] Hæc autem sunt nomina Ducum: Ordu, qui fuit in Polonia, et Hungaria, Bathy quoque et Huryn et Cadan et Syban et Ouygat, qui omnes fuerunt in Hungaria. Sed et Cyrpodan, qui adhuc est vltra mare contra quosdam Soldanos Sarracenorum, et alios habitatores terræ transmarinæ. Alij verò remanserunt in terra, scilicet Mengu. Chyrenen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Cara, Gay, Sybedey, Bora, Berca, Corrensa. Alij quoque Duces eorum plures sunt, quorum nomina nobis ignota sunt.

The same in English.

Of the statutes of Chingis Cham, of his death, of his sonnes, and of his dukes. Chap. 13.

But as Chingis Cham returned out of that countrey, his people wanted victuals, and suffered extreme famin. Then by chance they found the fresh intrails of a beast: which they tooke, and casting away the dung therof, caused it to be sodden, brought it before Chingis Cham, and did eat therof. [Sidenote: The lawe of Chingis.] And hereupon Chingis Cham enacted: that neither the blood, nor the intrails, nor any other part of a beast which might be eaten, should be cast away, saue onely the dunge. Wherefore he returned thence into his owne land, and there he ordayned lawes and statutes, which the Tartars doe most strictly and inuiolably obserue, of the which we haue before spoken. [Sidenote: The death of Chingis. His sonnes.] He was afterward slaine by a thunderclap. He had foure sonnes: the first was called Occoday, the second Thossut Can, the third Thiaday: the name of the fourth is vnknowen. From these foure descended all the dukes of the Mongals. [Sidenote: His graund children.] The first sonne of Occoday is Cuyne, who is now Emperour: his brothers be Cocten and Chyrinen. The sons of Thossut Can are Bathy, Ordu, Siba, and Bora Bathy, next vnto the Emperour, is richer and mightier then all the rest. But Ordu is the seignior of all the dukes. The sonnes of Thiaday be Hurin and Cadan. The sonnes of Chingis Cham his other sonne, whose name is vnknowen, are Mengu, Bithat and certaine others. The mother of Mengu was named Seroctan, and of all others most honoured among the Tartars, except the Emperors mother, and mightier than any subiect except Bathy. [Sidenote: The Tartarian Dukes.] These be the names of the dukes: Ordu, who was in Poland and in Hungarie: Bathy also and Hurin and Cadan, and Siban, and Ouygat, all which were in Hungarie. In like maner Cyrpodan, who is as yet beyond the sea, making war against certaine Soldans of the Saracens, and other inhabitants of farre countries. Others remained in the land, as namely Mengu, Chyrinen, Hubilai, Sinocur, Caray, Gay, Sybedey, Bora, Berca, Corrensa. There be many other of their dukes, whose names are vnknowen vnto vs.

De postestate Imperatoris et Ducum eius. Cap. 14.

[Sidenote: Imperatoris Tartarorum seruile in omnes imperium.]

Porrò Imperator eorum, scilicet Tartarorum, super omnes habet mirabile dominium. Nullus enim audet in aliqua morari parte, nisi vbi assignauerit ipse. Et ipse quidem assignat Ducibus vbi maneant. Duces autem loca Millenarijs assignant, Millenarij verò Centenarijs et Centenarij Decanis. Quicquid autem eis præcipitur, quocunque tempore, quocunque loco, siue, ad bellum, siue ad mortem, vel vbicunque sine vlla obediunt contradictione. Nam etsi petit alicuius filiam virginem, vel sororem, mox ei sine contradictione exponunt eam, imò frequenter colligit virgines ex omnibus Tartarorum finibus, et si vult aliquas retinere, sibi retinet, alias verò dat suis homimbus. Nuncios etiam quoscunque et vbicunque transmittat, oportet quòd dent ei sine mora equos et expensas. Similiter vndecunque veniant ei tributa vel nuncij, oportet equos et currus et expensas tribui. [Sidenote: Inhumanitas erga Legatos.] Ac verò nuncij, qui aliunde veniunt, in magna miseria, et victus et vestitus penuria sunt. Maximeque quando veniunt ad Principes, et ibi debent moram contrahere. Tunc adeò parum datur decem hominibus, quòd vix inde possent duo viuere. Insuper et si aliquæ illis iniuriæ fiunt, minimè conqueri facile possunt. Multa quoque munera tam à principibus quàm à cæteris ab illis petuntur: quæ si non dederint, vilipenduntur, et quasi pro nihilo reputantur. Hinc et nos magnam partem rerum, quæ nobis pro expensis à fidelibus erant datæ, de necessitate oportuit in muneribus dare. Denique sic omnia sunt in manu Imperatoris, quod nemo audet dicere, Hoc meum est vel illius, sed omnia, scilicet res et iumenta ac homines, sunt ipsius. Super hoc etiam nuper emanauit statutum eiusdem. Idem quoque per omnia dominium habent Duces super sibi subditos homines.

The same in English.

Of the authoritie of the Emperour, and of his dukes. Chap. 14.

[Sidenote: The absolute and lordly dominion of the Tartarian Emperour ouer his subiects] Moreouer, the Emperour of the Tartars hath a wonderful dominion ouer all his subiects. For no man dare abide in any place, vnles he hath assigned him to be there. Also he himselfe appointeth to his dukes where they should inhabite. Likewise the dukes assigne places vnto euery Millenarie, or conductor of a thousand souldiers, the Millenaries vnto each captaine of an 100. the captaines vnto euery corporall of ten. Whatsoeuer is giuen them in charge, whensoeuer, or whersoeuer, be it to fight or to lose their liues, or howsoeuer it be, they obey without any gainsaying. For if he demandeth any mans daughter, or sister being a virgine, they presently deliuer her vnto him without all contradiction: yea, often times he makes a collection of virgines throughout all the Tartars dominions, and those whom he meanes to keepe, he retaineth vnto himselfe, others he bestoweth vpon his men. Also, whatsoeuer messenger he sendeth, or whithersoeuer his subiects must without delay hnde them horses and other necessaries. In like sorte, from what countrey soeuer tribute payers, or ambassadours come vnto him, they must haue horses, carriages, and expenses allowed them. [Sidenote: Their barbarous inhumanitie towards ambassadours.] Notwithstanding ambassadours comming from other places do suffer great misery, and are in much wante both of victuals, and of apparel: especially when they come to any of the dukes, and there they are constrayned to make some lingering abode. Then ten men are allowed so little sustenance, that scarcely two could liue thereof. Likewise, if any iniuries be offered them, they cannot without danger make complaint. Many gifts also are demaunded of them, both by dukes and others, which if they do not bestow, they are basely esteemed, and set at nought. And hereupon, wee were of necessitie enforced to bestowe in giftes a great part of those things which were giuen vs by well disposed people, to defray our charges. To be short, all things are so in the power and possession of the Emperour, that no man dare say, This is mine, or, this is my neighbours, but all, both goods, cattell and men are his owne. Concerning this matter also he published a statute of late. The very same authority and iurisdiction doe the dukes in like sorte exercise vpon their subiects.

De electione Imperatoris Occoday, et legatione Ducis Bathy. Cap. 15.

[Sidenote: Occoday surrogatur patri. Bathy eiusque expeditio.] Mortuo, vt suprà dictum est, Cyngischam conuenerunt Duces, et elegerunt Occoday, filium eius Imperatorem. Qui habito consilio Principum, diuisit exercitus. Misitque Bathy, qui in secundo gradu attingebat eum, contra terram Altissodan et contra terram Bisminorum, qui Sarraceni erant, sed loquebantur Comanicum. Qui terram illorum ingressus, cum eis pugnauit, eósque sibi bello subiecit. [Sidenote: Barchin ciuitas.] Quædam autem ciuitas, nomine Barchin, diu restitit eis. Ciues enim in circuitu ciuitatis foueas multas fecerant, propter quas non poterant à Tartaris capi, donec illas repleuissent. [Sidenote: Sarguit ciuitas.] Ciues autem vrbis Sarguit hoc audientes, exierunt obuiam eis, spontè in manus eoram se tradentes. Vnde ciuitas eorum destructa non fuit, sed plures eorum occiderunt, et alios transtulerunt, acceptisque spolijs, vrbem alijs hominibus repleuerunt, et contra ciuitatem Orna perrexerunt. [Sidenote: Orna ciuitas.] Hæc erat nimium populosa et diuitijs copiosa. Erant enim ibi plures Christiani, videlicet Gasari et Rutheni, et Alani, et alij nec non et Sarraceni. Erátque Sarracenorum ciuitatis dominium. Est etiam posita super quendam magnum fluuium, et est quasi portus, habens forum maximum. Cumque Tartari non possent eos aliter vincere, fluuium qui per vrbem currebat, præciderunt, et illam cum rebus et hominibus submerserunt. Quo facto, contra Russiam perrexerunt, et magnam stragem in ea fecerunt, ciuitates et castra destruxerunt, et homines occiderunt. Kiouiam, Russiæ metropolin, diu obsederunt, et tandem ceperunt, ac ciues interfecerunt. [Sidenote: Vide Mechouium lib. 1. cap. 3.] Vnde quando per illam terram ibamus, innumerabilia capita et ossa hominum mortuorum, iacentia super campum, inueniebamus. Fuerat enim vrbs valdè magna et populosa, nunc quasi ad nihilum est redacta: vix enim domus ibi remanserunt ducentæ, quarum etiam habitatores tenentur in maxime seruitute. Porrò de Russia et de Comania Tartari contra Hungaros et Polonos processerunt, ibíque plures ex ipsis interfecti fuerunt, et vt iam superius dictum est, si Hungari viriliter restitissent, Tartari ab eis confusi recessissent. [Sidenote: Morduani.] Inde reuertentes in terram Morduanorum, qui sunt Pagani, venerunt, eósque bello vicerunt. [Sidenote: Bulgaria magna.] Inde contra Byleros, id est, contra Bulgariam magnam profecti sunt, et ipsam omninò destruxerunt. [Sidenote: Hungaria magna. Parossitæ.] Hinc ad Aquilonem adhuc contra Bastarcos, id est Hungariam magnam processerunt, et illos etiam deuicerunt. Hinc ampliùs ad Aquilonem pergentes, ad Parossitas venerunt, qui paruos habentes stomachos et os paruum, non manducant sed carnes decoquunt, quibus decoctis, se super ollam ponunt, et fumum recipiunt, et de hoc solo reficiuntur, vel si aliquid manducant, hoc valde modicum est. [Sidenote: Samogetæ.] Hinc et ad Samogetas venerunt qui tantum de venationibus viuunt, et tabernacula vestésque tantum habent de pellibus bestiarum. [Sidenote: Monstra aquilinaria.] Inde ad quandam terram super Oceanum peruenerunt, vbi monstra quædam inuenerunt, quæ per omnia formam humanam habebant, sed pedes bouinos, et caput quidem humanum, sed faciem vt canis. Duo verba loquebantur vt homines tertiò latrabant vt canes. Hinc redierunt in Comaniam, et vsque nunc ibi morantur ex eis quidam.

+ De his regionibus Herbersteinius pag. 8. b. et 91. b. Paret enim hodie vtraque Moscuorum Principi. Item de Bulgaria Guaguinus pag. 106. b.

The same in English.

Of the election of Emperour Occoday, and of the expedition of duke Bathy.
Chap. 15.

[Sidenote: Occoday succeedeth his father. The expedition of Bathy.] After the death of Chingis Cham aforesayd, the dukes assembled themselues and chose Occoday his sonne to be their Emperour. And he, entering into consultation with his nobles, diuided his armies, and sent duke Bathy his nephew against the countrie of Altisoldan, and against the people called Bisermini, who were Saracens, but spake the language of Comania. The Tartars inuading their countrey, fought with them and subdued them in battel. [Sidenote: The citie of Barchin.] But a certeine citie called Barchin resisted them a long time. For the citizens had cast vp many ditches and trenches about their citie, in regard whereof the Tartars could not take it till they had filled the said ditches. But the citizens of Sarguit hearing this, came foorth to meete them, yeelding themselues vnto them of their owne accord. Whereupon their citie was not destroyed, but they slue manie of them and others they carried away captiue, and taking spoyles, they filled the citie with other inhabitants, and so marched foorth against the citie of Orna. [Sidenote: Orna.] This towne was very populous and exceeding rich. For there were many Christians therein, as namely Gasarians, Russians, and Alanians, with others, and Saracens also. The gouernment of the citie was in the Saracens hande. It standeth vpon a mighty riuer, and is a kinde of porte towne, hauing a great marte exercised therein. And when the Tartars could not otherwise ouercome it, they turned the said riuer, running through the citie, out of his chanell, and so drowned the citie with the inhabitantes and their goods. Which being done, they set forward against Russia, and made foule hauocke there, destroying cities and castles and murthering the people. They laid siege a long while vnto Kiow the chiefe citie of Russia, and at length they tooke it and slue the citizens. Whereupon, traueiling through that countrey, wee found an innumerable multitude of dead mens skulles and bones lying vpon the earth. For it was a very large and a populous citie, but it is nowe in a maner brought to nothing for there doe scarce remaine 200 houses, the inhabitants whereof are kept in extreame bondage. Moreouer, out of Russia and Comania, they proceeded forward against the Hungarians, and the Polonians and there manie of them were slaine, as is aforesaid and had the Hungarians manfully withstood them, the Tartars had beene confounded and driuen backe. [Sidenote: The Morduans.] Returning from thence, they inuaded the countrey of the Morduans being pagans, and conquered them in battell. [Sidenote: Bulgaria magna.] Then they marched against the people called Byleri, or Bulgaria magna, and vtterly wasted the countrey. [Sidenote: Hungaria magna.] From hence they proceeded towards the North against the people called Bastarci or Hungaria magna, and conquered them also. [Sidenote: Parossitæ.] And so going on further North, they came vnto the Parossitæ, who hauing little stomacks and small mouthes, eate not any thing at all, but seething flesh they stand or sitte ouer the potte, and receiuing the steame or smoke thereof, are therewith onely nourished, and if they eate anie thing it is very little. [Sidenote: Samogetæ.] From hence the came they came to the Samogetæ, who liue onely vpon hunting, and vse to dwell in tabernacles onely, and to weare garments made of beastes skinnes. [Sidenote: The North Ocean.] From thence they proceeded vnto a countrey lying vpon the Ocean sea, where they found certaine monsters, who in all things resembled the shape of men, sauing that their feete were like the feete of an oxe, and they had in deede mens heads but dogges faces. [Sidenote: Northerne monsters.] They spake, as it were, two words like men, but at the third they barked like dogges. From hence they retired into Comania, and there some of them remaine vnto this day.

De legatione Cyrpodan Ducis. Cap. 16.

[Sidenote: Expeditius Cyrpodanis.] Eo tempore misit Occoday Can Cyrpodan Ducem cum exercitu ad meridiem contra Kergis, qui et illos bello superauit. Hi homines sunt Pagani, qui pilos in barba non habent. Quorum consuetudo talis est, vt cum alicuius pater moritur, præ dolore quasi vnam corrigiam in signum lamenti ab aure vsque aurem de facie sua leuet. His autem deuicus, Dux Cyrpodan contra Armenios iuit ad meridiem cum suis. Qui cùm transirent per deserta quædam, monstra inuenerunt effigiem humanam habentia, quæ non nisi vnum brachium cum manu in medio pectoris, et vnum pedem habebant, et duo cum vno arco sagittabant, adeóque fortiter currebant, quòd equi eos inuestitare non poterant. Currebant autem super vnum pedem illum saltando, et cùm essent fatigati, taliter eundo ibant super manum et pedem, se tanquam in circulo reuoluendo. Cúmque sic etiam fessi essent, iterum secundum priorem modum currebant. [Sidenote: Cyclopedes.] Hos Isidorus Cyclopedes appellat. Et ex eis Tartari non nullus occiderunt. Et sicut nobis à Ruthenis Clericis in curia dicebatur, qui morantur cum Imperatore prædicto plures ex eis nuncij venerunt in legatione ad curiam Imperatoris superius annotati, vt possent habere pacem cum illo. [Sidenote: Armenia et Georgia subacta.] Inde procedentes venerunt in Armeniam, quam bello deuicerunt, et etiam Georgiæ partem. Alia vero pars venit ad mandatum eorum, et singulis annis dederunt, et adhuc dant ei pro tributo xx millia Yperperarum. Hinc ad terram Soldam Deurum potentis et magni, processerunt, cum quo etiam pugnantes, ipsum deuicerunt. [Sidenote: Soklanus Halapiæ.] Denique processerunt vlterius debellando ac vincendo vsque ad terram Soldani Halapiæ, et nunc etiam terram obtinent, alias quoque terras vltra illas proponentes impuguare: nec postea reuersi sunt in terram suam vsque hodie. [Sidenote: Calipha Baldacensis.] Idémque exercitus contra terram Caliphi Baldach perrexit, quam etiam sibi subdidit, et vt CCCC Byzantios, exceptis Baldekinis cæterísque muneribus, ei quotidiè pro tributo daret, obtinuit. Sed et quolibet anno mittunt nuncios ad Caliphum, vt ad eos veniat. Qui cum tributo munera magna trasmittens, vt eum supportent, rogat. Ipse autem Imperator Tartarorum munera quidem accipit, et nihilommus vt veniat, pro eo mittit.

The same in English.

Of the expedition of duke Cyrpodan. Chap. 16.

[Sidenote: Kergis.] At the same time Occoday Can sent duke Cyrpodan with an armie against Kergis, who also subdued them in battell. These men are Pagans, hauing no beardes at all. They haue a custome when any of their fathers die, for griefe and in token of lamentation to drawe as it were, a leather thong ouerthwart their faces, from one eare to the other. This nation being conquered, duke Cyrpodan marched with his forces Southward against the Armenians. And trauailing through certain desert places, they found monsters in the shape of men, which had each of them but one arme and one hand growing out of the midst their breast, and but one foote. Two of them vsed to shoote in one bowe, and they ran so swiftly, that horses could not ouertake them. They ran also vpon that one foote by hopping and leaping, and being weary of such walking, they went vpon their hand and their foote, turning themselues round, as it were in a circle. And being wearie of so doing, they ran againe according to their wonted manner. [Sidenote: Cyclopodes.] Isidore calleth them Cyclopedes. And as it was told vs in court, by the clergie men of Russia, who remaine with the foresayd Emperour, many ambassadours were sent from them vnto the Emperours court, to obtaine Peace. [Sidenote: Armenia and Georgia conquered.] From thence they proceeded forth into Armenia, which they conquered in battell, and part also of Georgia. And the other part is, vnder their iurisdiction, paying as yet euery yeare vnto them for tribute, 20000. pieces of coyne called Yperpera. [Sidenote: The Soldan of Aleppo his land.] From thence they marched into the dominions of the puissant and mighty Soldan called Deurum, whom also they vanquished in fight. And to be short, they went on farther sacking and conquering, euen vnto the Soldan of Aleppo his dominions, and now they haue subdued that land also, determining to inuade other countries beyond it: neither returned they afterward into their owne land vnto this day. [Sidenote: The Caliph of Baldach.] Likewise the same armie marched forward against the Caliph of Baldach his countrey, which they subdued also, and exacted as his handes the daylie tribute of 400. Byzantines, besides Balkakines and other giftes. Also euery yeare they send messenters vnto the Caliph mouing him to come vnto them. Who sending back great gifts together with his tribute beseecheth them to be fauourable vnto him. Howbeit the Tartarian Emperour receiueth al his gifts, and yet still neuertheles sends for him, to haue him come.

Qualiter Tartari se habent in prælijs. Cap. 17.

Ordinauit Chingischam Tartaros per Decanos et centenarios et millenarios. [Sidenote: Tartarorum militaris disciplina.] Decem quoque millenarijs præponunt vnum, cunctóque nihilominus exercitui duos aut tres Duces, ita tamen vt ad vnum habeant respectum. Cúmque in bello contra aliquos congrediuntur nisi communiter cedant, omnes qui fugiunt, occiduntur. Et si vnus aut duo vel plures ex decem audacter accedunt ad pugnam, alij verò ex illo Denario non sequuntur similiter occiduntur. Sed etiam si vnus ex decem vel plures capiuntur, socij eorum si non eos liberant, ipsi etiam occiduntur. Porò arma debent habere tallia. Duos arcus vel vnum bonum ad minus. [Sidenote: Armatura.] Trésque pharetras sagittis plenas, et vnam securim et funes ad machinas trahendas. Diuites autem habent gladios in fine acutos, ex vna parte tantum incidentes, et aliquantulum curuos. Habent et equos armatos, crura etiam tecta, galeas et loricas. Verùm loricas et equorum cooperturas quidam habent de corio, super corpus artificiosè duplicato vel etiam triplicato. Galea verò superius est de chalybe, vel de ferro: sed illud, quod in circuitu protegit collum et gulam, est de corio. Quidam autem de ferro habent omnia supradicta, in hunc modum formata. Laminas multas tenues ad vnius digni latitudinem et palmæ longitudinem faciunt, et in qualibet octo foramina paruula facientes, interius tres corrgias strictas et fortes ponunt. Sicque laminas, vnam alij quasi per gradus ascendendo, supponunt. Itáque laminas ad corrigias, tenuibus corrigiolis per foramina prædicta immissis, ligant, et in superiori parte corrigiolam vnam ex vtraque parte duplicatam cum alia corrigiola consuunt, vt laminæ simul benè firmitérque cohæreant. Hæc faciunt tam ad cooperturas equorum, quàm ad armaturas hominum. Adeóque faciunt ilia lucere, quod in eis potest homo faciem suam videre. Aliqui verò in collo ferri lanceæ vncum habent, cum quo de sella, si possunt, hominem detrahant. Sagittarum eorum ferramenta sunt acutissima, ex vtraque parte quasi gladius biceps incidentia, sempérque iuxta pharetram portant limas ad acuendum sagittas. Habent verò scuta de viminibus, aut de virgulis facta. Sed non credimus, quod ea soleant portare, nisi id castra et ad custodiam Imperatoris ac principum, et hoc tantùm de nocte. [Sidenote: Vsas bellorum.] In bellis astutissimi sunt: quia per annos xlij. cum cæteris gentibus dimicarunt. [Sidenote: Mos tranandi flumina.] Cùm autem ad flumim peruenerunt, maiores habent rotundum ac letie corium, in cuius summitate per circuitum ansas erebras facientes funem imponunt ac stringunt, ita quod in circuitu quasi ventrem efficiunt, quem vestibus ac rebus cæteris replent, fortissimeque ad inuicem comprimunt. In medio autem ponunt sellas et alias res duriores: ibi quoque sedent homines. Huiusmodi nauim ad equi caudam ligant, et hominem, qui equum regat, pariter natare faciunt, vel habent aliquando duos remos, cum quibus remigant. Equo igitur in aquam impulso, omnes alij equi sequuntur illum, et sic transeunt fluuium. Pauperior autem quilibet vnam bursam vel saccum de corio bene consutum habet, in quo res suas omnes imponit, et in summitate fortiter ligatum, ad equi caudam suspendit, sicque modo prædicto transit.

The same in English.

How the Tartars behaue themselues in warre. Chap. 17.

[Sidenote: The military discipline of the Tartars] Chingis Cham diuided his Tartars by captaines of ten, captaines of an 100, and captaines of a 1000. And ouer ten Millenaries or captains of a 1000, he placed, as it were, one Colonel, and yet notwithstanding ouer one whole army he authorised two or three dukes, but yet so that all should haue especiall regart vnto one of the said dukes. And when they ioine battel against any other nation, vnles they do all with one consent giue backe, euery man that flies is put to death. And if one or two, or more of ten proceed manfully to the battel, but the residue of those ten draw backe and follow not the company, they are in like manner slaine. Also, if one among ten or more bee taken, their fellowes, if they rescue them not, are punished with death. [Sidenote: Their weapons.] Moreouer they are enioined to haue these weapons following. Two long bowes or one good one at the least, three quiuers full of arrowes, and one axe, and ropes to draw engines withal. But the richer sort haue single edged swords, with sharpe points, and somewhat crooked. They haue also armed horses with their shoulders and breasts defenced, they haue helmets and brigandines. Some of them haue iackes, and caparisons for their horses made of leather artificially doubled or trebled vpon their bodies. The vpper part of their helmet is of iron or steele, but that part which compasseth about the necke and the throate is of leather. Howbeit some of them haue of the foresaide furniture of iron trimed in maner following. They beate out many thinne plates a finger broad and a handful long, and making in euery one of them eight littel holes, they put thereunto three strong and straight leather thongs. So they bind the plates one to another, as it were, ascending by degrees. Then they tie the plates vnto the said thongs with other small and slender thongs drawen through the holes aforesaid, and in the vppper part, on each side therof, they fasten one small doubled thong vnto another, that the plates may firmely be knit together. These they make as well for their horses caparisons, as for the armour of their men: And they skowre them so bright that a man may behold his face in them. Some of them vpon the necke of their launce haue an hooke, wherewithall they attempt to pull men out of their saddles. The heads of their arrowes are exceedingly sharpe cutting both wayes like a two edged sworde, and they alwaies carie a file in their quiuers to whet their arrowheads. They haue targets made of wickers, or of small reddes. Howbeit they doe not (as we suppose) accustome to carrie them, but onely about the tents or in the Emperours or dukes guards, and that only in the night season. [Sidenote: Their experience and cunning in warres.] They are most politique in warres, hauing bene exercised therein with other nations for the of these 42. yeres. [Sidenote: Their maner of passing ouer riuers.] When they come at any riuers the chiefe men of the company haue a round and light piece of leather, about the borders whereof making many loopes, they put a rope into them to draw it together like a purse, and so bring it into the round forme of a ball, which leather they fill with their garments and other necessities trussing it vp most strongly. But vpon the midst of the vpper parte thereof, they lay their saddles and other hard things there, also doe the men themselues sit. This their boate they tye vnto an horse tayle, causing a man to swimme before, and to guide ouer the horse, or sometime they haue two oares to row themselues ouer. The first horse therefore being driuen into the water all the other horses of the company followe him, and so they passe through the riuer. But the poorer sorte of common souldiers haue euery man his leather bag or sachell well sown together, wherin he packs vp all his trinkets, and strongly trussing it vp hangs it at his horses tayle, and so passeth ouer in maner aforesaid.

Qualiter resistendum sit eis. Cap 18

Nullam æstimo prouinciam esse quæ per se possit eis resistere: quia de omni terra potestatis suæ solent homines ad bellum congregare. Et siquidem vicina prouincia non vult eis opem ferre, quam impugnant, delentes illum cum hominibus, quos ex illa capiunt, contra aliam pugnant. [Sidenote: [Greek: Harainesis] de bello contra Tartaros gerendo.] Et illos quidem in acie primos ponunt et si malè pugnant, ipsos occidunt. Itaque si Christiani eis resistere volunt oportet quòd Principes ac rectores terrarum in vnum conueniant, ac de communi consilio eis resistant Habeántque pugnatores arcus fortes et balistais, quas multùm timent sagittásque sufficientes dolabrum quoque de bono ferro, vel securim cum manubrio longo. [Sidenote: Ferri temperamentum.] Ferramenta verò sagittarum more Tartarorum, quando sunt calida, temperare debent in aqua, cum sale mixta, vt fortia sint ad penetrandum illorum arma. Gladios etiam et lanceas cum vncis habeant, qui volunt, ad detrahendum illos de sella, de qua facillimè cadunt. Habeant et galeas et arma catera, ad protegendum corpus et equum ab armis et saggitis eorum, et si qui non ita sunt armati, debent more illorum post alios ire, et contra ipsos arcubus vel balistis traijcere. Et sicut dictum est suprà de Tartaris, debent acies suas ordinare, ac legem pugnantibus imponere. Quicunque conuersus fuerit ad prædam ante victoriam maximam debet poenam subire: talis enim apud illos occiditur absque miseratione. Locus ad prælium, si fieri potest, eligendus est planus, vt vndíque possint videre, nec omnes debent in vnum conuenire, sed acies multas et diuisas, nec tamen nimis distantes ab inuicem facere. Contra illos qui primò veniunt, debent vnam aciem mittere, et alia parata sit ad iuuandum illam opportuno tempore. Habeant et speculatores ex omni parte, qui videant, quando veniunt acies cætere. Nam ideò semper debent aciem contra aciem, vt ei occurrant, mittere, quoniam illi semper nituntur aduersarios in medio concludere. Hoc autem acies caueant, ne si etiam illi fugere videantur, diu post illos currant, ne fortè, sicut facere solent, ipsos ad paratas insidias trahent: quia plus fraudulentia quàm fortitudine pugnant. Et iterum ne fatigentur equi eorum: quia nostri multitudinem non habent equorum. Tartari verò quos equitant die vna, non ascendunt tribus diebus, vel quatuor postea. Prætera si cedunt Tartari, non ideò debent nostri recedere, vel ab inuicem separari: quoniam hoc simulando faciunt, vt exercitus diuidatur, et sic ad terræ destructionem liberè ingrediantur. Cæterùm Duces nostri die noctúque facere debent exercitum custodiri: nec iacere spoliati, sed semper ad pugnam parati: quia Tartari quasi Dæmones semper vigilant, excogitantes artem nocendi. Porrò si aliqui Tartarorum in bello de suis equis proijciuntur, statim capiendi sunt, quia quando sunt in terra fortiter sagittant, et equos hominésque vulnerant.

The same in English.

Howe they may be resisted. Chap. 18.

I deeme not any one kingdome or prouince able to resist them because they vse to take vp souldiers out of euery countrey of their dominions. And if so be the neighbour prouince which they inuade, wil not aide them, vtterly wasting it, with the inhabitants therof, whom they take from thence with them, they proceed on to fight against another countrey. And placing their captiues in the forefront of the battell, if they fight not couragiously, they put them to the sworde. [Sidenote: Counsel how to wage warre against the Tartar.] Wherefore, if Christians would withstande them, it is expediennt, that the prouinces and gouernours of countreies should agree in one, and so by common counsell, should giue them resistance. Their souldiers also must be furnished with strong hand-bowes and cros-bowes, which they greatly dread, and with sufficient arrowes, with maces also of good iron, or an axe with a long handle or staffe. [Sidenote: A notable temper of iron or steele.] When they make their arrow heads they must (according to the Tartars custome) dip them red-hot into water mingled with salte, that they may be strong to pierce the enemies armour. They that wil may haue swords also and lances with hooks at the ends, to pull them from their saddles, out of which they are easilie remoued. They must haue helmets likewise and other armour to defend themselues and their horses from the Tartars weapons and arrowes, and they that are vnarmed, must (according to the Tartars custome) march behinde their fellowes, and discharge at the enemie with long bowes and cros-bowes. And (as it is aboue said of the Tartars) they must orderly dispose their bandes and troupes, and ordeine lawes for their souldiers. Whosoeuer runneth to the pray or spoyle, before the victorie be achieued, must vndergoe a most seuere punishment. For such a fellow is put to death among the Tartars without all pitie or mercie. The place of battel must be chosen, if it be possible, in a plaine fielde, where they may see round about, neither must all be in one company, but in manie and seuerall bandes, not very farre distant one from another. They which giue the first encounter must send one band before, and must haue another in a readynesse to relieue and second the former in time conuenient. They must haue spies also on euery side to giue them notice when the rest of the enemies bandes approch. For therefore ought they alwayes to send forth band against band and troupe against troupe, because the Tartar euer practiseth to gette his enemie in the midst and so to enuiron him. Let our bands take this caveat also, if the enemie retire, not to make any long pursuit after him, lest peraduenture (according to his custome) he might draw them into some secret ambush: for the Tartar fights more by policie than by maine force. Those horses which the Tartars vse one day, they ride not vpon three or foure dayes after. Moreouer, if the Tartars draw homeward, our men must not therefore depart and casseir their bandes, or separate themselues asunder: because they doe this vpon policie, namely to haue our armie diuided, that they may more securely inuade and waste the countrey. And in very deede, our captaines ought both day and night to keepe their armie in a readines: and not to lie out of their armour, but at all assayes, to bee prouided for battell. For the Tartars like deuils are alwaies watching and deuising howe to practise mischiefe. Furthermore, if in battell any of the Tartars be cast off their horse backes, they must presently bee layd holde on and taken, for being on foote they shoote strongly, wounding and killing both horses and men.

De itinere Fratris Iohannis de Plano carpini vsque ad primam custodiam
Tartarorum. Cap. 19.

Nos igitur ex mandato sedis Apostolicæ cùm iremus ad Orientis nationes, elegimus prius ad Tartaros proficisci: quia timebamus, ne per illos in proximo Ecclesiæ Dei periculum immineret. [Sidenote: Itinarium Iohann. et sociorum legatorum.] Itaque pergentes, ad regem Boëmorum peruenimus: qui cum esset nobis familiaris, consuluit, vt per Poloniam et Russiam iter ageremus. Habebat enim consanguineos in Polinia, quorum auxilo Russiam intrare possemus. [Sidenote: Boleslaus Dux Silesiæ.] Datísque literis et bono conductu, fecit et expensas nobis dari per curias et ciuitates eius, quo vsque ad Ducem Silesiæ Bolezlaum, nepotem eius, veniremus, qui etiam erat nobis familiaris et notus. Hinc et ipse nobis similiter fecit, donec veniremus ad Conradum, Ducem [Marginal note: Mazouiæ.] Lautisciæ, ad quem tunc, Dei gratia nobis fauente, venerat Dominus Wasilico, Dux Russiæ, à quo etiam plenius de facto audiuimus Tartarorum: quia nuncios illuc miserat, qui iam redierant ad ipsum. Audito autem, quòd opporteret nos illis munera dare, quasdam pelles castorum et aliorum animalium fecimus emi, de hoc, quod datum nobis fuerat in eleemosynam ad subsidium viæ. Quod agnoscentes Dux Conradus et [Marginal note: Grimislaua vt Mechouius lib. 1. cap. 9.] Ducissa Cracouiæ, et Episcopus et quidam milites, plures etiam nobis dederunt huiusmodi pelles. Denique Dux Wasilico à Duce Cracouiæ, et Episcopo atque Baronibus pro nobis attentè rogatus, secum nos in terram suam duxit, et vt aliquantulum quiesceremus aliquot diebus nos in expensis suis detinuit. [Sidenote: Literæ Papa ad Russos.] Et cùm rogatus à nobis, fecisset Episcopos suos venire, legimus eis literas Domini Papæ, monentis eos, ad sanctæ matris Ecclesiæ vnitatem redire. Ad idem quoque nos ipsi monuimus eos, et induximus, quantum potuimus, tam Ducem quàm Episcopos et alios. [Sidenote: Daniel, frater Basilij.] Sed quia Dux Daniel, frater Wasiliconis prædicti, præsens non erat, quoniam ad Baty profectus erat, non potuerunt eo tempore finaliter respondere. Post hæc Dux Wasilico transmisit nos vsque in Kiouiam metropolin Russiæ, cum seruiente vno. [Sidenote: Lituani.] Ibamus tamen in periculo capitis semper propter Lituanos, qui sæpè faciebant insultum super terram Russiæ et in illis maximè locis, per quos debebamus transire. At per prædictum seruientem eramus securi à Ruthenis, quorum etiam maxima pars occisa vel captiuata erat à Tartaris. Porrò in Danilone vsque ad mortem tunc infirmati fuimus. Nihilominus tamen in vehiculo per niuem et frigus magnum trahi nos fecimus. Cum ergò Kiouiam peruenimus, habuimus de via nostra consilium cum millenario ac cæteris ibidem nobilibus. [Sidenote: Pabulum equorum Tartario.] Qui responderunt nobis, quòd si duceremus equos illos, quos tunc habebamus, ad Tortaros, cùm essent magnæ niues, morerentur omnes: qui nescirent herbam fodere sub niue, sicut equi faciunt Tartarorum, nec inueniri posset aliquod pro eis ad manducandum, cùm Tartari nec stramina nec foenum habeant, nec pabulum. Itaque decreuimus eos illic dimittere cum duobus pueris, deputatis eorum custodiæ. Ideóque nos oportuit millenario dare munera, vt ipsum haberemus propitium, ad dandum nobis equos subductitios et conductum. Secundo igitur die post festum Purificationis cepto itinere, venimus ad villam Canouæ, quæ sub Tartaris erat immediatè. [Sidenote: Micheas [Greek: pankakos].] Cuius præfectus nobis dedit equos et conductum vsque ad aliam, in qua reperimus præfectum Micheam omni malitia plenum. Qui tamen acceptis à nobis muneribus secundum velle suum, duxit nos vsque ad primam custodiam Tartarorum.

The same in English.

Of the iourney of frier [Marginal note: Iohannes de plano Carpini.] Iohn vnto the first guard of the Tartars. Chap. 19.

[Sidenote: The iourney of frier Iohn and his fellow Legates.] We therefore by the commaundement of the sea apostolique setting foorth towards the nations of the East, chose first to trauel vnto the Tartars, because we feared that there might be great danger imminent vpon the Church of God next vnto them, by their inuasions. [Sidenote: Boleslaus duke of Silesia.] Proceeding on therefore, we came to the king of Bohemia, who being of our familiar acquaintance, aduised vs to take our iourney through Polonia and Russia. For he had kinsfolkes in Polonia, by whose assistance, we might enter into Russia. Hauing giuen vs his letters, hee caused our charges also to be defrayed, in all his chiefe houses and cities, till we came vnto his nephew Boleslaus duke of Silesia, who also was familiar and well knowen vnto vs. The like fauour he shewed vs also, till wee came vnto Conradus duke of [Marginal note: Mazouia.] Lautiscia, vnto whome then (by Gods especiall fauour towards vs) lord Wasilico duke of Russia was come, from whose mouth we heard more at large concerning the deedes of the Tartars: for he had sent ambassadours thither, who were returned backe vnto him. Wherefore, it being giuen vs to vnderstand, that we must bestow giftes vpon them, we caused certaine skinnes of beuers and other beastes to be bought with part of that money, which was giuen vpon almes to succour vs by the way. Which thing duke Conradus and the [Marginal note: Grimslaua.] duches of Cracow, and a bishop, and certaine souldiers being aduertised of, gaue vs likewise more of the same skins. And to be short, duke Wasilico being earnestly requested by the duke of Cracow, and by the bishop and barons, on our behalfe, conducted vs with him, vnto his owne land, and there for certaine daies, enterteined vs at his owne charges, to the ende that we might refresh ourselues a while. And when, being requested by vs, he had caused his bishops to resort vnto him, we reade before them the Popes letters, admonishing them to returne vnto the vnitie of the Church. To the same purpose also, we our selues admonished them, and to our abilitie, induced as well the duke as the bishops and others thereunto. [Sidenote: Daniel brother vnto Wasilico.] Howbeit because Duke Daniel the brother of Wasilico aforesaid (hauing as then taken his iourney vnto Baty) was absent, they could not at that time, make a finall answere. After these things duke Wasilico sent vs forward with one of his seruants as farre as Kiow the chiefe citie of Russia. [Sidenote: The Lithuanians.] Howbeit we went alwayes in danger of our liues by reason of the Lithuanians, who did often inuade the borders of Russia, euen in those verie places by which we were to passe. But in regard of the foresayd seruant, wee were out of the Russians daunger, the greatest part of whome were either slaine, or caried into captiuitie by the Tartars. Moreouer, at Danilon wee were feeble euen vnto the death. (Notwithstanding wee caused our selues to bee carried in a waggon through the snowe and extreme colde) And being come vnto Kiow, wee consulted with the Millenary, and other noble men there concerning our iourney. [Sidenote: The fodder of the Tartarian horses.] They told vs, that if wee carried those horses, which wee then had, vnto the Tartars, great store of snowe lying vpon the ground, they would all dye: because they knew not how to digge vp the grass vnder the snow, as the Tartarian horses doe, neither could there bee ought found for them to eate, the Tartars hauing neither hay nor strawe, nor any other fodder. We determined therefore to leaue them behind at Kiow with two seruants appointed to keepe them. And wee were constrayned to bestow gifts vpon the Millenary, that we might obtaine his fauour to allowe vs poste horses and a guide. Wherefore beginning our iourney the second daye after the feast of the Purification, wee arriued at the towne of Canow, which was immediately vnder the dominion of the Tartars. [Sidenote: Michæas the malicious] The gouernour whereof allowed vs horses and a guide vnto another towne, wherein wee found one Michæas to be gouernour, a man full of all malice and despight. Who notwithstanding, hauing receiued giftes at our handes, according to his maner conducted vs to the first guarde of the Tartars.

Qualiter primò cum socijs suis receptus est à Tartaris. Cap. 20.

Cum ergo in prima sexta feria post diem cinerum, Sole ad occasum tendente, hospitaremur, Tartari super nos armati horribiliter irruerunt, quærentes cuiusmodi homines essemus: cúmque respondissemus, quòd Domini Papæ nuncij essemus, quibusdam cibarijs à nobis acceptis, continuò discesserunt. Porrò mane facto, cùm surgentes aliquantulum processissemus, maiores illorum, qui erant in custodia, nobis occurrerunt, interrogantes, cur ad eos veniremus? et quid negotij haberemus? [Sidenote: Papa Christianorum pater et Dominus.] Quibus respondimus, Domini Papæ nuncij sumus, qui Christianorum pater est ac Dominus. Hic nos idcircò tam ad Regem quàm ad Principes, omnésque Tartaros, mittit, quia placet ei, quòd omnes Christiani Tartarorum sint amici, et pacem habeant cum ipsis. [Sidenote: Legationibus mandata.] Desiderat insuper, vt apuud Deum in coelo sint magni, et idcircò monet eos tam per nos quàm per literas suas, vt efficiantur Christiani, fidémque recipiant Domini nostri Iesu Christi, quia non possunt aliter saluari. Mandat prætereà, quòd miratur de tanta occisione hominum, et maximè Christianorum, ac potissimè Hungarorum Montanorum, et Polonorum, qui sunt ei subiecti, facta per Tartaros, cùm in nullo læsissent, aut lædere attentassent eos. Et quia Dominus Deus grauiter est super hoc offensus, monet eos vt à talibus de cætero caueant, et de commissis poenitentiam agant. Super his etiam rogat, vt ei rescribant, quid facere velint de cætero, et quæ sit eorum intentio. [Sidenote: Corrensa.] Quibus auditis, et intellectis, dixerunt Tartari, se velle equos nobis subductitios vsque ad Corrensam et ducatum præbere. Statimque munera petierunt, et à nobis acceperunt. Equis igitur acceptis, de quibus descenderunt ipsi, cum eorum ducatu ad Corrensam arripuimus iter eundi. Ipsi tamen velociter equitantes, nuncium vnum præmiserunt ad præfatum Ducem cum his verbis, quæ dixeramus eisdem. [Sidenote: Dux limitis occidentalis.] Est autem Dux iste Dominus omnium, qui positi sunt in custodia contra omnes Occidentis populos, ne fortè subitò et improuisò irruant aliqui super illos. Et iste dicitur habere sexaginta millia hominum armatorum sub se.

The same in English.

How he and his company were at the first receiued of the Tartars. Chap. 20.

Wherefore, the first saturday next after Ashwednesday, hauing about the Sunnes going downe, taken vp our place of rest, the armed Tartars came rushing vpon vs in vnciuil and horrible maner, being very inquisitiue of vs what maner of persons, or of what condition we were: and when we had answered them that we were the Popes Legates, receiuing some victuals at our handes, they immediately departed. Moreouer in the morning rising and proceeding on our iourney, the chiefe of them which were in the guard met with vs, demaunding why, or for what intent and purpose we came thither, and what business we had with them: Vnto whom we answered, We are the legates of our lord the Pope, who is the father and lord of the Christians. [Sidenote: The content of the legacie.] He hath sent vs as well vnto your Emperour, as to your princes, and all other Tartars for this purpose, because it is his pleasure, that all Christians should be in league with the Tartars, and should haue peace with them. It is his desire also that they should become great or in fauour with God in heauen, therfore he admonisheth them aswel by vs, as by his own letters, to become Christians, and to embrace the faith of our Lord Iesu Christ, because they could not otherwise be saued. Moreouer, he giues them to vndersand, that he much marueileth at their monstrous slaughters and massacres of mankind, and especially of Christians, but most of al of Hungarians, Mountaineirs, and Polonians, being al his subiects, hauing not iniuried them in ought, nor attempted to doe them iniurie. And because the Lord God is grieuously offended thereat, he aduiseth them from henceforth to beware of such dealing, and to repent them of that which they had done. He requesteth also, that they would write an answere vnto him, what they purpose to doe hereafter, and what their intention is. All which things being heard and vnderstood, the Tartars sayd that they would appoint vs poste horses and a guide vnto Corrensa. And immediately demanding gifts at our hands, they obtained them. [Sidenote: Corrensa.] Then receiuing the same horses, from which they dismounted, together with a guide wee tooke our iourney into Corrensa. [Sidenote: The duke of the western marches.] But they riding a swift pace, sent a messenger before vnto the sayd duke to signifie the message, which we had deliuered vnto them. This duke is gouernour of all of them, which lie in guard against the nations of the West, least some enemy might on the sudden and at vnawares breake in vpen them. And hee is said to haue 60000. men vnder him.

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Corrensam. Cap. 21.

[Sidenote: Mos salutandi Tartaricos proceres.] Cum ergò peruenissemus an eius curiam, fecit nobis longè à se poni stationem, et misit ad nos procuratores suos, vt quærent à nobis, cum quo ei vellemus inclinare id est, quæ ei munera inclinando vellemus offerre. Quibus respondimus, quòd Dominus Papa non mittebat aliqua munera; quia non erat certus, quòd ad illos peruenire possemus, et insuper veneramus per loca valdè periculosa. Veruntamen in quantum de his, quæ habebamus ex gratia Dei et Domini Papæ ad victum nostrum, sicut poterimus, honorabimus ipsum. Acceptisque muneribus duxerunt nos ad ordam siue tentorium ipsius, et instructi fuimus, vt ante ostium stationis ter cum sinistro genu inclinaremus, et caueremus attentè ne pedem super limen ostij poneremus. Et postquam intrauimus, opportunt nos coram Duce omnibusque maioribus, qui ad hoc erant vocari, dicere flexis genibus ea, quæ dixeramus superiùs. Literas etiam Dom. Papæ obtulimus: sed interpres, quem de Kyouia, dato pretio, duxeramus, non erat sufficiens ad interpretandum, nec aliquis alius habebatur idoneus. [Sidenote: Bathy eiúsque potentia.] Hinc equi nobis dati sunt, et tres Tartari qui nos ducerent festinanter ad ducem Bathy. Ipse est apud eos potentior excepto Imperatore, cui tenentur præ cunctis principibus obedire. Itaque iter arripuimus secunda feria post primam dominicam [Marginal note: Quadragesime.] xl. et equitando, quantum equi trotare poterant, quoniam habebamus equos recentes ferè ter aut quater omni die, properabamus de mane vsque ad noctem, imò etiam de nocte sæpissimè, nec tamen ante quartam feriam maioris hebdomadæ potuimus ad ipsum peruenire. [Sidenote: Comania.] Ibamus autem per terram Comanorum quæ tota est plana, et flumina quatuor habet magna. Primuim appellatur [Marginal note: Veteribus Borysthenes.] Neper, iuxta quod ex parte Russiæ ambulabat Correnza et Montij, qui maior est ille ex altera parte per campestria. Secundum appellatur [Marginal note: Tanais] Don, super quod ambulat quidam Princeps habens in coniugio sororem Baty, qui vocatur Tirbor. Tertium dicitur [Marginal note: Rha.] Volga, quod est magnum valde super quod incecdit Bathy. Quartum nominatur [Marginal note: Rhymnus.] Iaec, super quod duo millenarij vadunt, vnus ex parte illuminis vna, et alter ex altera. Hi omnes in hyeme ad mare descendunt, et in æstate super ripam corundem fluminum ad montes ascendunt. Hoc est mare magnum, de quo brachium saneti Georgij exit, quod in Constantinopolin vadit. [Sidenote: Pontus Euxinas.] Hæc autem flumina sunt piscibus valdè plena, maximè Volga, intrántque mare Græciæ, quod dicitur Magnum mare. [Sidenote: Volga non intrat.] Super Nepre autem multis diebus iuimus per glaciem. Super littora quoque maris Græciæ satis periculosè per glaciem iuimus in pluribus locis multis diebus. Congelantur enim circa littora vndæ ad tres leugas inferiùs. Prius autem quàm ad Bathy perueniremus, duo ex nostris Tartaris præcesserunt, ad indicandum ei omnia verba quæ apud Corrensam dixeramus.

The same in English.

How they were receiued at the court of Corrensa. Chap. 21.

[Sidenote: The maner of saluting the Tartarian princes.] Being come therefore vnto his court, hee caused our tent to be placed farre from him, and sent his agents to demaund of vs with what we would incline vnto him, that is to say, what giftes we would offer, in doing our obeisance vnto him. Vnto whome wee answered, that our lord the Pope had not sent any giftes at all, because he was not certaine that wee should euer bee able to come at them: for we passed through most dangerous places. Notwithstanding, to our abilitie, we will honour him with some part of those things which haue bene, by the goodnes of God and the fauour of the Pope, bestowed vpon vs for our sustenance. Hauing receiued our gifts, they conducted vs vnto the Orda or tent of the duke, and we were instructed to bow thrise with our left knee before the doore of the tente, and in any case to beware, lest wee set our foote vpon the threshold of the sayd doore. And that after we were entred, wee should rehearse before the duke and all his nobles, the same wordes which wee had before sayd, kneeling vpon our knees. Then presented wee the letters of our lord the Pope: but our interpreter whome we had hired and brought with vs from Kiow was not sufficiently able to interpret them, neither was there any other esteemed to bee meete for the same purpose. Here certaine poste horses and three Tartars were appoynted for vs to conduct vs from hence with al speede vnto duke Bathy. [Sidenote: Duke Bathy and his power] This Bathy is the mightiest prince among them except the Emperour, and they are bound to obey him before all other princes. We began our iourney towards his court the first tuesday in Lent, and riding as fast as our horses could trot (for we had fresh horses almost thrise or foure times a day) we posted from morning till night, yea very often in the night season also, and yet could we not come at him before Maundie thursday. All this iourney we went through the land of Comania, which is al plaine ground, and hath foure mighty riuers running through it: [Marginal note: Boristhenes] Neper, on the side whereof towards Russia, duke Corrensa and Montij marched vp and downe, which Montij on the other side vpon the plaines is greater then he. The second is called [Marginal note: Tanais.] Don, vpon the banke whereof marcheth a certain prince hauing in marriage the sister of Bathy, his name is Tirbon. The third is called [Marginal note: Rha.] Volga, which is an exceeding great riuer, vpon the bankes whereof duke Bathy marcheth. The fourth is called [Marginal note: Rhymnus.] Iaec, vpon which two Millenaries doe march, on each side of the riuer one. All these, in the winter time, descend down to the sea, and in summer ascend backe by the bankes of the said riuers vp to the mountains. The sea last named is the [Marginal note: Pontes Euxima. He is deceiued, for albeit Neper and Don run into Mare Maior: yet Volga and Iaec flowe into the Caspian Sea.] Great Sea, out of which the arme of S. George proceedeth, which runneth by Constantinople. These riuers do abound with plenty of fishes, but especially Volga, and they exonerate themselues into the Grecian sea, which is called Mare maior. Ouer Neper we went many daies vpon the ice. Along the shore also of the Grecian sea we went very dangerously vpon the ice in sundry places, and that for many daies together. For about the shore the waters are frozen three leagues into the sea. But before we came into Bathy, two of our Tartars rode afore, to giue him intelligence of all the sayings which we had vttered in the presence of Corrensa.

Qualiter recepti sunt apud Bathy magnum Principem. Cap. 22.

Porrò cùm in finibus terræ Comanorum ad Bathy perueniremus, benè positi fuimus per vnam leucam à stationibus eius. [Sidenote: Ceremonia per duos ignes transeundi.] Cúmque duci debuimus ad curiam ipsius, dictum fuit nobis, quòd inter duos ignes transire deberemus. Nos autem hoc nulla ratione facere volebamus. At illi dixerunt nobis: Ite securè quia pro nulla causa volumus hoc facere, nisi tantùm, vt si vos aliquid malum cogitatis Domino nostro, vel portatis venenum, ignis auferat omne malum Quibus respondemus: quod propter hoc, ne de tali re suspectos redderemus nos, transiremus. [Sidenote: Eldegay.] Cùm igitur ad Ordam peruenissemus, interrogati à procuratore ipsius Eldegay, cum quo inclinare vellemus? idem quod prius apud Corrensam respondimus, datísque muneribus et acceptis, auditis etiam itineris causis, introduxerunt nos in stationem Principis, prius facta inclinatione, et audita de limine non calcando, sicut prius, admonitione. [Sidenote: Bathy audit legatos.] Ingressi autem flexis genibus, verba nostra proposuimus, deinde literas obtulimus, et vt nobis darentur interpretes ad transferendum eas, rogauimus. Qui etiam in die Parasceue dati fuerunt nobis, et eas in litera Ruthenica, Sarracenica, et in Tartarica diligenter cum ipsis transtulimus. Hæc interpretatio Bathy præsentata fuit; quam et legit, et attentè notauit. Tandem ad nostram stationem reducti fuimus, sed nulla cibaria nobis dederunt, nisi semel aliquantulum millij in vna scutella, scilicet in prima nocte quando venimus. [Sidenote: Gerit se regifice.] Iste Bathy magnificè se gerit, habens ostianos et omnes officiales ad modum Imperatoris, et sedet in eminenti loco velut in throno cum vna de vxoribus suis. Alij verò tam fratres sui et filij, quàm alij maiores inferiùs sedent in medio super bancum, et homines cæteri post eos in terra deorsum, sed viri à dextris, et foeminæ à sinistris. Tentoria quoque de panno lineo habet pulchra et magna satis, quæ fuerunt Hungariæ regis. Nec aliquis ad eius tentorium audet accedere præter familiam, nisi vocatus, quantumcunque sit potens et magnus, nisi fortè sciatur, quòd sit voluntas ipsius. Nos etiam dicta causa sedimus à sinistris: Sic etenim et omnes nuncij faciunt in eundo: sed in redeundo ab Imperatore, semper ponebamur à dextris. [Sidenote: Eiusdem bibendi ad Symphoniæ cantum mos.] In medio ponitur mensa eius prope ostium stationis, super quam apponitur potus in aureis et argenteis vasis. Nec vnquam bibit Bathy, vel aliquis Tartarorum Princeps, maximè quando in publico sunt, nisi cantetur ei vel cytharizetur. Et cùm equitat, semper portatur solinum vel tentoriolum super caput eius in hasta. [Sidenote: Authoritas.] Sícque faciunt cuncti maiores Principes Tartarorum, et etiam vxores eorum. Idem verò Bathy satis est hominibus suis benignus, valdè tamen ab eis timetur, et in pugna est crudelisimus, sagax est multum et astutissimus in bello: quia iam pugnauit tempore longo.

The same in English.

How we were receiued at the court of the great prince Bathy. Chap. 22.

Moreouer, when we came vnto Bathy in the land of Comania, we were seated a good league distant from his tabernacles. [Sidenote: A ceremony of passing betweene two fires.] And when we should be conducted vnto his court, it was told vs that we must passe between two fires. But we would by no means be induced thereunto. Howbeit, they said vnto vs: you may passe through without al danger: for we would haue you to doe it for none other cause, but only that if you intend any mischiefe against our lord, or bring any poyson with you, fire may take away all euill. Vnto whom we answered, that to the end we might cleare ourselues from all suspition of any such matter, we were contented to passe through. [Sidenote: Eldegay.] When therefore we were come vnto the Orda, being demanded by his agent Eldegay with what present or gift we would do our obeisance? Wee gaue the same answere which we did at the court of Corrensa. The gifts being giuen and receiued, the causes of our iourney also being heard, they brought vs into the tabernacle of the prince, first bowing ourselues at the doore, and being admonished, as before, not to tread vpon the threshold. [Sidenote: Bathy heareth the Legates.] And being entred, we spake vnto him kneeling vpon our knees, and deliuered him our letters, and requested him to haue interpreters to translate them. Who accordingly on good friday were sent vnto vs, and we together with them, diligently translated our sayd letters into the Russian, Tartarian, and Saracen languages. This interpretation was presented vnto Bathy, which he read, and attentiuely noted. At length wee were conducted home againe vnto our owne lodging, howbeit no victuals were giuen vnto vs, except it were once a litle Millet in a dich, the first night of our comming. [Sidenote: He behaues himselfe like a king.] This Bathy caries himselfe very stately and magnificently, hauing porters and all officers after the maner of the Emperour, and sittes in a lofty seate or throne together with one of his wiues. The rest, namely, as well his brethren and sonnes, as other great personages sit vnderneath him in the midst vpon a bench, and others sit down vpon the ground, behinde him, but the men on the right hand and the women on the left. He hath very faire and large tentes of linnen cloth also, which were once the kings of Hungaria. Neither dare any man come into his tent (besides them of his owne family) vnles he be called, be he neuer so mighty and great, except perhaps it be knowen that it is his pleasure. Wee also, for the same cause, sate on the left hand; for so doe all ambassadors in going: but in returning from the Emperour, we were alwaies placed on the right hand. In the middest stands his table, neare vnto the doore of the tent, vpon the which there is drinke filled in golden and siluer vessels. [Sidenote: Their custome of drinking at the sound of musicke.] Neither doth Bathy at any time drinke, nor any other of the Tartarian princes, especially being in a publique place, but they haue singing and minstrilsie before them. And alwaies, when hee rides, there is a canopie or small tent caried ouer his head vpon the point of a iaueline. And so doe all the great princes of the Tartars, and their wiues also. The sayd Bathy is courteous enough vnto his owne men, and yet is hee had in great awe by them: he is most cruel in fight: he is exceedingly prudent and politique in warre, because he hath now continued a long time in martiall affaires.

Qualiter recedentes à Bathy per terram Comanorum et Kangittarum transierunt. Cap. 23.

[Sidenote: Legati iubentur ad Cuyme Imperat. pergere.] In die porrò Sabbathi sancti ad stationem fuimus vocati, et exiuit ad nos procurator Bathy prædictus, dicens ex parte ipsius, quòd ad Imperatorem Cuyne in terram ipsorum iremus, retentis quibusdam ex nostris sub hac specie, quòd vellent eos remittere ad Dominum Papam, quibus et literas dedimus de omnibus factis nostris, quas deferrent eidem. Sed cùm rediissent vsque ad Montij Ducem supra dictum, ibi retenti fuerunt vsque ad reditum nostrum. Nos autem in die Paschæ officio dicto, et facta comestione qualicunque cum duobus Tartaris, qui nobis apud Corrensam fuerant assignati, cum multis lacrymis recessimus, nescientes vtrum ad mortem vel vitam pergeremus. Eramus tamen ita infirmi corpore, quòd vix poteramus equitare. In tota siquidem illa quadragesima fuerat cibus noster millum cum aqua et sale tantùm, et in alijs similiter diebus ieiuniorum. Nec habebamus aliquid ad bibendum præter niuem in caldario liquefactam. Ibamus autem per Comaniam equitando fortissimè quoniam habebamus equos recentes quinquies aut pluries in die, nisi quando per deserta ibamus, et tunc equos meliores atque fortiores, qui possent continuum sustinere laborem, accipiebamus. Et hoc ab ineunte quadragesima vsque ad octo dies post Pascha. [Sidenote: Comaniæ descriptio.] Hæc terra Comania ab Aquilone immediatè post Russiam habet Morduynos. Byleros, id est, magnam Bulgariam, Bastarcos, id est, magnam Hungariam, post Bastarcos, Parositas et Samogetas. [Sidenote: Oceanus septentrionalis.] Post Samogetas, illos, qui dicuntur habere faciem caninam in Oceani littoribus desertis. A meridie habet Alanos. Circassos, Gazaros, Græciam et Constantinopolin, ac terram Iberorum, Cathos, Brutachios, qui dicuntur esse Iudæi, caput radentes per totùm, terram quoque Cithorum atque Georgianorum et Armeniorum et Turcorum. Ab occidente autem Hungariam habet atque Russiam. Et est Comania terra maxima et longa. Cuius populos, scilicet Comanos, Tartari occiderunt, quidam tamen à facie eorum fugerunt, et quidam in eorum seruitutem redacti sunt. Plurimi autem ex eis, qui fugerunt, ad ipsos redierunt. [Sidenote: Terra Kangittarum.] Post hæc intrauimus terram Kangittarum, quæ magnam habet in plurimis locis penuriam aquarum, in qua etiam homines pauci morantur propter aquæ defectum. [Sidenote: Ieroslaus, Dux Russiæ.] Vnde homines Ieroslai, Ducis Russiæ, cùm ad ipsum in terram Tartarorum perrexerunt, plures eorum in illo deserto præ siti mortui sunt. In hac etiam terra et in Comania multa inuenimus capita et ossa mortuorum hominum, super terram acentia tanquam sterquilinium. Per hanc itaque terram iuimus ab octo diebus post Pascha ferè vsque ad Ascensionem Dominicam. Huiúsque habitatores Pagani erant, et tam ipsi quàm Comani non laborabant, sed tantùm de animalibus viuebant, nec domos ædificabant, sed in tabernaculis habitabant. Istos etiam Tartari deleuerunt, et habitabant in terris eorum, illíque qui remanserunt, redacti sunt in seruitutem ipsorum.

The same in English.

How departing from Bathy, they passed through the land of Comania, and of the Kangittæ. Chap. 23.

Moreouer, vpon Easter euen, we were called vnto the tent, and there came forth to meete vs the foresaid agent of Bathy, saying on his masters behalfe, that we should go into their land, vnto the Emperor Cuyne, deteining certaine of our company with this pretence, that they would send them backe vnto the Pope, to whom we gaue letters of al our affaires to deliuer vnto him. But being come as farre as duke Montij aforesaid, there they were kept vntill our returne. [Sidenote: They trauelled post from Easter day to the 22 of Iuly Eastward to Volga.] Vpon Easter day, hauing said our praiers, and taken a slender breakfast, in the company of two Tartars, which were assigned vnto vs by Corensa, we departed with many teares, not knowing whether we went to death or to life. And we were so feeble in bodie, that we were scarce able to ride. For all that Lent through, our meat was Millet onely with a little water and salte. And so likewise vpon other fasting dayes. Neither had we ought to drinke, but snow melted in a skillet. And passing through Comania we rode most earnestly, hauing change of horses fiue times or oftener in a day, except when we went through deserts, for then we were allowed better and stronger horses, which could vndergoe the whole labour. And thus farre had we trauailed from the beginning of Lent vntill eight dayes after Easter. [Sidenote: A description of Comania.] The land of Comania on the North side immediately after Russia, hath the people called Morduym Byleri, that is, Bulgaria magna, the Bastarci, that is, Hungaria magna, next vnto the Bastarci, the Parositæ and the Samogetæ. [Sidenote: The North Ocean.] Next vnto the Samogetæ are those people which are sayd to haue dogges faces, inhabiting vpon the desert shores of the Ocean. On the South side it hath the Alani, the Circassi, the Gazari, Greece and Constantinople, also the land of Iberia, the Cathes, the Brutaches who are said to be Iewes shauing their heads all ouer, the landes also of Scythia, of Georgia, of Armenia, of Turkie. On the West side it hath Hungaria, and Russia. Also Comania is a most large and long countrey. The inhabitantes whereof called Comani the Tartars, slewe, some notwithstanding fled from them, and the rest were subdued vnder their bondage. But most of them that fled are returned againe. [Sidenote: The lande of the Kangittæ.] Afterward wee entred the lande of the Kangittæ, which in many places hath great scarcetie of waters, wherin there are but fewe inhabitants by reason of the foresayd defect of water. [Sidenote: Ieroslaus duke of Russia.] For this cause diuers of the seruants of Ieroslaus duke of Russia, as they were traueiling towards him into the land of Tartaria, died for thirst, in that desert. As before in Comania, so likewise in this countrey, wee found many skulles and bones of dead men lying vpon the earth like a dunghill. Through this countrey we were traueiling from the eight day after Easter vntil Ascension day. The inhabitants therof were Pagans, and neither they nor the Comanians vsed to till the ground, but liued onely vpon cattell, neither built they any houses but dwelled in tents. These men also haue the Tartars rooted out, and doe possesse and inhabite their countrey, howbeit, those that remained are reduced into their bondage.

Qualiter ad primam Imperatoris futuri curiam deuenerunt. Cap. 24.

[Sidenote: Terra Biserminorum.] Porrò de terra Kangittarum intrauimus terram Biserminorum, qui loquuntur lingua Comanica, sed legem tenent Sarracenorum. In hac etiam terra inuenimus vrbes innumeras cum castris dirutas, villásque multas desertas. [Sidenote: Altisoldanus.] Huius Dominus dicebatur Altisoldanus, qui cum tota sua progenie à Tartaris est destructus. [Sidenote: Montes maximi.] Habet autem hæc terra montes maximos. Et à meridie quidem habet Hierosalem et Baldach, totámque Sarracenorum terram. Atque in finibus illis propinquis morantur duo fratres carnales, [Sidenote: Burin. Cadan. Oceanus ab Aquilone. Syban, frater Bathy.] Tartarorum Duces, scilicet Burin et Cadan, filij Thiaday, qui fuit filius Chingischam. Ab Aquilone verò terram habet nigrorum Kythaorum and Oceanum. In illa verò moratur Syban, frater Bathy. Per hanc iuimus à festo Ascensionis dominicæ ferè vsque ad viij. dies ante festum sanct. Iohan. Baptistæ. [Sidenote: Nigri Cathayni.] Deinde ingressi sumus terram nigrorum Kythaorum, in qua Imperator ædificauit domum, vbi etiam vocati fuimus ad bibendum. Et ille, qui erat ibidem ex parte imperatoris, fecit maiores ciuitatis, et etiam duos filios eius, plaudere eoram nobis. [Sidenote: Mare paruum.] Hinc exeuntes, quoddam mare paruum inuenimus, in cuius littore quidam existit mons paruus. In quo scilicet monte quoddam foramen esse dicitur, vnde in hyeme tam maximæ tempestates ventorum exeunt, quòd homines inde vix et cum magno periculo transire possunt. In æstate verò semper quidem ibi ventorum sonitus auditur, sed de foramine tenuiter egreditur. Per huius maris littora plurimis diebus perreximus, quod quidem licet non multum sit magnum, plures insulas habet, et illud in sinistris dimisimus. [Sidenote: Plurimus diebus. Plures insulæ. Ordu. cap. 13.] In terra verò illa habitat Ordu, quem omnium Ducum Tartarorum antiquiorem diximus, et est orda, siue curia patris ipsius, quam inhabitat, et regis vna de vxoribus eius. Consuetudo enim est apud Tartaros, quòd principum et maiorum curiæ non delentur, sed semper ordinantur aliquæ mulieres, quæ illas regant, eísque donariorum partes, sicut Dominis earum dari solebant, dantur. [Sidenote: Prima curia Imperatoris.] Sic tandem ad primam Imperatoris curiam venimus, in qua erat vna de vxoribus ipsius.

The same in English,

How they came vnto the first court of the new Emperour. Chap. 24.

[Sidenote: The land of the Bisermini.] Moreouer, out of the land of the Kangittæ, we entered into the countrey of the Bisermini, who speake the language of Comania, but obserue the law of the Saracens. In this countrey we found innumerable cities with castles ruined, and many towns left desolate. [Sidenote: Alti Soldanus. Huge mountaines.] The lord of this country was called Soldan Alti, who with al his progenie, was destroyed by the Tartars. This countrey hath most huge mountains. On the South side it hath Ierusalem and Baldach, and all the whole countrey of the Saracens. [Sidenote: Burin and Cadan.] In the next territories adioyning doe inhabite two carnall brothers dukes of the Tartars, namely, Burin and Cadan, the sonnes of Thyaday, who was the sonne of Chingis Can. [Sidenote: The North ocean.] On the North side thereof it hath the land of the blacke Kythayans, and the Ocean. [Sidenote: Syban brother vnto Bathy.] In the same countrie Syban the brother of Bathy remaineth. Through this countrie we were traueiling from the feast of Ascension, vntil eight daies before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist. [Sidenote: The blacke Kythayans.] And then we entred into the land of the blacke Kythayans, in which the Emperour built an house, where we were called in to drinke. Also the Emperours deputy in that place caused the chiefe men of the citie and his two sonnes to daunce before vs. [Sidenote: A small sea.] Departing from hence, wee found a certaine small sea, vpon the shore whereof stands a little mountaine. In which mountaine is reported to be a hole, from whence, in winter time such vehement tempests of winds doe issue, that traueilers can scarcely, and with great danger passe by the same way. In summer time, the noise in deede of the winde is heard there, but it proceedeth gently out of the hole. [Sidenote: Many dayes.] Along the shores of the aforesaid sea we traueiled for the space of many dayes, which although it bee not very great, yet hath it many islandes, and wee passed by leauiug it on our left hande. [Sidenote: Ordu cap. 13.] In this lande dwelleth Ordu, whom wee sayde to bee auncient vnto all the Tartarian dukes. And it is the Orda or court of his father which hee inhabiteth, and one of his wiues beareth rule there. For it is a custome among the Tartars, that the Courts of Princes or of noble men are not dissolued, but alwayes some women are appointed to keepe and gouerne them, vpon whom certain gifts are bestowed, in like sort as they are giuen vnto their Lords. [Sidenote: The first court of the Emperour.] And so at length we arriued at the first court of the Emperour, wherein one of his wiues dwelt.

Qualiter ad ipsum Cuyne, Imperatorem futurum peruenerunt. Cap. 25.

At verò quia nondum Imperatorem videramus, noluerunt vocare nos, nec intromittere ad Ordam ipsius, sed nobis in tentorio nostro secundum morem Tartarorum valdè benè seruiri fecerunt, et vt quiesceremus, nos ibidem per vnam diem tenuerunt. [Sidenote: Terra Nyamanorum] Inde procedentes in vigilia sanctorum Petri et Pauli, terram Naymanorum intrauimus, qui sunt Pagani. In ipsa verò die Apostolorum ibidem cecidit magna nix, et habuimus magnum frigus. Hæc quidem terra montiosa et frigida est supra modum, ibíque de planicie reperitur modicum. Istæ quoque duæ nationes prædictæ non laborabant, sed sicut et Tartari in tentorijs habitabant, quas et ipsi deleuerant per hanc etiam multis diebus perreximus. Deinde terram Mongalorum intrauimus, quos Tartaros appellamus. [Sidenote: Tartaria. Iulij 22. Acceleratum legatorum iter.] Per has itaque terras, vt credimus, tribus septimanis equitando fortiter iuimus, et in die Beatæ Mariæ Magdalenæ ad Cuyne Imperatorem electum peruenimus. Idèo autem per omnem viam istam valdè festinauimus, quia præceptum erat Tartaris nostris, vt citò nos deducerent ad curiam solennem, iam ex annis pluribus indictam, propter ipsius Imperatoris electionem. Idcircò de mane surgentes, ibamus vsque ad noctem sine comestione, et sæpius tam tardè veniebamus, quòd non comedebamus in sero, sed quod manducare debebamus in vespere, dabatur nobis in mane. Mutatísque frequentius equis, nullatenus parcebatur eis, sed equitabamus velociter ac sine intermissione, quantum poterant equi trotare.

The same in English.

Howe they came vnto Cuyne himselfe, who was forthwith to be chosen
Emperour. Chap. 25.

But because we had not as yet seene the Emperour, they would not inuite vs nor admit vs into his Orda, but caused good attendauce and entertainment, after the Tartars fashion, to be giuen vnto vs in oure owne tent, and they caused vs to stay there, and to refresh our selues with them one day. [Sidenote: The land of Naymani.] Departing thence vpon the euen of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, wee entered into the land of the Naymani, who are Pagans. But vpon the very feast day of the saide Apostles, there fel a mightie snowe in that place, and wee had extreame colde weather. This lande is full of mountaines, and colde beyonde measure, and there is little plaine ground to bee seene. These two nations last mentioned vsed not to till their grounde, but, like vnto the Tartars, dwelt in tents, which the sayde Tartars had destroyed. Through this countrey wee were trauailing manie dayes. Then entered wee into the lande of the Mongals, whome wee call Tartars. Through the Tartars lande wee continued our trauaile (as wee suppose) for the space of some three weekes, riding alwayes hastily and with speede, and vpon the day of Marie Magdalene we arriued at the court of Cuyne the Emperour elect. [Sidenote: The 22. of Iuly.] But therefore did we make great haste all this way, because our Tartarian guides were straightly commaunded to bring vs vnto the court Imperiall with all speede, which court hath beene these if many yeeres, ordained for the election of the Emperour. Wherefore rising earely, wee trauailed vntil night without eating of any thing, and oftentimes wee came so late vnto our lodging, that we had no time to eate the same night, but that which we should haue eaten ouer night, was giuen vs in the morning. And often changing our horses, wee spared no Horse-fleshe, but rode swiftly and without intermission, as fast as our horses could trot.

Qualiter Cuyne Fratres Minores suscepit. Cap. 26.

Cum autem peruenimus ad Cuyne, fecit nobis dari tentorium et expensas, quales Tartaris dare solent, nobis tamen melius quam alijs nuncijs faciebant. [Sidenote: Cuyne in legatos benignitas.] Ad ipsum autem vocati non fuimus, eo quòd nondum electus erat, nec adhuc de imperio se intromittebat. Interpretatio tamen literarum Domini Papæ, ac verba etiam à nobis dicta, à prædicto Baty erant ei mandata. Cùm ergo stetissemus ibi per quinque vel sex dies, ad matrem suam nos transmisit, vbi adunabatur curia solennis. [Sidenote: Tentorium regium.] Et cùm venissemus illuc, tam extensum erat tentorium magnum, de alba purpura præparatum, erátque tam grande nostro indicio, quòd plusquam duo millia hominum poterant esse sub illo. Et in circuitu factum erat ligneum tabulatum varijs imaginibus depictum. [Sidenote: Comitia.] Illuc ergò perreximus cum Tartaris, nobis ad custodiam assignatis, ibíque conuenerant omnes duces, et vnusquisque cum hominibus suis equitaibat in circuitu per planiciem et colles. In prima die vestiti sunt omnes purpuris albis, in secunda verò rubeis. Et tunc venit Cuyne ad teritorium illud. Porrò tertia die fuerunt omnes in blaueis purpuris, et quarta in optimis Baldakinis. In illo autem tabulato iuxta tentorium erant duæ maiores portæ, per quarum vnam solus Imperator debebat intrare, et ad illam nulla erat custodia, quamuis esset aperta, quia per illam nullus audebat ingredi vel exire: per aliam omnes, qui admittebantur, intrabant, et ad illam custodes cum gladijs et arcubus et sagittis erant. Itaque si quis tentorio propinquabat vltra terminos, qui positi erant, si capiebatur, verberabatur, si fugiebat, sagitta siue ferro sagittabatur. Multíque ibi erant, qui in frænis, pectoralibus, sellis et huiusmodi, iudicio nostro, auri circiter viginti marcas habebant. Sic Duces infra tentorium colloquebantur, et de Imperatoris electione tractabant, vt à nobis creditur. Alius autem vniuersus populus longè extra tabulatum collocabatur, et ita ferè vsque ad meridiem morabantur. Tunc incipiebant lac iumentinum bibere, et vsque ad vesperas tantum bibebant, quod erat visu mirabile. [Symposium procorum.] Nos autem vocauerunt interius, et dederunt nobis cereuisiam: quia iumentinum lac non bibebamus. Et hoc quidem nobis pro magno fecerunt honore: sed tamen nos compellebant ad bibendum, quod nullatenus poteramus propter consuetudinem sustinere. Vnde ostendimus eis, hoc esse nobis graue, ideóque nos cessauerunt compellere. [Ieroslaus Dux Russiæ. Legati diuersarum nationum.] Foris autem erat Dux Ieroslaus de Susdal Russiæ, plurésque Duces Kythaorum et Solangorum. Duo quoque filij regis Georgiæ, nuncius etiam Caliphi de Baldach, qui erat Soldanus, et plus quam decem alij Soldani Sarracenorum, vt credimus. Et sicut nobis à procuratoribus dicebatur, erant ibi nunciorum plus quàm quatuor millia, inter illos, qui tributa portabant, et illos, qui deferebant munera, et Soldanos ac Duces alios, qui ad tradendum seipsos veniebant, et illos, pro quibus ipsi miserant, illósque qui terrarum præfecti erant. Hi omnes simul extra tabulatum ponebantur, eísque simul bibere præbebatur. Nobis autem et Duci Ierozlao ferè semper ab eis dabatur superior locus, quando cum eis eramus exterius.

The same in English

How Cuyne enterteined the Minorite Friers. Chap. 26.

[Sidenote: The curtesie of Cuyne towards Ambassadors] But when wee were come vnto the court of Cuyne, hee caused (after the Tartars manner) a Tent and all expenses necessarie to bee prouided for vs. And his people entreated vs with more regarde and courtesie, then they did anie other Ambassadours. Howbeeit wee were not called before his presence, because hee was not as yet elected, nor admitted vnto his empire. Notwithstanding, the interpretation of the Popes letters, and the message which we deliuered, were sent vnto him by the foresaid Bathy. And hauing stayed there fiue or sixe dayes, hee sent vs vnto his mother, vnder whome there was mainteyned a verie solemne and royall court. [Sidenote: The tent roial] And being come thither, we saw an huge tent of fine white cloth pitched, which was, to our iudgement, of so great quantitie, that more then two thousand men might stand within it, and round about it there was a wall of planks set vp, painted with diuers images. [Sidenote: A generall assemblie] Wee therefore with our Tartars assigned to attende vpon vs, tooke our iourney thither, and there were all the Dukes assembled, eche one of them riding vp and downe with his traine ouer the hilles and dales. The first day they were all clad in white, but the second in skarlet robes. Then came Cuyne vnto the saide tent. Moreouer, the third day they were all in blew robes, and the fourth in most rich robes of Baldakin cloth. In the wall of boardes, about the tent aforesaid, were two great gates, by one of the which gates, the Emperour only was to enter, and at that gate there was no gard of men appointed to stand, although it stood continually open, because none durst go in or come out the same way: all that were admitted, entred by another gate, at which there stood watchmen, with bowes, swords, and arrowes. And whosoeuer approached vnto the tent beyond the bounds and limit assigned, being caught, was beaten, but if he fled, he was shot at with arrowes or iron. There were many to our iudgement, had vpon their bridles, trappers, saddles, and such like furniture, to the value of 20 markes in pure gold. The foresaid Dukes (as we thinke) communed together within the tent, and consulted about the election of their Emperor. But all the residue of the people were placed farre away without the walles of board, and in this maner they staied almost til noone. [Sidenote: The banquet of the Nobles.] Then began they to drink mares milk, and so continued drinking til euen tide, and that in so great quantity, as it was wonderfull. And they called vs in vnto them, and gaue vs of their ale, because we could not drink their mares milke. And this they did vnto vs in token of great honor. But they compelled vs to drink so much, that in regard of our customary diet, wee coulde by no means endure it. Whereupon, giuing them to vnderstand, that it was hurtful vnto vs, they ceassed to compel vs any more. [Sidenote: Ieroslaus Duke of Susdal.] Without the doore stoode Duke Ieroslaus of Susdal, in Russia, and a great many Dukes of the Kythayans, and of the Solangi. The two sonnes also of the king of Georgia, the ligier of the Caliph of Baldach, who was a Soldan, and (as we thinke) aboue ten Soldans of the Saracens beside. [Sidenote: Ambassadors of sundry nations.] And, as it was tolde vs by the agents, there were more than 4000. ambassadors, partly of such as paide tributes, and such as presented gifts, and other Soldans, and Dukes, which came to yeeld themselues, and such as the Tartars had sent for, and such as were gouernours of lands. All these were placed without the lists, and had drinke giuen vnto them. But almost continually they all of them gaue vs and Duke Ieroslaus the vpper hand, when we were abroad in their companie.

Qualiter in imperium sublimatus fuit. Cap. 27.

[Sidenote: Imperij Cuynæ primitiæ.] Et quidem, si benè meminimus ibidem per septimanas circiter quatuor fuimus. Credimúsque quod ibi fuit electio celebrata, non tamen ibidem fuit publicata. Propter hoc autem id maximè credebatur, quia semper, quando Cuyne tentorio exibat, eidem cantabatur, et cum virgis speciosis, in summitate lanam coccineam habentibus, inclinabatur, quod alteri Ducum nulli fiebat, quousque exterius morabatur. [Sidenote: Syra orda.] Hæc autem statio siue Curia nominatur ab eis Syra orda. [Sidenote: Aurea orda.] Hæc exeuntes, vnanimiter omnes equitauimus per tres aut quaruor leucas ad alium locum, vbi erat in quadam pulchra planicie iuxta riuum inter montes aliud tentorium, quod apud ipsos appellatur Orda aurea, præparatum. Ibi enim Cuyne debebat poni in sede in die Assumptionis Dominæ nostræ [Sidenote: Augusti 15.]. Sed propter grandinem nuniam, quæ tunc, vt suprà dictum est, cecidit, res dilata fuit. Erátque tentorium in columnis positum, quæ laminis aureis erant tectæ, et clauis aureis cum alijs lignis fixæ. Porrò de Baldakino erat tectum superius, sed alij erant panni exterius. Fuimus autem ibi vsque ad festum Beati Bartholomæi, in quo maxima multitudo conuenit, et contra mendiem versis vultibus stetit. [Sidenote: Preces solemnes.] Et quidam ad iactum lapidis longè à cæteris erant, sempérque orationes faciendo, ac genua flectendo, contra meridiem longius et longius procedebant. Nos autem virum incantationes facerunt, aut genua Deo vel alteri flecterent, nescientes, nolebamus facere genu flexiones. Cúmque diu ita fecissent, ad tentorium reuersi sunt, et Cuyne in sede imperiali posuerunt, Ducésque coram eo genua flexerunt. Post hoc idem fecit vniuersus populus, exceptis nobis, qui eis subditi non eramus.

The same in English.

How he was exalted to his Empire. Chap. 27.

[Sidenote: The beginnings of Cuyne his empire.] And to our remembrance, we remained there, about the space of foure weekes. The election was to our thinking there celebrated, but it was not published and proclaimed there. And it was greatly suspected so to be, because alwayes when Cuyne came forth out of the tent, he had a noyse of musicke, and was bowed vnto, or honoured with faire wands, hauing purple wooll vpon the tops of them, and that, so long as he remained abroad: which seruice was performed to none of the other Dukes. [Sidenote: Syra Orda.] The foresaid tent or court is called by them Syra Orda. [Sidenote: The golden Orda.] Departing thence, wee all with one accord rode 3 or 4 leagues vnto another place, where, in a goodly plaine, by a riuers side, betweene certaine mountaines, there was another tent erected, which was called the golden Orda. For there was Cuyne to be placed in the throne Emperiall, vpon the day of the Assumption of our Ladie [Sidenote: The 15th of August.]. But, for the abundance of haile which fell at the same time, as is aboue said, the matter was deferred. There was also a tent erected vpon pillars, which were couered with plates of golde, and were ioyned vnto other timber with golden nailes. [Sidenote: Wollen cloth.] It was couered aboue with Baldakin cloth, but there was other cloth spread ouer that, next vnto the ayre. Wee abode there vnto the feast of Saint Bartholomew, what time there was assembled an huge multitude standing with their faces towards the South. And a certaine number of them beeing a stones cast distant from the residue, making continuall prayers, and kneeling vpon their knees, proceeded farther and farther towards the South. Howbeit wee, not knowing whether they vsed inchantments, or whether they bowed their knees to God or to some other, woulde not kneele vpon the grounde with them. And hauing done so a long time, they returned to the tent, and placed Cuyne in his throne imperiall, and his Dukes bowed their knees before him. Afterwarde the whole multitude kneeled downe in like maner, except our selues, for wee were none of his subiects.

De ætate ac moribus ac sigillo ipsius. Cap. 28.

[Sidenote: Cuynæ ætas et mores.] Hic autem Imperator quando sublimatus est in regnum videbatur esse circiter xl. vel xlv. annorum. Mediocris erat staturæ, prudens valde, nimis astutus multúmque seriosus, et grauis in moribus. Nec vnquam videbat eum homo de facili ridere, vel aliquam leuitatem facere, sicut dicebant Christiani, qui cum ipso morabantur continuè. Dicebant etiam nobis asserendo firmiter Christiani, qui erant de familia eius, quòd deberet fieri Christianus. [Sidenote: Studium Christianismi.] Cuius signum erat, quod ipse Clericos Christianos tenebat, et expensas eis dabat. Habebat etiam semper capellam Christianorum ante maius, tentorium suum, vbi cantant Clerici publicè et apertè, ac pulsant ad horas, vt cæteri Christiani secundum mores Græcorum, quantacunque sit ibi multitudo Tartarorum, vel etiam aliorum hominum. Hoc tamen non faciunt alij Duces ipsorum. [Sidenote: Maiestas.] Est autem mos Imperatoris ipsius, vt nunquam ore proprio loquatur cum extraneo, quantumcunque magnus sit, sed audit et respondet per interpositam personam, et quandocunque negotium proponunt, vel Imperatoris responsionem audiunt illi, qui sub eo sunt, quantumcunque sint magni, flexis genibus vsque ad finem verborum persistunt. Nec alicui de consuetudine super aliquo negotio loqui licitum est, postquam ab Imperatore definitum est. Habet autem Imperator prædictus procuratorem et protonotarios, atque scriptores, omnésque officiales in negotijs tam publicis quàm priuatis, excepris Aduocatis. [Sidenote: Potestas ex lex.] Nam sine litium vel iudiciorum strepitu secundum arbitrium Imperatoris omnia fiunt. Alij quoque Principes Tartarorum de his, quæ ad illos pertinent, idem faciunt. [Sideote: Bellum in Christianos cogitatum.] Hoc autem nouerint vniuersi, quia nobis tunc existentibus in solenni curia, iam ex pluribus annis indicia, idem Cuyne Imperator, de nouo electus, cum omnibus suis Principibus erexit vexillum contra Ecclesiam Dei, ac Romanum Imperium, et contra omnia regna Christianorum et populos Occidentis, nisi fortasse, quod absit, facerent ea, quæ mandabat Domino Papæ, atque potentibus, et omnibus Christianorum populis, videlicet vt ipsi subdantur eis. Nam excepta Christianitate, nulla est terra in orbe, quam timeant, et idcirco contra nos ad pugnam se præparant. Huius siquidem Imperatoris pater, scilicet Occoday, necatus fuerat veneno, et ob hoc à bellis quieuerant tempore pauco. Intentio autem eorum, vt dictum est suprà, est, sibi totum subijcere mundum, sicut à Chingischam habent mandatum. Vnde et ipse Imperator in literis suis ita scribit: Dei fortitudo, hominum Imperator. In superscriptione quoque sigilli eius est hoc: Deus in coelo, et Cuyne Cham super terram, Dei fortitudo: omnium hominum Imperatoris sigillum.

+ Et præclarè Aristoteles Politic. lib. 3. cap. 12. in hanc sententiam: Qui legem præesse vult, is velle videtur Deum ac leges imperare: qui autem vult hominem, is etiam belluam adiungit, cum præsertim tale quid sit cupiditas et iracundia: et magistratus et optimus quisque à recta via detorqueantur &c. Adde quæ è Chrysippo adducuntur ff. li. i. tit. 3. 1. 2.

The same in English.

Of his age and demeanour, and of his seale. Chap. 28.

This Emperour, when hee was exalted vnto his gouernment, seemed to bee about the age of fourty or fourty fiue yeeres. He was of a meane stature, very wise and politike, and passing serious and graue in all his demeanour. A rare thing it was, for a man to see him laugh or behaue himself lightly, as those Christians report, which abode continually with him. [Sidenote: His inclination to Christianitie.] Certaine Christians of his familie earnestly and strongly affirmed vnto vs, that he himselfe was about to become a Christian. A token and argument whereof was, that hee reteined diuers Cleargie men of the Christians. Hee had likewise at all times a Chappell of Christians, neere vnto his great Tent, where the Clearkes (like vnto other Christians, and according to the custome of the Græcians) doe sing publiquely and openly, and ring belles at certaine houres, bee there neuer so great a multitude of Tartars, or of other people in presence. And yet none of their Dukes doe the like. [Sidenote: His maiestie.] It is the manner of the Emperour neuer to talke his owne selfe with a stranger, though he be neuer so great, but heareth and answeareth by a speaker. And when any of his subiects (howe great soeuer they bee) are in propounding anie matter of importaunce vnto him, or in hearing his answeare, they continue kneeling vpon their knees vnto the ende of their conference. Neither is it lawfull for any man to speake of any affaires, after they haue beene determined of by the Emperour. The sayde Emperour, hath in his affaires both publike and priuate, an Agent, and Secretary of estate, with Scribes and all other Officials, except aduocates. [Sidenote: A lawlesse authoritie.] For, without the noyse of pleading, or sentence giuing, all things are done according to the Emperours will and pleasure. Other Tartarian princes do the like in those things which belong vnto them. [Sidenote: Warre intended against all Christians.] But, be it known vnto al men, that whilest we remained at the said Emperours court, which hath bin ordained and kept for these many yeeres, the sayde Cuyne being Emperour new elect, together with al his princes, erected a flag of defiance against the Church of God, and Romane empire, and against al Christian kingdomes and nationes of the West, vnlesse peraduenture (which God forbid) they will condescend vnto those things, which he hath inioined vnto our lord the pope, and to all potentates and people of the Christians, namely, that they wil become obedient vnto him. For, except Christendom, there is no land vnder heauen, which they stande in feare of, and for that cause they prepare themselues to battel against vs. This Emperors father, namely Occoday, was poisoned to death, which is the cause why they haue for a short space absteined from warre. But their intent and purpose is (as I haue aboue said) to subdue the whole world vnto themselues, as they were commanded by Chingis Can. Hence it is that the Emperor in his letters writeth after this maner: The power of God, and Emperour of all men. Also, vpon his seale, there is this posie ingrauen: God in heauen, and Cuyne Can vpon earth, the power of God: the seale of the Emperour of all men.

De admissione Fratrum et nuncioram ad Imperatorem. Cap. 29.

[Sidenote: Cuyne audit legatos.] In loco illo, vbi positus est Imperator in throno, vocati fuimus coram ipso. Cúmque Chingay protonotarius eius nomina nostra scripsisset, illorumque à quibus missi eramus, et Ducis Solangorum et aliorum, clamauit alta voce, recitans illa coram Imperatore ac Ducum vniuersitate. Quo facto, flexit vnusquisque nostrum quater genu sinistrum, et monuerunt, ne tangeremus limen deorsum. Cúmque pro cultellis nos diligentissimè scrutati fuissent, et nullatenus inuenissent, intrauimus ostium ab Orientale parte: quia nullus ab Occidente, nisi solus imperator, audet intrare. Similiter et Dux ab illa parte ingreditur solus, si est tentorium eius. Minores autem non multum curant de talibus. Tunc ergò primum in eius præsentia suam intrauimus stationem, videlicet postquam factus est Imperator ibidem. [Sidenote: Munera eidem oblata.] Omnes quoque nuncij tunc ab eo recepti sunt, sed paucissimi tentorium eius intrauerunt. Ibi verò tanta donaria ab ipsis nuncijs fuerunt ei præsentata, quòd quasi videbantur infinita, videlicet in samitis ac purpureis et baldakinis ac cingulis sericis cum auro præparatis, pellibus etiam nobilibus, cæterísque muneribus. Quoddam etiam Solinum, siue tentoriolum, quod super caput Imperatoris portatur, fuit eidem præsentatum, quod totum erat cum gemmis præparatum. Quidam verò preafectus vnius prouinciæ adduxit ei Camelos multos cum Baldakinis tectos. Similiter sellæ positæ cum instrumentis quibusdam erant, in quibus homines interius sedere valebant. Equos etiam multos et mulos adducebant eidem phaleratos et armatos, quosdam quidem de corio, et quosdam de ferro. Nos etiam requisiti fuimus, an ei munera dare vellemus: sed iam facultas non erat, quoniam omnia ferè nostra consumpseramus. [Sidenote: Currus.] Ibidem longè à stationibus super montem erant positi currus plusquam quingenti, qui omnes auro et argento ac sericis vestibus erant pleni. Cunctique inter imperatorem et Duces diuisi fuerunt, singulique Duces inter homines suos partes suas, vt eis placuit, diuiserunt.

The same in English.

Of the admission of the Friers and Ambassadours vnto the Emperour. Chap. 29.

[Sidenote: Cuyne heareth the Legates.] In the same place where the Emperour was established into his throne, we were summoned before him. And Chirigay, his chiefe secretary hauing written down our names, and the names of them that sent vs, with the name of the Duke of Solangi, and of others, cried out with a loude voice, rehearsing the said names before the Emperour, and the assembly of his Dukes. Which beeing done, ech one of vs bowed his left knee foure times, and they gaue vs warning not to touch the threshold. And after they had searched vs most diligently for kniues, and could not find any about vs, we entred in at the doore vpon the East side: because no man dare presume to enter at the West Doore, but the Emperour onely. In like maner, euery Tartarian Duke entreth on the West side into his tent. Howbeit the inferiour sort doe not greatly regard such ceremonies. This therefore was the first time, when we entred into the Emperours tent in his presence, after he was created Emperour. Likewise all other ambassadours were there receiued by him, but very fewe were admitted into his tent. [Sidenote: Gifts presented vnto him.] And there were presented vnto him such abundance of gifts by the saide Ambassadours, that they seemed to be infinite, namely in Samites, robes of purple, and of Baldakin cloth, silke girdles wrought with golde, and costly skinnes, with other gifts also. Likewise there was a certaine Sun Canopie, or small tent (which was to bee carried ouer the Emperours head) presented vnto him, being set full of precious stones. And a gouernour of one Prouince brought vnto him a companie of camels couered with Baldakins. They had saddles also vpon their backs, with certaine other instruments, within the which were places for men to sitte vpon. Also they brought many horses and mules vnto him furnished with trappes and caparisons, some being made of leather, and some of iron. And we were demanded whether we would bestow any gifts vpon him or no? But wee were not of abilitie so to doe, hauing in a maner spent all our prouision. [Sidenote: 500 Carts ful of treasure.] There were also vpon an hill standing a good distance from the tents, more than 500. carts, which were all ful of siluer and of gold, and silke garments. And they were all diuided betweene the Emperour and his Dukes, and euery Duke bestowed vpon his owne followers what pleased him.

De loco diuisionis Imperatoris et matris suæ, et morte Ieroslai, Ducis
Russiæ. Cap. 30.

[Sidenote: Tentorium purpureum.] Inde recedentes, venimus ad alium locum, vbi tentorium mirabile, totum de purpura rufa, quod Kitay dederant, erat positum. Illic interius introducti fuimus, et semper cùm intrabamus nobis dabatur ad bibendum cereuisia vel vinum, et etiam carnes coctæ, si volebamus, ad edendum. [Sidenote: Solium churnum.] Erátque solariolum vnum, de tabulis altè præparatum, vbi thronus Imperatoris erat positus, ex ebore mirabiliter sculptus, in quo etiam erat aurum, et lapides preciosi, si bene meminimus, et illuc ascendebatur per gradus. Eratque rotundum superius. Banci verò erant positi in circuitu sedis, vbi dominæ sedebant à parte sinistra in scamnis, à dextris autem nemo sedebat superius, sed Duces sedebant in Bancis inferius, et hoc in medio. Alij verò sedebant, post eos, et quolibet die veniebat dominarum maxima multitudo. Ista verò tria tentoria, de quibus suprà diximus, erant valdè magna, aliáque habebant vxores eius de filtro albo satis magna et pulchra. Ibidem Imperator diuisus est à matre sua, quæ iuit in vnam terræ partem, et Imperator in aliam ad iudicia facienda. Capta siquidem erat amica Imperatoris istius, quæ veneno interfecerat patrem eius, eo tempore, quo exercitus eoram in Hungaria fuit. Propter quod etiam exercitus eorum, qui erat in partibus illis, recessit. [Sidenote: Nex Occoday vindicata. Ieroslaus Dux Russiæ.] De qua cum alijs pluribus factum fuit iudicium, et occisi fuerunt. Eodem tempore mortuus fuit Ierozlaus, Dux magnus Soldal, quæ est quædam Russia pars. Vocatus enim ad matrem Imperatoris quasi pro honore, vt manducaret ac biberet de manu ipsius, in continenti ad hospitum est reuersus, infirmatúsque mortuus est post septem dies, totumque corpus eius miro modo glaucum effectum est, dicebatúrque ab omnibus, quod ibidem, vt terram eius liberè ac plenariè possiderent, fuisset impotionatus.

The same in English.

Of the place where the Emperour and his mother tooke their leaues one of another, and of Ieroslaus Duke of Russia. Chap. 30.

[Sidenote: A tent of purple.] Departing thence, we came vnto another place, where a wonderfull braue tent, all of red purple, giuen by the Kythayans, was pitched. Wee were admitted into that also, and alwaies when we entred, there was giuen vnto vs ale and wine to drinke, and sodden fleshe (when we would) to eate. [Sidenote: A throne of Iuorie.] There was also a loftie stage built of boords, where the Emperour's throne was placed, being verie curiously wrought out of iuorie, wherein also there was golde and precious stones, and (as we remember) there were certain degrees or staires to ascend vnto it. And it was round vpon the top. There were benches placed about the saide throne, whereon the ladies sate towarde the left hand of the Emperour vpon stooles, (but none sate aloft on the right hand) and the Dukes sate vpon benches below, the said throne being in the midst. Certaine others sate behind the Dukes, and euery day there resorted great companie of Ladies thither. The three tents whereof we spake before, were very large, but the Emperour his wiues had other great and faire tentes made of white felt. This was the place where the Emperour parted companie with his mother: for she went into one part of the land; and the Emperour into another to execute iustice. For there was taken a certaine Concubine of this Emperour, which had poysoned his father to death, at the same time when the Tartars armie was in Hungarie, which, for the same cause returned home. [Sidenote: The death of Occoday reuenged.] Moreouer, vpon the foresaide Concubine, and many other of her confederats sentence of iudgement was pronounced, and they were put to death. At the same time Ieroslaus the great Duke of Soldal, which is a part of Russia, deceased. For being (as it were for honours sake) inuited to eate and drinke with the Emperours mother, and immediately after the banquet, returning vnto his lodging, he fel sicke, and within seuen dayes, died. And after his death, his body was of a strange blew colour, and it was commonly reported, that the said Duke was poisoned, to the ende that the Tartars might free and totally possess his Dukedome.

Qualiter tandem Fratres ad Imperatorem accedentes, literas dederunt & acceperunt. Cap. 31.

[Sidenote: Cuyne cum legatis dissimulanter agit.] Deníque Tartari nostri nos ad Imperatorem duxerunt: qui cùm audisset per illos, nos ad eum venisse, iussit nos ad matrem redire. Volebat enim secundo die, sicut superiùs dictum est, contra totam Occidentis terram vexillum erigere, quod nos volebat ignorare. Itaque reuersi stetimus paucis diebus, & iterum ad ipsum reuersi sumus. Cum quo benè per mensem fuimus in tanta fame ac siti, quòd vix viuere poteramus. Nam expensæ, quæ nobis pro diebus quatuor debantur, vix vni sufficiebant. Nec inuenire poteramus aliquid ad emendum, quia forum erat nimis remotum. [Sidenote: Cosmas Russus.] Sed Dominus nobis quendam Ruthenum, nomine Cosmam, aurifabrum præparauit, qui satis dilectus Imperatori, nos in aliquo sustentauit. Et hic nobis ostendit thronum Imperatoris, quem ipse fecerat, antequam poneretur in sede, & sigillum eiusdem, quod etiam fabricauerat ipse. [Sidenote: Chingay internuncius.] Post hoc Imperator pro nobis misit, nobísque per Chingay protonotarium suum dici fecit, vt verba nostra & negotia scriberemus, eíque porrigeremus. Quod & fecimus. Post plures dies nos iterum vocari fecit, & vtrum essent apud Dominum Papam, qui Ruthenorum vel Sarracenorum, aut etiam Tartarorum literam intelligerent, interrogauit. Cui respondimus, quòd nullam istarum literarum habebamus. Sarraceni tamen erant in terra, sed remoti erant à Domino Papa. Diximus tamen, quia nobis expedire videbatur, quòd in Tartarico scriberent, & nobis interpretarentur, nos autem in litera nostra diligenter scriberemus, & tam literam quam interpretationem ad Dominum Papam deferremus. Tunc à nobis recesserunt, & ad Imperatorem iuerunt. Porrò à die Beati Martini fuimus vocati. Tunc Kadac, totius imperij procurator, & Chingay & Bala, plurésque scriptores ad nos venerunt, nobísque literam de verbo ad verbum interpretati fuerunt. Et cùm in Latina litera scripsissemus, faciebant sibi per singulas orationes interpretari, volentes scire, si nos in aliquo verbo erraremus. Cum igitur ambæ literæ fuissent scriptæ, fecerunt nos semel ac secundo legere, ne fortè minus aliquid haberemus. Dixerunt enim nobis, videte, quòd omnia benè intelligatis, quia non expediret, quòd non omnia bene intelligeretis. Literas etiam in Sarracenico scripserunt, vt aliquis in partibus nostris inueniri posset, qui eas, si opus esset, legeret.

The same in English.

How the Friers coming at length vnto the Emperour, gaue, and receiued letters. Chap. 31.

[Sidenote: Coyne dissembleth with the Legates.] To be short, the Tartars brought vs vnto their Emperor, who when he had heard of them, that we were come vnto him, commanded that we should return, vnto his mother. For he was determined the next day, (as it is abouesaid) to set vp a flag of defiance against all the countreis of the West, which he would haue vs in no case to know. Wherefore returning, we staid some few dayes with his mother, and so returned backe again vnto him. With whom we continued for the space of one whole moneth in such extreme hunger and thirst, that we could scarce hold life and soule together. For the prouision allowed vs for foure dayes, was scantly sufficient for one day. Neither could we buy vs any sustenance, because the market was too farre off. [Sidenote: Cosmas a Russian.] Howbeit the Lorde prouided for vs a Russian goldsmith, named Cosmas, who being greatly in the Emperours fauour, procured vs some sustenance. This man shewed vnto vs the throne of the Emperour, which hee had made, before it was set in the proper place, and his seale, which he also had framed. [Sidenote: The message of Chingay.] Afterward the Emperor sent for vs, giuing vs to vnderstand by Chingay his chief Secretary, that wee should write downe our messages & affaires, and should deliuer them vnto him. Which thing we performed accordingly. After many daies he called for vs againe, demanding whether there were any with our Lord the Pope, which vnderstood the Russian, the Saracen, or the Tartarian language? To whom we answered, that we had none of those letters or languages. Howbeit, that there were certaine Saracens in the land, but inhabiting a great distance from our Lord the Pope. And wee saide, that wee thought it most expedient, that when they had written their mindes in the Tartarian language, and had interpreted the meaning thereof vnto vs, we should diligently translate it into our own tongue, and so deliuer both the letter and the translation thereof vnto our Lord the Pope. Then departed they from vs, and went vnto the Emperour. And after the day of S. Martine, we were called for againe. Then Kadac, principal agent for the whole empire, and Chingay, and Bala, with diuers other Scribes, came vnto vs, and interpreted the letter word for word. And hauing written it in Latine, they caused vs to interprete vnto them eche sentence, to wit if we had erred in any word. And when both letters were written, they made vs to reade them ouer twise more, least we should haue mistaken ought. For they said vnto vs: Take heed that ye vnderstand all things throughly, for if you should not vnderstand the whole matter aright, it might breed some inconuenience. They wrote the said letters also in the Saracen tongue that there might be some found in our dominions which could reade and interprete them, if need should require.

Qualiter licentiati fuerunt. Cap. 32.

Vt autem nobis Tartari nostri dixerunt, proposuit Imperator nuncios suos nobiscum mittere. Volebat tamen, vt credimus, quod nos id ab eo peteremus. Sed cùm vnus de Tartaris nostris, qui senior erat, nos ad hoc petendum hortaretur, nobis quidem, vt venirent, ne quaquam bonum videbatur. [Sidenote: Legate abhorrent à Tartarorum ad Christianos legatione.] Ideóque respondimus ei, quòd non erat nostrum petere, sed si sponte ipse Imperator mitteret eos, libenter eos securè conduceremus, Domino adiuuante. Nobis autem ob plures causas vt venirent, non videbatur expedire. Prima quidem fuit, quia timuimus, ne visis dissentionibus aut guerris, quæ fiunt inter nos, magis animarentur ad veniendum contra nos. Secunda fuit, timebamus eos exploratores terræ fieri. Tertia verò, quia timebamus eos interfici. Gentes enim nostræ arrogantes sunt et superbæ. Vnde quando seruientes, qui stant nobiscum, ex rogatu Cardinalis, legati scilicet Alemanniæ, in habitu Tartarico ibant ad ipsum, in via ferè lapidati sunt à Teutonicis, et coacti sunt deponere habitum illum. Consuetudo autem est Tartarorum, vt cum illis, qui nuncios eorum occiderint, nunquam faciant pacem, nisi sumant de ipsis vltionem. Quarta etiam causa fuit, quia timebamus ne nobis auferrentur vi. Quinta verò causa erat, quia de aduentu eorum nulla foret vtilitas, cùm nullum haberent aliud mandatum vel potestatem, nisi quòd literas Imperatoris ad Dominum Papam et ad Principes deferrent, quas videlicet literas ipsi nos habebamus, et malum ex eorum aduentu posse contingere credebamus. Itaque tertia die post hoc, scilicet in festo beati Briccij [Sidenote: Nouemb. 13.] nobis dederunt licentiam et literam, Imperatoris sigillo munitam, mittentes nos ad ipsius Imperatoris matrem, quæ vnicuique nostrum dedit pelliceum, vnum de pellibus vulpinis, quod habebat pilos de foris, et purpuram vnam. [Sidenote: Honorantur commeatu et lautijs.] De quibus Tartari nostri furati sunt ex vnaquaque vnum passum. De ilia quoque quæ dabatur seruienti, meliorem medietatem sunt furati. Quod nos quidem non ignorauimus, sed inde verba mouere noluimus.

The same in English.

How they were licensed to depart. Chap. 32.

[Sidenote: The Legates are loth to haue any Ambassadours sent from the Tartars to the Christians.] And (as our Tartars told vs) the Emperour was purposed to send his ambassadors with vs. Howbeit, he was desirous (as we thought) that we our selues should craue that fauour at his hands. And when one of our Tartars being an ancient man, exhorted vs to make the said petition, we thought it not good for vs, that the Emperour should send his ambassadours. Wherefore we gaue him answere, that it was not for vs to make any such petition, but if it pleased the Emperour of his owne accord to send them, we would diligently (by Gods assistance) see them conducted in safetie. Howbeit, we thought it expedient for vs, that they should not goe, and that for diuers causes First, because we feared, least they, seeing the dissentions and warres which are among vs should be the more encouraged to make warre against vs. Secondly, we feared, that they would be insteade of spies and intelligencers in our dominions. Thirdly, we misdoubted that they would be slaine by the way. For our nations be arrogant and proud. For when as those seruants (which at the request of the Cardinall, attended vpon vs, namely the legates of Almaine) returned vnto him in the Tartars attire, they were almost stoned in the way, by the Dutch, and were compelled to put off those garments. And it is the Tartars custome, neuer to bee reconciled vnto such as haue slaine their Ambassadours, till they haue reuenged themselues. Fourthly, least they should bee taken from vs by mayne force. Fiftly, because there could come no good by their ambassade, for they were to haue none other commission, or authoritie, but onely to deliuer their Emperours letter vnto the Pope, and to the Princes of Christendome, which very same letters wee our selues had, and we knew right well, that much harme might ensue thereof. Wherefore, the third day after this, namely, vpon the feast of Saint Brice [Sidenote: Nouember 13.], they gaue vs our passe-port and a Letter sealed with the Emperours owne seale, sending vs vnto the Emperours mother, who gaue vnto eche of vs a gowne made of Foxe skinnes, with the furre on the outside, and a piece of purple. [Sidenote: They are rewarded with gifts.] And our Tartars stole a yard out of euery one of them. And out of that which was giuen vnto our seruant, they stole the better halfe. Which false dealing of theirs we knew well enough, but would make no words thereof.

Qualiter ab illo itinere redierunt. Cap. 33.

[Sidenote: Difficilis legatorum reditus.] Tunc iter ad reuertendum arripuimus, at per totam hyemem venimus, iacentes in desertis sæpiùs in niue, nisi quantum poteramus nobis cum pede locum facere. Ibi quippe non erant arbores; sed planus campus. Et sæpe manè nos inueniebamus totos niue, quam ventus pellebat, coopertos. Sic venientes vsque ad Ascensionem Domini peruenimus ad Bathy. [Sidenote: Bathy.] A quo cùm inquireremus, quid responderet Domino Papæ, dixit se nolle aliud, nisi quod Imperator diligenter scripserat, demandare. Datísque nobis de conductu literis, ab eo recessimus, & sabbatho infra octauas Pentecostes vsque ad Montij peruenimus, vbi erant socij nostri, ac seruientes, qui fuerant retenti, quos ad nos fecimus reduci. [Sidenote: Corrensa.] Hinc vsque Corrensam peruenimus, cui iterum à nobis donaria petenti non dedimus, quia non habebamus. Dedítque nobis duos Comanos, qui erant ex Tartarorum plebe, vsque ad Kiouiam Russiæ. Tartarus tamen noster non dimisit nos, donec exiremus vltimam Tartarorum custodiam. Isti verò alij, qui nobis à Corrensa dati sunt, in sex diebus ab vltima custodia vsque ad Kiouiam nos duxerunt. Venimus autem illuc ante festum Beati Iohannis Baptistæ xv. diebus. [Sidenote: Iunij 8. Gratulationes reducibus factæ. Basilius & Daniel Principes.] Porrò Kiouienses aduentum nostrum percipientes, occurrerunt nobis omnes lætanter. Congratulabantur enim nobis, tanquam à morte suscitatis. Sic fecerunt nobis per totam Russiam, Poloniam & Bohemiam. Daniel & Wasilico frater eius festum nobis magnum fecerunt, & nos contra voluntatem nostram bene per octo dies tenuerunt. Medióque tempore inter se & cum Episcopis, cæterísque probis viris, super his, quæ locuti fueramus eisdem, in processu nostro ad Tartaros consilium habentes, responderunt nobis communiter, dicentes: [Sidenote: Russi agnoscunt primatum Papæ.] quòd Dominum Papam habere vellent in specialem Dominum, & in patrem, sanctam quoque Romanam Ecclesiam in dominam & magistram, confirmantes etiam omnia, quæ priùs de hac materia per Abbatem suum transmiserant. Et super hoc etiam nobiscum ad Dominum Papam nuncios suos & literas transmiserunt.

The same in English.

How they returned homewards. Chap. 33.

[Sidenote: The sore iourneys of the legates in returning.] Then taking our iourney to returne, we trauailed all Winter long, lying in the deserts oftentimes vpon the snow, except with our feete wee made a piece of ground bare to lye vpon. For there were no trees, but the plaine champion [Footnote: Champagne (Fr.) Open] field. And oftentimes in the morning, we found our selues all couered with snow driuen ouer vs by the winde. [Sidenote: Bathy.] And so trauailing till the feast of our Lordes Ascension, we arriued at the court of Bathy. Of whom when wee had enquired, what answere he would send vnto our Lord the Pope, he said that he had nothing to giue vs in charge, but onely that we should diligently deliuer that which the Emperour had written. And, hauing receued letters for our safe conduct, the thirteenth day after Pentecost, being Saterday, wee were proceeded as farre as Montij, with whome our foresaide associates and seruants remained, which were withheld from vs, and we caused them to be deliuered vnto vs. [Sidenote: Corrensa.] From hence wee trauailed vnto Corrensa, to whom, requiring gifts the second time at our hands, we gaue none, because we had not wherewithall. And hee appointed vs two Comanians, which liued among the common people of the Tartars, to be our guides vnto the citie of Kiow in Russia. Howbeit one of our Tartars parted not from vs, till we were past the vtmost gard of the Tartars. But the other guides, namely the Comanians, which were giuen vs by Corrensa, brought vs from the last garde vnto the citie of Kiow, in the space of sixe dayes. And there we arriued fifteene dayes before the feast of Saint Iohn Baptist. [Sidenote: Iune 8. How they were welcomed at their returne.] Moreouer, the Citizens of Kiow hauing intelligence of our approach, came foorth all of them to meet vs, with great ioy. For they reioyced ouer vs, as ouer men that had bene risen from death to life. So likewise they did vnto vs throughout all Russia, Polonia, and Bohemia. [Sidenote: Basilius and Daniel Princes.] Daniel and his brother Wasilico made vs a royall feast, and interteined vs with them against our willes for the space Of eight dayes. In the mean time, they with their Bishops, and other men of account, being in consultation together about those matters which we had propounded vnto them in our iourney towards the Tartars, answered vs with common consent, saying: that they would holde the Pope for their speciall Lord and Father, and the Church of Rome for their Lady & mistresse, confirming likewise al things which they had sent concerning this matter, before our comming, by their Abbate. And for the same purpose, they sent their Ambassadours and letters by vs also, vnto our Lord the Pope.

* * * * *

Itinerarium fratris Willielmi de Rubruquis de ordine fratrum Minorum,
Galli, Anno gratia 1253. ad partes Orientales.

Excellentissimo Domino & Christianissimo, Lodouico Dei gratia Regi Francorum illustri, frater Willielmus de Rubruquis in ordine fratrum Minorum minimus salutem, & semper triumphare in Christo. Scriptum est in Ecclesiastico de sapiente [Marginal note: Ecclus 39. ver 4.], In terram alienarum gentium transibit, bona & mala in omnibus tentabit. Hoc opus, Domine mi Rex, feci: sed vltinam vt sapiens et non stultus. Multi enim faciunt quod facit sapiens, sed non sapienter, sed magis stultè; de quorum numero timeo me esse. Tamen quocunque modo fecerim; quia dixistis mihi quando recessi à vobis, vt omnia scriberem vobis, quæcunque viderem inter Tartaros, & etiam monuistis vt non timerem vobis scribere longas literas, facio quod iniunxistis: Cum timore tamen & verecundia, quia verba congrua mihi non suppetunt, quæ debeam tantæ scribere Maiestati. Nouerit ergò vestra sancta maiestas, quòd anno Domini millessimo ducentessimo, quinquagessimo tertio, nonas Maij ingressi sumus mare Ponti, quod Bulgarici vocant, Maius Mare: & habet mille octo milliaria in longum, vt didici à mercatoribus, & distinguitur quasi in duas partes. Circa medium enim eius sunt quæ prouinciæ terræ, vna ad Aquilonem, & alia ad meridiem. Illa quæ est ad meridiem dicitur Synopolis; & est castrum & portus Soldani Turchiæ. Quæ verò ad Aquilonem est, est Prouincia quædam, quæ nunc dicitur à Latinis Gasaria, à Græcis verò qui inhabitant eam super littus maris dicitur Cassaria, hoc est Cæsaria. Et sunt promontoria quædam extendentia se in mare, & contra meridiem versus Synopolim. Et sunt trecenta milliaria inter Synopolim & Cassariam. Ita quod sint septingenta milliaria ab istis punctis versus Constantinopolim in longum et latum: et septingenta versus Orientem: hoc est, Hiberiam, quæ est prouincia Georgiæ. Ad prouinciam Gasariæ siue Casariæ applicuimus, quæ est quasi triangularis, ad Occidentem habens ciuitatem, quæ dicitur Kersoua in qua fuit Sanctus Clemens marterizatus. Et nauigantes coram ea vidimus insulam in qua est templum illud quod dicitur Angelicis manibus præparatum. [Sidenote: Soldaia.] In medio verò quasi in cuspide ad meridiem habet ciuitatem quæ dicitur Soldaia, quæ ex transuerso respicit Synopolim: Et illuc applicant omnes Mercatores venientes de Turchia volentes ire ad terras Aquilonares, et è contrario venientes de Russia et terris Aquilonaribus, volentes transire in Turchiam. Illi portant varium et grisiam, et alias pelles pretiosas. Alij portant telas de cottone siue bombasio, et pannos sericos et species aromaticas. [Sidenote: Matriga ciuitas.] Ad Orientem verò illius prouinciæ est ciuitas quæ dicitur Matriga, vbi cadit fluuius Tanais in mare Ponti per orificium habens latitudinem duodecem milliarium. Ille enim fluuius antequam ingrediatur mare Ponti, facit quoddam mare versus Aquilonem, habens in latitudine et longitudine septinginta, milliaria, nusquam habens profunditatem vltra sex passus, vnde magna vasa non ingrediuntur illud. Sed mercatores de Constantinopoli applicantes ad prædictam ciuitatem Matertam, mittunt barcas suas vsque ad flumen Tanaim, vt emant pisces siccatos, sturiones, thosas, borbatos, et alios pisces infinitæ multitudinis. Prædicta verò prouincia Cassaria cingitur mari in tribus lateribus: ad Occidentem scilicet, vbi est Kersoua ciuitas Clementis, ad meridiem vbi est ciuitas Soldaia, ad quam applicuimus, quæ est cuspis prouinciæ, et ad Orientem Maricandis, vbi est ciuitas Materta, et orificium Tanais. [Sidenote: Zikia.] Vltra illud orificium est Zikia, quæ non obedit Tartaris: Et Sueui et Hiberi ad Orientem, qui non obediunt Tartaris. Posteà versus meridiem est Trapesunda quæ habet proprium Dominum nomine Guidonem, qui est de genere imperatorum Constantinopolitanorum, qui obedit Tartaris: posteà Synopolis quæ est Soldani Turchiæ qui similiter obedit: posteà terra Vastacij cuius filius dicitur Astar ab auo materno, qui non obedit. Ab orificio Tanaius versus Occidentem vsque ad Danubium totum est subditum. Etiam vltra Danubium versus Constantinopolim, Valakia, quæ est terra Assani, et minor Bulgaria vsque in Solonomam omnes soluunt eis tributum. Et etiam vltra tributum condictum sumpserunt annis nuper transactis de qualibet domo securim vnam, et totum frumentum quod inuenerunt in massa. Applicuimus ergò Soldaiæ in 12. Kalendas Iunij: Et præuenerant nos quidam mercatores de Constantinopoli, qui dixerunt venturos illuc nuncios de terra sancta volentes ire ad Sartach. Ego tamen prædicaueram publicè in Ramis Palmarum apud Sanctam Sophiam, quod non essem nuncius, nec vester, nec alicuius, sed ibam apud illos incredulos secundùm regulam nostram. Tunc cùm applicuissem, monebant me dicti mercatores vt cautè loquerer, quia dixerunt me esse nuncium, et si non dicerem me esse nuncium, quod non præberetur mihi transitus. Tunc loquutus sum hoc modo ad capitaneos ciuitatis, imò ad vicarios capitaneorum, quia capitanei iuerant ad Baatu portantes tributum, et non fuerant adhuc reuersi. Nos audiuimus, dixi, de Domino vestro Sartach in Terra Sancta quod esset Christianus: et gauisi sunt inde vehementer Christiani, et præcipuè Dominus Rex Francorum Christianissimus, qui ibi peregrinatur, et pugnat contra Saracenos, vt eripiat loca sancta de manibus eorum: vnde volo ire ad Sartach, et portare ei literas Domini Regis, in quibus monet eum de vtilitate totius Christianitatis. Et ipsi receperunt nos gratanter, et dederunt nobis hospitium in ecclesia Episcopali. Et Episcopus ipsius ecclesiæ fuerat ad Sartach, qui multa bona dixit mihi de Sartach, quæ ego postea non inueni. Tunc dederunt nobis optionem vtrum vellemus habere bigas cum bobus ad portandum res nostras vel equos pro summarijs. Et mercatores Constantinopolitani consuluerunt mihi quod non acciperem bigas, imò quod emerem proprias bigas coopertas, in quibus apportant Ruteni pelles suas, et in illis includerem res nostras quas vellem quotidie deponere, quia si acciperem equos, oporteret me in qualibet Herbergia deponere et reponere super alios, et prætereà equitarem lentiori gressu iuxta boues. Et tunc acquieui consilio eorum malo, tum quia fui in itinere vsque Sartach duobus mensibus, quod potuissem vno mense fecisse, si iuissem equis. Attuleram mecum de Constantinopoli fructus et vinum muscatum, et biscoctum delicatum de consilio mercatorum ad præsentandum capitaneis primis, vt facilius pateret mihi transitus; quia nullus apud eos respicitur rectis oculis, qui venit vacua manu. Quæ omnia posui in vna biga, quando non inueni ibi capitaneos ciuitatis, quia dicebant mihi, quod grattissima forent Sartach, si possem deferre ea vsque ad eum. Arripuimus ergo iter tunc circa Kalend. Iunij cum bigis nostris quatuor coopertis et cum alijis duabus quas accepimus ab eis, in quibus portabantur lectisternia ad dormiendum de nocte, et quinque equos dabant nobis ad equitandum. Eramus enim quinque personæ. Ego et socius meus frater Bartholomeus de Cremona, et Goset later præsentium, et homo dei Turgemannus, et puer Nicolaus, quam emeram Constantinopoli de nostra eleemosyna. Dederunt etiam duos homines qui ducebant bigas et custodiebant boues et equos. Sunt autem alta promontoria super Mare à Kersoua vsque ad orificium Tanais: Et sunt quadraginta castella inter Kersouam et Soldaiam, quorum quodlibet fere habet proprium idioma: inter quos erant multi Goti, quorum idioma est Teutonicum. Post illa montana versus Aquilonem est pulcherrima sylua in planicie, plena fontibus et riuulis: Et post illam syluam est planicies maxima, quæ durat per quinque dietas vsque ad extremitatem illius prouinciæ ad aquilonem, quæ coarctatur habens Mare ad Orientem et Occidentem. Ita quod est vnum fossatum magnum ab vno Mari vsque ad aliud. In illa planicie solebant esse Comani antequam venirent Tartari, et cogebant ciuitates prædictas et castra vt darent eis tributum. Et cum venerunt Tartari, tanta multitudo Comanorum intrauit prouinciam illam, qui omnes fugerunt vsque ad ripam Maris, quod comedebant se mutuo viui morientes: secundum quod narrauit mihi quidam mercator, qui hoc vidit: Quod viui deuorabant et lacerabant dentibus carnes crudas mortuorum, sicut canes cadauera. Versus extremitatem illius prouinciæ sunt lacus multi et magni: in quorum ripis sunt fontes salmastri, quorum aqua, qàam cito intrat lacum, efficit salem durum ad modum glaciei. Et de illis salinis habent Baatu et Sartach magnos reditus: quia de toto Russia veniunt illuc pro sale: et de qualibet biga onusta dant duas telas de cottone valentes dimidiam Ipperperam. Veniunt, et per Mare multæ naues pro sale, quæ omnes dant tributum secundum sui quantitatem. Postquam ergo recessimus de Soldaia, tertia die inuenimus Tartaros: inter quos cùm intraueram, visum fuit mihi recte quod ingrederer quoddam aliud sæculum. Quorum vitam et mores vobis describam prout possum.

The same in English.

The iournal of frier William de Rubruquis a French man of the order of the minorite friers, vnto the East parts of the worlde. An. Dom. 1253.

To his most Soueraigne, & most Christian Lord Lewis, by Gods grace the renowned king of France, frier William de Rubruk, the meanest of the Minorites order, wisheth health and continual triumph in CHRIST.

It is written in the booke of Ecclesiasticus concerning the wise man: [Sidenote: Ecclus. 39, ver. 4] He shall trauell into forren countries, and good and euill shall he trie in all things. The very same action (my lord and kinge) haue I atchieued: howbeit I wish that I haue done it like a wise man, and not like a foole. For many there be, that performe the same action which a wise man doth, not wisely but more vndiscreetly: of which number I feare myselfe to be one. Notwithstanding howsoeuer I haue done it, because you commanded mee, when I departed from your highnes, to write all things vnto you, which I should see among the Tartars, and you wished me also that I should not feare to write long letters, I haue done as your maiestie inioined me: yet with feare and reuerence, because I want wordes and eloquence sufficient to write vnto so great a maiestie. Be it knowen therefore vnto your sacred Maiestie, that in the yere of our Lord 1253, about the Nones of May, we entered into the sea of Pontus, which the Bulgarians call the great sea. It containeth in length (as I learned of certaine merchants) 1008 miles, and is in a maner, diuided into two parts. About the midst thereof are two prouinces, one towards the North, and another towards the South. The South prouince is called Synopolis, and it is the castle and porte of the Soldan of Turkie; but the North prouince is called of the Latines, Gasaria: of the Greeks, which inhabite vpon the sea shore thereof, it is called Cassaria, that is to say Cæsaria. And there are certaine head lands stretching foorth into the sea towards Synopolis. Also, there are 300. miles of distance betweene Synopolis and Cassaria. Insomuch that the distance from those points or places to Constantinople, in length and breadth is about 700. miles: and 700. miles also from thence to the East, namely to the countrey of Hiberia which is a prouince of Georgia. [Sidenote: Gasaria.] At the prouince of Gasaria or Cassaria we arriued, which prouince is, in a maner, three square, hauing a citie on the West part thereof called Kersoua, [Footnote: Kertch.] wherein S. Clement suffered martyrdome. And sayling before the said citie, we sawe an island, in which a Church is sayd to be built by the hands of angels. [Sidenote: Soldaia.] But about the midst of the said prouince toward the South, as it were, vpon a sharpe angle or point, standeth a citie called Soldaia [Footnote: Simferopol, I presume.] directly ouer against Synopolis. And there doe all the Turkie merchants, which traffique into the north countries, in their iourney outward, arriue, and as they retume homeward also from Russia, and the said Northerne regions, into Turkie. The foresaid merchants transport thither ermines and gray furres, with other rich and costly skinnes. Others carrie cloathes made of cotton or bombast, and silke, and diuers kindes of spices. [Sidenote: The citie of Matriga.] But vpon the East part of the said prouince standeth a Citie called Matriga [Footnote: Azou.], where the riuer Tanais [Footnote: The Don.] dischargeth his streames into the sea of Pontus, the mouth whereof is twelue miles in breadth. For this riuer, before it entreth into the sea of Pontus, maketh a little sea, which hath in breadth and length seuen hundreth miles, [Footnote: The Sea of Azou is 210 miles long, and its breadth varies from 10 to 100 miles.] and it is no place there of aboue sixe-paces deepe, whereupon great vessels cannot sayle ouer it. Howbeit the merchants of Constantinople, arriuing at the foresayd citie of Materta [Marginal note: Matriga.], send their barkes vnto the riuer of Tanais to buy dried fishes, Sturgeons, Thosses, Barbils, and an infinite number of other fishes. The foresayd prouince of Cassaria is compassed in with the sea on three sides thereof: namely on the West side, where Kersoua the citie of Saint Clement is situate: on the South side the citie of Soldaia whereat we arriued: on the East side Maricandis, and there stands the citie of Matriga vpon the mouth of the riuer Tanais. [Sidenote: Zikia.] Beyond the sayd mouth standeth Zikia, which is not in subiection vnto the Tartars: also the people called Sueui and Hiberi towards the East, who likewise are not vnder the Tartars dominion. Moreouer towards the South, standeth the citie of Trapesunda, [Footnote: Trebizond.] which hath a gouernour proper to it selfe, named Guydo being of the Image of the Emperours of Constantinople, and is subiect vnto the Tartars. Next vnto that is Synopolis the citie of the Soldan of Turkie, who likewise is in subiection vnto them. Next vnto these lyeth the countrey of Vastacius, whose sonne is called Astar, of his grandfather by the mothers side, who is not in subiection. All the land from the mouth of Tanais Westward as farre as Danubius is vnder their subiection. Yea beyond Danubius also, towards Constantinople, Valakia, which is the land of Assanus, and Bulgaria minor as farre as Solonia, doe all pay tribute vnto them. And besides the tribute imposed, they haue also of late yeares, exacted of euery houshold an axe, and all such corne as they found lying on heapes. We arriued therefore at Soldaia the twelfth of the Kalends of Iune. And diuers merchants of Constantinople, which were arriued there before vs, reported that certaine messengers were comming thither from the holy land, who were desirous to trauell vnto Sartach. Notwithstanding I my self had publickely giuen out vpon Palme Sunday within the Church of Sancta Sophia, that I was not your nor any other mans messenger, but that I trauailed vnto those infidels according to the rule of our order. And being arriued, the said merchants admonished me to take diligent heede what I spake: because they hauing reported me to be a messenger, if I should say the contrary, that I were no messenger, I could not haue free passage granted vnto me. Then I spake after this maner vnto the gouernors of the citie, or rather vnto their Lieutenants, because the gouernors themselues were gone to pay tribute vnto Baatu, and were not as yet returned. We heard of your lord Sartach (quoth I) in the holy land, that he was become a Christian: and the Christians were exceeding glad thereof, and especially the most Christian king of France, who is there now in pilgrimage, and fighteth against the Saracens to redeeme the holy places out of their handes: wherfore I am determined to go vnto Sartach, and to deliuer vnto him the letters of my lord the king, wherein he admonisheth him concerning the good and commoditie of all Christendome. And they receiued vs with gladnes, and gaue vs enterteinement in the cathedrall Church. The bishop of which Church was with Sartach, who told me many good things concerning the saide Sartach, which after I found to be nothing so. Then put they vs to our choyce, whither we woulde haue cartes and oxen, or packehorses to transport our cariages. And the marchants of Constantinople aduised me, not to take cartes of the citizens of Soldaia, but to buy couered cartes of mine owne, (such as the Russians carrie their skins in), and to put all our cariages, which I would daylie take out, into them: because, if I should vse horses, I must be constrained at euery baite to take downe my cariages, and to lift them vp againe on sundry horses backs: and besides, that I should ride a more gentle pace by the oxen drawing the cartes. Wherefore contenting my selfe with their euil counsel, I was trauelling vnto Sartach 2 moneths which I could haue done in one, if I had gone by horse. I brought with me from Constantinople (being by the marchants aduised so to doe) pleasant fruits, muscadel wine, and delicate bisket bread to present vnto the gouernours of Soldaia, to the end I might obtain free passage: because they looke fauorablie vpon no man which commeth with an emptie hand. All of which things I bestowed in one of my cartes, (not finding the gouernours of the citie at home) for they told me, if I could carry them to Sartach, that they would be most acceptable vnto him. Wee tooke oure iourney therefore about the kalends of Iune, with fower couered cartes of our owne and with two other which wee borrowed of them, wherein we carried our bedding to rest vpon in the night, and they allowed vs fiue horses to ride vpon. [Sidenote: Frier Bartholomeus de Cremona.] For there were iust fiue persons in our companie: namely, I my selfe and mine associate frier Batholomew of Cremona, and Goset the bearer of these presents, the man of God Turgemannus, and Nicolas, my seruant, whome I bought at Constantinople with some part of the almes bestowed vpon me. Moreouer, they allowed vs two men, which draue our carts and gaue attendance vnto our oxen and horses. There be high promontories on the sea shore from Kersoua vnto the mouth of Tanais. Also there are fortie castles betweene Kersoua and Soldaia, euery one of which almost haue their proper languages: amongst whome there were many Gothes, who spake the Dutch tongue. Beyond the said mountaines towards the North there is a most beautifull wood growing on a plaine ful of fountaines and freshets. [Sidenote: The necke of Taurica Chersonesus.] And beyond the wood there is a mightie plaine champion, continuing fiue days iourney vnto the very extremitie and borders of the said prouince northward, and there it is a narrow Isthmus or neck land, [Footnote: The Isthmus of Perekop.] hauing sea on the East and West sides therof, insomuch that there is a ditch made from one sea vnto the other. In the same plaine (before the Tartars sprang vp) were the Comanians wont to inhabite, who compelled the foresayd cities and castles to pay tribute vnto them. But when the Tartars came vpon them, the multitude of the Comanians entred into the foresaid prouince, and fled all of them, euen vnto the sea shore, being in such extreame famine, that they which were aliue, were constrained to eate vp those which were dead; and (as a marchant reported vnto me who sawe it with his owne eyes) that the liuing men deuoured and tore with their teeth, the raw flesh of the dead, as dogges would knawe vpon carrion. Towards the border of the sayd prouince there be many great lakes: vpon the bankes whereof are salt pits or fountaines, the water of which so soon as it entereth into the lake, becommeth hard salte like vnto ice. And out of those salte pittes Baatu and Sartach haue great reuenues: for they repayre thither out of all Russia for salte: and for each carte loade they giue two webbes of cotton amounting to the value of half an Yperpera. There come by sea also many ships for salt, which pay tribute euery one of them according to their burden. The third day after wee were departed out of the precincts of Soldaia, we found the Tartars. [Sidenote: The Tartars.] Amongst whome being entered, me thought I was come into a new world. Whose life and maners I will describe vnto your Hignes as well as I can.

De Tartaris and domibus eorum. Cap. 2.

Nusquam habent manentem ciuitatem, sed futuram ignorant. Inter se diuiserunt Scythiam, quæ durat à Danubio vsque ad ortum solis. Et quilibet Capitaneus, secundum quod habet plures vel pauciores homines sub se, scit terminos pascuorum suorum, et vbi debet pascere hyeme et æstate, vere et autumno. In hyeme enim descendunt ad calidiores regiones versus meridiem. In æstate ascendunt ad frigidiores versus aquilonem. Loca pascuosa sine aquis pascunt in hyeme quando est ibi nix, quia niuem habent pro aqua. Domum in qua dormiunt fundant super rotam de virgis cancellatis, cuius tigna sunt de virgis, and [Transcriber's note: sic.] conueniunt in vnam paruulam rotam superius, de qua ascendit collum sursum tanquam fumigatorium, quam cooperiunt filtro albo: et frequentius imbuunt etiam filtrum calce vel terra alba et puluere ossium, vt albens splendeat, et aliquando nigro. Et filtrum illud circa collum superius decorant pulchra varietate picturæ. Ante ostium similiter suspendunt filtrum opere polimitario variatum. Consumunt enim filtrum coloratum in faciendo vites et arbores, aues et bestias. Et faciunt tales domos ita magnas, quod habent triginta pedes in latitudine. Ego enim mensuraui semel latitudinem inter vestigia rotarum vnius bigæ viginti pedum: et quando domus erat super bigam excedebat extra rotas in vtroque latere quinque pedibus ad minus. Ego numeraui in vna biga viginti duos boues trahentes vnam domum: Vndecem in vno ordine secundum latitudinem bigæ, et alios vndecem ante illos: Axis bigæ erat magnus ad modum arboris nauis: Et vnus homo stabat in ostio domus super bigam minans boues. Insuper faciunt quadrangulos de virgulis fissis attenuatis ad quantitatem vnius arcæ magnæ: et postea de vna extremitate ad aliam eleuant testudinem de similibus virgis, et ostiolum faciunt in anteriori extremitate: et postea cooperiunt illam cistam siue domunculam filtro nigro inbuto seuo siue lacte ouino, ne possit penetrari pluuia; quod similiter decorant opere polimitario vel plumario. Et in talibus arcis ponunt totam suppellectilem suam et thesarum: quas ligant fortiter super bigas alteras quas trahunt cameli, vt possint transuadare flumina. Tales arcas nunquam deponunt de bigis. Quando deponunt domas suas mansionarias, semper vertunt portam ad meridiem; et consequenter collocant bigas cum arcis hinc et inde prope domum ad dimidium iactum lapidis: ita quod domus stat inter duos ordines bigarum quasi inter duos muros. Matronæ faciunt sibi pulcherrimas bigas, quas nescirem vobis describere nisi per picturam. [Marginal note: Nota.] Imo omnia depinxissem vobis si sciuissem pingere. Vnus diues Moal siue Tartar habet bene tales bigas cum arcis ducentas vel centum. Baatu habet sexdecem vxores: quælibet habet vnam magnam domum, exceptis alijs paruis, quas collocant post magnam, quæ sunt quasi cameræ; in quibus habitant puellæ. Ad quamlibet istarum domorum appendent ducentæ bigæ. Et quando deponunt domus, prima vxor deponit suam curiam in capite occidentali, et postea aliæ secundum ordinem suum; ita quod vltima vxor erit in capite Orientali: et erit spacium inter curiam vnius dominæ et alterius, iactus vnius lapidis. Vnde curia vnius diuitis Moal apparebit quasi vna magna Villa: tunc paucissimi viri erunt in ea. Vna muliercula ducet 20. bigas vel 30. Terra enim plana est. Et ligant bigas cum bobus vel camelis vnam post aliam: et sedebit muliercula in anteriori minans bouem, et omnes aliæ pari gressu sequentur. Si contingat venire ad aliquem malum passum, soluunt eas et transducunt sigillatim: Vadunt enim lento gressu sicut agnus vel bos potest ambulare.

The same in English.

Of the Tartars, and of their houses. Chap. 2.

They haue in no place any setled citie to abide in, neither knowe they of the celestiall citie to come. They haue diuided all Scythia among themselues, which stretcheth from the riuer Danubius euen vnto the rising of the sunne. And euery of their captaines, according to the great or small number of his people, knoweth the bound of his pastures, and where he ought to feed his cattel winter and summer, Spring and autumne. For in the winter they descend vnto the warme regions southward. And in the summer they ascend vnto the colde regions northward. In winter when snowe lyeth vpon the ground, they feede their cattell vpon pastures without water, because then they vse snow in stead of water. Their houses wherein they sleepe, they ground vpon a round foundation of wickers artificially wrought and compacted together: the roofe whereof consisteth (in like sorte) of wickers, meeting aboue into one little roundell, out of which roundell ascendeth a necke like vnto a chimney, which they couer with white felte, and oftentimes they lay mortar or white earth vpon the sayd felt, with the powder of bones, that it may shine white. And sometimes also they couer it with blacke felte. The sayd felte on the necke of their house, they doe garnish ouer with beautifull varietie of pictures. Before the doore likewise they hang a felt curiously painted ouer. For they spend all their coloured felte in painting vines, trees, birds, and beastes thereupon. The sayd houses they make so large, that they conteine thirtie foote in breadth. For measuring once the breadth betweene the wheele-ruts of one of their cartes, I found it to be 20 feete ouer: and when the house was vpon the carte, it stretched ouer the wheeles on each side fiue feete at the least. I told 22. oxen in one teame, drawing an house vpon a cart, eleuen in one order according to the breadth of the carte, and eleuen more before them: the axeltree of the carte was of an huge bignes like vnto the mast of a ship. And a fellow stood in the doore of the house, vpon the forestall of the carte driuing forth the oxen. Moreouer, they make certaine fouresquare baskets of small slender wickers as big as great chestes: and afterward, from one side to another, they frame an hollow lidde or couer of such like wickers, and make a doore in the fore side thereof. And then they couer the sayd chest or little house with black fell rubbed ouer with tallow or sheeps milke to keepe the raine from soaking through, which they decke likewise with painting or with feathers. And in such chests they put their whole houshold stuffe and treasure. Also the same chests they do strongly binde vpon other carts, which are drawen with camels, to the end they may wade through riuers. Neither do they at any time take down the sayd chests from off their carts. When they take down their dwelling houses, they turne the doores alwayes to the South: and next of all they place the carts laden with their chests, here and there, within half a stones cast of the house: insomuch that the house standeth between two ranks of carts, as it were, between two wals. [Footnote: Something in the style of the laagers of South Africa at the present day.] [Sidenote: The benefite of a painter in strange countries.] The matrons make for themselues most beautiful carts, which I am not able to describe vnto your maiestie but by pictures onlie: for I would right willingly haue painted all things for you, had my skill bin ought in that art. One rich Moal or Tartar hath 200. or 100. such cartes with chests. Duke Baatu hath sixteene wiues, euery one of which hath one great house, besides other little houses, which they place behind the great one, being as it were chambers for their maidens to dwel in. And vnto euery of the said houses do belong 200. cartes. When they take their houses from off the cartes, the principal wife placeth her court on the West frontier, and so all the rest in their order: so that the last wife dwelleth vpon the East frontier: and one of the said ladies courts is distant from another about a stones cast. Whereupon the court of one rich Moal or Tartar will appeare like vnto a great village, very few men abiding in the same. One woman will guide 20. or 30. cartes at once, for their countries are very plaine, and they binde the cartes with camels or oxen, one behind another. And there sittes a wench in the foremost carte driuing the oxen, and al the residue follow on a like pace. When they chance to come at any bad passage, they let them loose, and guide them ouer one by one: for they goe a slowe pace, as fast as a lambe or an oxe can walke.

De lectis eorum et poculis. Cap. 3.

Postquam deposuerint domus versa porta ad meridiem, collocant lectum domini ad partem aquilonarem. Locus multerum est semper ad latus Orientale hoc est ad sinistrum domini domus cum sedet in lecto suo versa facie ad meridiem: locus verò virorum ad latus occidentale, hoc est ad dextrum. Viri ingredientes domum nullo modo suspenderent pharetram ad partem mulierum. Et super caput Domini est semper vna imago quasi puppa et statuuncula de filtro, quam vocant fratrem domini: alia similis super caput dominæ, quam vocant fratrem dominæ, affixa parieti: et superius inter vtramque illarum est vna paruula, macilenta, quæ est quasi custos totius domus. Domina domus ponit ad latus suum dextrum ad pedes lecti in eminenti loco pelliculam hoedinam impletam lana vel alia materia, et iuxta illam statuunculam paruulam respicientem famulas et mulieres. Iuxta ostium ad partem mulieris est iterum alia imago cum vbere vaccino, pro mulieribus quæ mungunt vaccas. De officio foeminarum est mungere vaccas. Ad aliud latus ostij versus viros est alia statua cum vbere equæ pro viris qui mungunt equas. Et cum conuenerint ad potandum primo spargunt de potu illi imagini, quæ est super caput domini: postea alijs imaginibus per ordinem: postea exit minister domum cum cipho et potu, et spargit ter ad meridiem, qualibet vice flectendo genu; et hoc ad reuerentiam ignis: postea ad Orientem ad reuerentiam aeris: postea ad Occidentem ad reuerentiam aquæ; ad aquilonem proijciunt pro mortuis. Quando tenet dominus ciphum in manu et debet bibere, tunc primo antequam bibat, infundit terræ partem suam. Si bibit sedens super equum, infundit antequam bibat, super collum vel crinem equi. Postquam vero minister sic sparserit ad quatuor latera mundi, reuertitur in domum et sunt parati duo famuli cum duobus ciphis et totidem patenis vt deferant potum domino et vxori sedenti iuxta eum sursum in lecto. Et cum habet plures vxores, illa cum qua dormit in nocte sedet iuxta eum in die: et oportet quod omnes aliæ veniant ad domum illam illa die ad bibendum: et ibi tenetur curia illa die: et xenia quæ deferuntur, illa deponuntur in thesauris illius dominæ. Bancus ibi est cum vtre lactis vel cum alio potu et cum ciphis.

The same in English.

Of their beds, and of their drinking pots. Chap. 3.

Hauing taken downe their houses from off their cartes, and turning the doores Southward, they place the bed of the master of the house, at the North part thereof. The womens place is alwaies on the East side, namely on the left hand of the good man of the house sitting vpon his bed with his face Southwards; but the mens place is vpon the West side, namely at the right hand of their master. Men when they enter into the house, wil not in any case hang their quiuers on the womens side. Ouer the masters head is alwayes an image, like a puppet, made of felte, which they call the masters brother: and another ouer the head of the good wife or mistresse, which they call her brother being fastened to the wall: and aboue betweene both of, them, there is a little leane one, which is, as it were the keeper of the whole house. The good wife or mistresse of the house placeth aloft at her beds feete, on the right hand, the skinne of a Kidde stuffed with wooll or some other matter, and neare vnto that a little image or puppet looking towards the maidens and women. Next vnto the doore also on the womens side, there is another image with a cowes vdder, for the women that milke the kine. For it is the duety of their women to milke kine. On the other side of the doore next vnto the men, there is another image with the vdder of a mare, for the men which milke mares. And when they come together to drinke and make merie, they sprinckle parte of their drinke vpon the image which is aboue the masters head: afterward vpon other images in order: then goeth a seruant out of the house with a cuppe full of drinke sprinckling it thrise towards the South, and bowing his knee at euery time: and this is done for the honour of the fire. Then perfourmeth he the like superstitious idolatrie towards the East, for the honour of the ayre: and then to the West for the honour of the water: and lastly to the North in the behalfe of the dead. When the maister holdeth a cuppe in his hande to drinke, before he tasteth thereof, hee powreth his part vpon the ground. If he drinketh sitting on horse backe, hee powreth out part thereof vpon the necke or maine of his horse before hee himselfe drinketh. After the seruaunt aforesaide hath so discharged his cuppes to the fower quarters of the world, hee returneth into the house: and two other seruants stand ready with two cuppes, and two basons, to carrie drinke vnto their master and his wife, sitting together vpon a bed. And if he hath more wiues than one, she with whome hee slept the night before, sitteth by his side the daye following: and all his other wiues must that day resorte vnto the same house to drinke: and there is the court holden for that day: the giftes also which are presented that daye are layd vp in the chests of the sayd wife. And vpon a bench stands a vessell of milke or of other drinke and drinking cuppes.

De potibus eorum et qualiter prouocant alios ad bibendum. Cap. 4.

Faciunt in hyeme optimum potum, de risio, de millio, de melle: claret sicut vinum. Et defertur eis vmum à remotis partibus. In æstate non curant nisi de Cosmos. Stat semper infra domum ad introitum portæ, et iuxta illud stat citharista cum citherula sua. Citheras et vielas nostras non vidi ibi, sed multa alia instrumenta, quæ apud nos non habentur. Et cum incipit bibere tunc vnus mintstrorum exclamat alta voce, HA: et citharista per cutit citharum. [Sidenote: Similiter in Florida.] Et quando faciunt festum magnum, tunc omnes plaudunt manibus et saltant ad vocem citharæ, viri coram Domino, et mulieres coram domina. Et postquam dominus biberit, tunc exclamat minister sicut priùs, et tacet citharista: tunc bibunt omnes in circuitu viri et mulieres: et aliquando bibunt certatim valde turpiter et gulose. Et quando volunt aliquem prouocare ad potum arripiunt eum per aures et trahunt fortiter vt dilatent ei gulam, et plaudunt et saltant coram eo. Item cum aliqui volunt facere magnum festum et gaudium, vnus accipit ciphum plenum, et alij duo sunt ei à dextris et sinistris: et sic illi tres veniunt cantantes vsque ad illum cui debent porrigere ciphum, et cantant et saltant coram eo: et cum porrigit manum ad recipiendum ciphum, ipsi subito resiliunt, et iterum sicut prius reuertuntur, et sic illudunt ei ter vel quater retrahendo ciphum, donec fuerit bene exhileratus et bonum habeat appetitum, et tunc dant ei ciphum, et cantant et plaudunt manibus et terunt pedibus donec biberit.

The same in English.

Of their drinkes, and how they prouoke one another to drinking. Chap. 4

In winter time they make excellent drinke of Rise, of Mill, and of honie, being well and high coloured like wine. Also they haue wine brought vnto them from farre countries. In summer time they care not for any drinke, but Cosmos. And it standeth alwaies within the entrance of his doore, and next vnto it stands a minstrell with his fidle. I sawe there no such citerns and vials as ours commonly be, but many other musicall instruments which are not vsed among vs. And when the master of the house begins to drinke, one of his seruants cryeth out with a lowde voice HA, and the minstrell playes vpon his fidle. [Sidenote: They vse the like custome in Florida.] And when they make any great solemne feast, they all of them clap their hands and daunce to the noyse of musique the men before their master and the women before their mistresse. And when the master hath drunke, then cries out his seruant as before, and the minstrell stayeth his musique. Then drinke they all around both men and women: and sometimes they carowse for the victory very filthily and drunkenly. Also when they will prouoke any man, they pul him by the eares to the drinke, and lug and drawe him strongly to stretch out his throate clapping their handes and dauncing before him. Moreouer when some of them will make great feasting and reioycing, one of the company takes a full cuppe, and two other stand, one on his right hand and another on his left, and so they three come singing to the man who is to haue the cuppe reached vnto him, still singing and dauncing before him: and when he stretcheth foorth his hand to receiue the cuppe, they leape suddenly backe, returning againe as they did before, and so hauing deluded him thrice or fower times by drawing backe the cuppe vntill he be merie, and hath gotten a good appetite, then they giue him the cuppe, singing and dauncing and stamping with their feete, vntill he hath done drinking.

De cibarijs eorum. Cap. 5.

De cibis et victualibus eorum noueritis, quod indifferenter comedunt omnia morticinia sua. Et inter tot pecora et armenta non potest esse quin multa animalia moriantur. Tamen in æstate quamdiu durat eis cosmos, hoc est lac equinum, non curant de alio cibo. Vnde tunc si contingat eis mori bouem vel equum, siccant carnes scindendo per tenues pecias et suspendendo ad solem et ventum, quæ statim sine sale siccantur absque aliquo fætore. De intestinis equorum faciunt andulges meliores quàm de porcis; quas comedunt recentes: reliquas carnes reseruant ad hyemem. De pellibus boum faciunt vtres magnos, quos mirabiliter siccant ad fumum. De posteriori parte pellis equi faciunt pulcherrimos soculares. De carne vnius arietis dant comedere quinquaginta hominibus vel centum. Scindunt enim minutatim in scutella cum sale et aqua, aliam enim salsam non faciunt, et tunc cum puncto cultelli vel furcinula, quas proprias faciunt ad hoc, cum qua solemus comedere pira et poma cocta in vino, porrigunt cuilibet circumstantium buccellam vnam vel duas, secundum multitudinem comedentium. Dominus antequam proponitur caro arietis in primo ipse accipit quod placet ei: et etiam si dat alicui partem specialem, oportet quod accipiens comedat eam solus, et nemini licet dare ei. Si non potest totum comedere, asportat secum, vel dat garcioni suo, si est presens, qui custodiat ei: sin aliter, recondit in saptargat suo, hoc est in bursa quadrata, quam portant ad recondendum omnia talia, in qua et ossa recondunt, quando non habent spacium bene rodendi ea, vt postea rodant, ne pereat aliquid de cibo.

The same in English.

Of their foode and victuals. Chap. 5.

Concerning their foode and victuals, be it knowen vnto your Highnesse that they do, without al difference or exception, eate all their dead carrions. And amongst so many droues it cannot be, but some cattell must needes die. Howbeit in summer, so long as their Cosmos, that is, their mares milke lasteth, they care not for any foode. [Sidenote: Drying of flesh in the wind.] And if they chance to haue an oxe or an horse dye, they drie the flesh thereof: for cutting it into thin slices and hanging it vp against the Sunne and the wind, it is presently dried without salt, and also without stenche or corruption. They make better puddings of their horses then of their hogs, which they eate being new made: the rest of the flesh they reserue vntill winter. They make of their oxe skins great bladders or bags, which they doe wonderfully dry in the smoake. Of the hinder part of their horse hides they make very fine sandals and pantofles. They giue vnto 50. or an 100. men the flesh of one ram to eat. For they mince it in a bowle with salt and water (other sauce they haue none) and then with the point of a knife, or a little forke which they make for the same purpose (such as wee vse to take rosted peares or apples out of wine withal) they reach vnto euery one of the company a morsell or twaine, according to the multitude of guestes. The master of the house, before the rams flesh be distributed, first of all himselfe taketh thereof, what he pleaseth. Also, if he giueth vnto any of the company a speciall part, the receiuer therof must eat it alone, and must not impart ought therof vnto any other. Not being able to eate it vp all, he caries it with him, or deliuers it vnto his boy, if he be present, to keepe it: if not, he puts it vp into his Saptargat, that is to say, his foure square budget, which they vse to cary about with them for the sauing of all such prouision, and wherein they lay vp their bones, when they haue not time to gnaw them throughly, that they may burnish them afterward, to the end that no whit of their food may come to nought.

Quomodo faciunt Cosmos. Cap. 6.

Ipsum Cosmos, hoc est lac iumentinum fit hoc modo. Extendunt cordam longam super terram ad duos palos fixos in terra, et ad illam cordam ligant circiter horas tres, pullos equarum quas volunt mungere. Tunc stant matres iuxta pullos suos et permittunt se pacifice mungi. Et si aliqua est nimis indomita, tunc accipit vnus homo pullum et supponit ei permittens parum sugere, tunc retrahit illum, et emunctor lactis succedit. Congregata ergo multitudine lactis, quod est ita dulce sicut vaccinum, dum est recens, fundunt illud in magnum vtrem siue bucellam, et incipiunt illud concutere cum ligno ad hoc aptato, quod grossum est inferius sicut caput hominis et cauatum subtus: et quam cito concutiunt illud, incipit bullire sicut vinum nouum, et acescere siue fermentari, et excutiunt illud donec extrahant butirum. Tunc gustant illud; et quando est temperate pungitiuum bibunt: pungit enim super linguam sicut vinum raspei dum bibitur. Et postquam homo cessat bibere, relinquit saporem super linguam lactis amygdalini, et multum reddit interiora hominis iucunda, et etiam inebriat debilia capita: multum etiam prouocat vrinam. Faciunt etiam Cara-cosmos, hoc est nigrum cosmos ad vsum magnorum dominorum, hoc modo. Lac equinum non coagulatur. Ratio enim est: quod nullius animalis lac nisi cuius fetet venter non inuenitur coagulum. In ventre pulli equi non inuenitur: vnde lac equæ non coagulatur. Concutiunt ergo lac in tantum, quod omnino quod spissum est in eo vadat ad fundum rectà, sicut fæces vini, et quod purum est remanet superius et est sicut serum, et sicut mustum album. Fæces sunt albæ multum, et dantur seruis, et faciunt multum dormire. Illud clarum bibunt domini: et est pro certo valde suauis potus et bonæ efficaciæ. Baatu habet 30. casalia circa herbergiam suam ad vnam dietam, quorum vnam quodque qualibet die seruit ei de tali lacte centum equarum, hoc est, qualibet die lac trium millium equarum, excepto alio lacte albo, quod deferunt alij. Sicut enim in Syria rustici dant tertiam partem fructuum, quam ipsi afferunt ad curias dominorum suorum, ita et isti lac equarum tertiæ diei. De lacte vaccino primò extrahunt butyrum et bulliunt illud vsque ad perfectam decoctionem, et postea recondunt illud in vtribus arietinis quos ad hoc reseruant. Et non ponunt sal in butiro: tamen propter magnam decoctionem non putrescit; et reseruant illud contra hyemem. Residuum lac quod remanet post butirum permittunt acescere quantum acrius fieri potest et bulliunt illud, et coagulatur bulliendo, et coagulum illud desiccant ad solem, et efficitur durum sicut scoria ferri. Quod recondunt in saccis contra hyemem tempore hyemali quando deficit eis lac, ponunt illud acre coagulum, quod ipsi vocant gri-vt, in vtre, et super infundunt aquam calidam, et concutiunt fortiter donec illud resoluatur in aqua; quæ ex illo efficitur tota acetosa, et illam aquam bibunt loco lactis. Summè cauent ne bibant aquam puram.

The same in English.

How they make their drinke called Cosmos. Chap 6.

Their drinke called Cosmos, which is mares milke, is prepared after this manner. They fasten a long line vnto 2. posts standing firmely in the ground, and vnto the same line they tie the young foles of those mares, which they mean to milke. Then come the dams to stand by their foles gently suffering themselues to be milked. And if any of them be too vnruly, then one takes her fole, and puts it vnder her, letting it suck a while, and presently carying it away againe, there comes another man to milke the said mare. And hauing gotten a good quantity of this milke together (being as sweet as cowes milke) while it is newe they powre it into a great bladder or bag, and they beat the said bag with a piece of wood made for the purpose, hauing a club at the lower ende like a mans head, which is hollow within: and so soone as they beat vpon it, it begins to boile like newe wine, and to be sower and sharp of taste, and they beate it in that manner till butter come thereof. Then taste they thereof, and being indifferently sharpe they drinke it: for it biteth a mans tongue like the wine of raspes, when it is drunk. After a man hath taken a draught thereof, it leaueth behind it a taste like the taste of almon milke, and goeth downe very pleasantly, intoxicating weake braines: also it causeth vrine to be auoided in great measure. Likewise Caracosmos, that is to say black Cosmos, for great lords to drink, they make on this maner. First they beat the said milke so long till the thickest part thereof descend right downe to the bottome like the lees of white wine, and that which is thin and pure remaineth aboue, being like vnto whay or white must The said lees or dregs being very white, are giuen to seruants, and will cause them to sleepe exceedingly. That which is thinne and cleare their masters drinke: and in very deed it is marueilous sweete and holesome liquor. Duke Baatu hath thirty cottages or granges within a daies iourney of his abiding place: euery one of which serueth him dayly with the Caracosmos of an hundreth mares milk, and so all of them together euery day with the milke of 3000. mares, besides white milke which other of his subiects bring. For euen as the husbandmen of Syria bestow the third part of their fruicts and carie it vnto the courts of their lords, euen so doe they their mares milke euery third day. Out of their cowes milke they first churne butter, boyling the which butter vnto a perfect decoction, they put it into rams skinnes, which they reserue for the same purpose. Neither doe they salte their butter: and yet by reason of the long seething, it putrifieth not: and they keepe it in store for winter. The churnmilke which remaineth of the butter, they let alone till it be as sowre as possibly it may be, then they boile it and in boiling, it is turned all into curdes, which curds they drie in the sun, making them as hard as the drosse of iron: and this kind of food also they store vp in sachels against winter. In the winter season when milke faileth them, they put the foresaid curds (which they cal Gry-vt) into a bladder, and powring hot water thereinto, they beat it lustily till they haue resolued it into the said water, which is thereby made exceedingly sowre, and that they drinke in stead of milke [Footnote: Presumably the first mention of preserved milk in any form.]. They are very scrupulous, and take diligent heed that they drinke not fayre water by it selfe.

De bestijs quas comedunt, et de vestibus, ac de venatione eorum. Chap. 7.

Magni domini habent casalia versus meridiem, de quibus afferunt eis milium et farinam contra hyemem, pauperes procurant sibi pro arietibus et pellibus commutando. Sclaui etiam implent ventrem suum aqua crassa, et hac contenti sunt. Mures cum longis caudis non comedunt et omne genus murium habens curtam caudam. Sunt etiam ibi multæ marmotes, quas ipsi vocant Sogur; quæ conueniunt in vna fouea in hyeme 20. vel 30. pariter, et dormiunt sex mensibus: quas capiunt in magna multitudine. Sunt etiam ibi, cuniculi habentes longam caudam sicut cari; et in summitate caudæ habent pilos nigros et albos. Habent et multas alias bestiolas bonas ad comedendum: quas ipsi valde bene discernunt. Ceruos non vidi ibi; lepores paucos vidi, gaselos multos. Asinos syluestres vidi in magna multitudine, qui sunt quasi muli. Vidi et aliud genus animalis quod dicitur Artak, quod habet recte corpus arietis et cornua torta, sed tantæ quantitatis, quod vix poteram vna manu leuare duo cornua: et faciunt de cornibus illis ciphos magnos. Habent falcones, girfalcones, et herodios in magna multitudine: quos omnes portant super manum dexteram: et ponunt semper falconi vnam corrigiam paruulam circa collum, quæ pendet ei vsque ad medietatem pectoris: per quam cum proijciunt eum ad prædam, inclinant cum sinistra manu caput et pectus falconis, ne verberetur à vento, vel ne feratur sursum. Magnum ergo partem victus sui acquirunt venatione. De vestibus et habitu eorum noueritis, quod de Cataya et alijs regionibus Orientis, et etiam de Perside et alijs regionibus austri veniunt eis panni serici et aurei, et telæ de bambasio, quibus induuntur in æstate. [Sidenote: Maior Hungaria.] De Russia, de Moxel, et Maiore Bulgaria et Pascatir, quæ est maior Hungaria, et Kersis: (quæ omnes sunt regiones ad Aquilonem et plenæ syluis;) et alijs multis regionibus ad latus aquilonare, quæ eis obediunt, adducuntur eis pelles preciosæ multi generis; quas nunquam vidi in partibus nostris: Quibus induuntur in hyeme. Et faciunt semper in hyeme duas pelliceas ad minus: vnam, cuius pilus est ad carnem: aliam cuius pilus est extra contra ventum et niues, quæ multoties sunt de pellibus lupinis vel vulpibus vel papionibus. Et dum sedent in domo habent aliam delicatiorem. Pauperes faciunt illas exteriores de canibus et capris. Quum volunt venari feras, conueniunt magna multitudo et circundant regionem in qua sciunt feras esse, et paulatim appropinquant sibi, donec concludant feras inter se quasi infra circulum, et tunc sagitant ad eas; faciunt etiam braccas de pellibus. Diuites etiam furrant vestes suas de stupa setæ, quæ est supra modum mollis, et leuis et calida. Pauperes furrant vestes de tela de bambasio, de delicatiori lana quam possunt extrahere: de grossiori faciunt filtrum ad cooperiendum domos suas et cistas, et ad lectisternia. De lana etiam et tertia parte pilorum equi admixta, faciunt cordas suas. De filtro etiam faciunt pauellas sub sellis, et capas contra pluuiam. [Sidenote: Nota.] Vnde multum expendunt de lana. Habitum virorum vidistis.

The same in English.

Of the beastes which they eat, of their garments, and of their maner of hunting. Chap. 7.

Great lords haue cottages or granges towards the South, from whence their tenants bring them Millet and meale against winter. The poorer sort prouide themselues of such necessaries, for the exchange of rams, and of other beasts skins. The Tartars slaues fil their bellies with thick water, and are therewithall contented. They wil neither eate mise with long tailes, nor any kinde of mise with short tailes. They haue also certaine litle beasts called by them Sogur, which lie in a caue twenty or thirty of them together, al the whole winter sleeping there for the space of sixe moneths: [Footnote: Marmosets] and these they take in great abundance. There are also a kind of conies hauing long tayles like vnto cats: and on the outside of their tailes grow blacke and white haires. They haue many other small beasts good to eat, which they know and discerne right well. I saw no Deere there, and but a fewe hares but a great number of Roes. I saw wild asses in great abundance which be like vnto Mules. Also I saw another kind of beast called Artak, hauing in al resemblance the body of a ram and crooked hornes, which are of such bignes, that I could scarce lift vp a paire of them with one hand; and of these hornes they make great drinking cups. [Sidenote: Our falconers vse the left first. Another strange custome, which I leaue to be scanned by falconers themselues.] They haue Falcons, Girfalcons, and other haukes in great plenty all which they cary vpon their right hands: and they put alwaies about their Falcons necks a string of leather, which hangeth down to the midst of their gorges, by the which string they cast them off the fist at their game, with their left hand they bow doune the heads and breasts of the sayd haukes, least they should be tossed vp and downe, and beaten with the wind, or least they should soare too high. Wherefore they get a great part of their victuals, by hunting and hauking. Concerning their garments and attire be it knowen vnto your Maiestie, that out of Cataya and other regions of the East, out of Persia also and other countries of the South, there are brought vnto them stuffes of silke, cloth of gold, and cotton cloth, which they weare in time of summer. But out of Russia, Moxel, Bulgaria the greater, and Pascatir, that is Hungaria the greater, and out of Kersis (all which are Northerne regions and full of woods) and also out of many other countries of the North, which are subiect vnto them, the inhabitants bring them rich and costly skins of diuers sortes (which I neuer saw in our countries) wherewithal they are clad in winter. And alwaies against winter they make themselues two gownes, one with the fur inward to their skin, and another with the furre outward, to defend them from wind and snow, which for the most part are made of woolues skins, or Fox skins, or els of Papions. And when they sit within the house, they haue a finer gowne to weare. The poorer sort make their vpper gowne of dogs or of goats skins. When they goe to hunt for wild beasts, there meets a great company together, and inuironing the place round about, where they are sure to find some game, by litle and litle they approach on al sides, til they haue gotten the wild beasts into the midst, as it were into a circle, and then they discharge their arrowes at them. Also they make themselues breeches of skins. The rich Tartars somtimes fur their gowns with pelluce or silke shag, which is exceeding soft, light, and warme. The poorer sort do line their clothes with cotton cloth which is made of the finest wooll they can pick out, and of the courser part of the said wool, they make felt to couer their houses and their chests, and for their bedding also. [Sidenote: Great expense of wooll.] Of the same wool, being fixed with one third part of horse haire, they make all their cordage. They make also of the said felt couerings for their stooles, and caps to defende their heads from the weather: for all which purposes they spend a great quantity of their wooll. And thus much concerning the attyre of the men.

De rasura virorum et ornatu mulierum. Cap. 8.

Viri radunt in summitate capitis quadrangulum, et ab anterioribus angulis ducunt rasuram cristæ capitis vsque ad tempora. Radunt etiam tempora et collum vsque ad summum concauitatis ceruicis: et frontem anterius vsque ad frontinellam, super quam relinquunt manipulum pilorum descendentium vsque ad supercilia. In angulis occipitis relinquunt crines, quibus faciunt tricas, quas succingunt nodando vsque ad aures. Et habitus puellarum non differt ab habitu virorum, nisi quod aliquantulum est longior. Sed in crastino postquam est nupta radit caluariam suam à medietate capitis versus frontem, et habet tunicam latam sicut cucullam monialis, et per omnia latiorem et longiorem, fissam ante, quam ligat sub dextro latere. In hoc enim differunt Tartari à Turcis: quod Turci ligani tunicas suas ad sinistram, Tartari semper ad dextram. Postea habent ornamentum capitis, quod vocant botta, quod fit de cortice arboris vel alia materia, quam possunt inuenire, leuiore: et est grossum et rotundum, quantum potest duabus manibus complecti; longum vero vnius cubiti et plus, quadrum superius, sicut capitellum vnius columnæ. Istud botta cooperiunt panno serico precioso; et est concauum interius: et super capitellum in medio vel super quadraturam illam ponunt virgulam de calamis pennarum vel cannis gracilibus longitudinis scilicet vnius cubiti et plus: et illam sibi virgulam ornant superius de pennis pauonis, et per longum in circuitu pennulis caudæ malardi, et etiam lapidibus præciosis. Diuites dominæ istud ornamentum ponunt in summitate capitis quod stringunt fortiter cum almucia, quæ foramen habet in summitate ad hoc aptatum, et in isto recondunt crines suos quos recolligunt à parte posteriori ad summitatem capitis quasi in nodo vno et reponunt in illo botta, quod postea fortiter ligant sub gutture. Vnde quum equitant plures dominæ simul et videntur à longe, apparent milites, habentes galeas in capitibus cum lanceis eleuatis. Illud enim botta apparet galea de super lancea. Et sedent omhes mulieres super equos sicut viti diuersificantes coxas; et ligant cucullas suas panno serico aerij coloris super renes, et alia fascia stringunt ad mamillas: et ligant vnam peciam albam sub occulis, quæ descendit vsque ad pectus. Et sunt mulieres miræ pinguedinis, et quæ minus habet de naso pulchrior reputatur. Deturpant etiam turpiter pinguedine facies suas: nunquam cubant in lecto pro puerperio.

The same in English.

Of the fashion which the Tartars vse in cutting their haire, and of the attire of their women. Chap. 8.

The men shaue a plot foure square vpon the crownes of their heads, and from the two formost corners they shaue, as it were, two seames downe to their temples: they shaue also their temples and the hinder part of their head euen vnto the nape of the necke: likewise they shaue the forepart of their scalp downe to their foreheads, and vpon their foreheads they leaue a locke of hayre reaching downe vnto their eye browes: vpon the two hindermost corners of their heads, they haue two lockes also, which they twine and braid into knots and so bind and knit them vnder each eare one. Moreouer their womens garments differ not from their mens, sauing that they are somewhat longer. But on the morrowe after one of their women is maried, shee shaues her scalpe from the middest of her head downe to her forehead, and weares a wide garment like vnto the hood of a Nunne, yea larger and longer in all parts then a Nuns hood, being open before and girt vnto them vnder the right side. For herein doe the Tartars differ from the Turkes: because the Turkes fasten their garments to their bodies on the left side: but the Tartars alwaies on the right side. They haue also an ornament for their heads which they call Botta, being made of the barke of a tree, or of some such other lighter matter as they can find, which by reason of the thicknes and roundnes therof cannot be holden but in both hands together: and it hath a square sharp spire rising from the top therof, being more then a cubite in length, and fashioned like vnto a pinacle. The said Botta they couer al ouer with a piece of rich silke: and it is hollow within: and vpon the midst of the sayd spire or square toppe, they put a bunch of quils or of slender canes a cubite long and more: and the sayd bunch, on the top thereof, they beautifie with Peacocks feathers, and round about al the length therof, with the feathers of a Malards taile, and with precious stones also. Great ladies weare this kind of ornament vpon their heads binding it strongly with a certain hat or coyfe, which hath an hole in the crowne, fit for the spire to come through it: and vnder the fore-said ornament they couer the haires of their heads, which they gather vp round together from the hinder part therof to the crowne, and so lap them vp in a knot or bundel within the said Botta, which afterward they bind strongly vnder their throtes. Hereupon when a great company of such gentlewomen ride together, and are beheld a far off, they seem to be souldiers with helmets on their heads carrying their launces vpright: for the said Botta appeareth like an helmet with a launce ouer it. Al their women sit on horsebacke bestriding their horses like men: and they bind their hoods or gownes about their wastes with a skie coloured silke skarfe, and with another skarfe they girde it aboue their breasts: and they bind also a piece of white silke like a mufler or mask vnder their eyes, reaching down vnto their breast These gentlewomen are exceeding fat, and the lesser their noses be, the fairer are they esteemed: they daube ouer their sweet faces with grease too shamefully: and they neuer lie in bed for their trauel of childbirth.

De officio mulierum, et operibus earum, ac de nuptijs earum. Cap. 9.

Officium foeminarum est ducere bigas, ponere domus super eas et deponere, mungere vaccas, facere butirum et griut, parare pelles, et consuere eas, quas consuunt filo deneruis; diuidunt enim neruos in minuta fila, et postea illa contorquent in vnum longum filum. Consuunt etiam soculares et soccos et alias vestes. Vestes vero nunquam lauant, quia dicunt quod Deus tunc irascitur, et quod fiant torotrua si suspendantur ad siccandum: Imo lauantes verberant et eis auferunt. Tonitrua supra modum timent: tunc omnes extraneos emittunt de domibus suis; et inuoluunt se in filtris nigris, in quibus latitant, donec transierit. Nunquam etiam lauant scutellos, imo carne cocta alueum in quo debent ponere eam lauant brodio bulliente de caldaria, et postea refundunt in caldariam; faciunt et filtrum et cooperiunt domos. Viri faciunt solum arcus et sagittas, fabricant strepas, et fræna, et faciunt cellas, carpentant domos et bigas: custodiunt equos et mungunt equas, concutiunt ipsum cosmos et lac equinum, faciunt vires in quibus reconditur: custodiunt etiam camelos, et onerant eos Oues et Capras custodiunt mixtim et mungunt aliquando viri, aliquando mulieres. [Sidenote: Pellium paratio] De lacte ouium inspissato et salso parant pelles. Cum volunt manus vel caput lauare implent os suum aqua et paulatim fundunt de ore suo super manus, et eadem humectant crines suos, et lauant caput suum. De nuptijs eorum noueritis, quod nemo habet ibi vxorem nisi emat eam; vnde aliquando sunt puellæ multum aduitæ ante quam nubant: semper enim tenent eas parentes, donec vendant eas. Seruant etiam gradus consanguinitatis primum et secundum: nullum autem seruant affinitatis. Habent enim simul vel successiue duas sorores. Nulla vidua nubit inter eos, hac ratione; quia credunt quod omnes qui seruiunt eis in hac vita seruient in futura. Vnde vidua credunt, quod semper reuertitur post mortem ad primum maritum. Vnde accidit turpis consuetudo inter eos quod filius scilicet ducit aliquando omnes vxores patris sui, excepta matre. Curia enim patris et matris semper accidit iuniori filio. Vnde oportet quod ipse prouideat omnibus vxoribus patris sui, quia adueniunt eæ cum curia paterna. Et tunc si vult vtitur eis pro vxoribus, quia non reputat sibi iniuriam, si reuertatur ad patrem post mortem. Cum ergo aliquis fecerit pactum cum aliquo de filia accipienda, facit pater puellæ conuiuium, et illa fuagit ad consanguineos, vt ibi lateat: Tunc pater dicit, Ecce filia mea tua est, accipe eam vbicunque inueneris: Tunc ille quærit cum amicis suis, donec inueniat eam, et oportet, quod vi capiat eam et ducat eam quasi violenter ad domum.

The same in English.

Of the dueties inioined vnto the Tartarian women, and of their labours, and also of their mariages. Chap. 9.

The duties of women are, to driue carts: to lay their houses vpon carts and to take them downe again: to milke kine: to make butter and Gry-vt: to dresse skins and to sow them, which they vsually sowe with thread made of sinewes, for they diuide sinewes into slender threads, and then twine them into one long thread. They make sandals and socks and other garments. Howbeit they neuer wash any apparel: for they say that God is then angry, and that dreadful thunder wil ensue, if washed garments be hanged forth to drie: yea, they beat such as wash and take their garments from them. They are wonderfully afraid of thunder: for in the time of thunder they thrust all strangers, out of their houses, and then wrapping themselues in black felt, they lie hidden therein, til the thunder be ouerpast. They neuer wash their dishes or bowles: yea, when their flesh is sodden, they wash the platter wherein it must be put, with scalding hot broth out of the pot, and then powre the said broth into the pot againe. They make felte also, and couer their houses therewith. The duties of the men are to make bowes and arrowes, stirrops, bridles and saddles, to build houses and carts, to keep horses, to milke, mares, to churne Cosmos and mares milke, and to make bags wherein to put it, they keepe camels also and lay burthens vpon them. As for sheepe and goates they tend and milke them, aswell the men as the women. With sheeps milke thicked and salted they dresse and tan their hides. When they wil wash their hands or their heads, they fil their mouthes full of water, and spouting it into their hands by little and little, they sprinckle their haire and wash their heades therwith. [Footnote: The same custom still exists amongst the inhabitants of the Lena Delta] As touching mariages, your Highnes is to vnderstand, that no man can haue a wife among them till he hath bought her whereupon somtimes their maids are very stale before they be maried, for their parents alwaies keepe them till they can sel them. They keepe the first and second degrees of consanguinitie inuiolable, as we do but they haue no regard of the degrees of affinity: for they wil marrie together, or by succession, two sisters. Their widowes marie not at al, for this reason: because they beleeue, that al who haue serued them in this life, shall do them seruice in the life to come also. Whereupon they are perswaded, that euery widow after death shal returne vnto her own husband. And herehence ariseth an abominable and filthy custome among them, namely that the sonne marieth somtimes all his fathers wiues except his own mother: For the court or house of the father or mother falleth by inheritance alwaies to the yonger son. Whereupon he is to prouide for all his fathers wiues, because they are part of his inheritance aswel as his fathers possessions. And then if he will he vseth then for his owne wiues: for he thinks it no iniurie or disparagement vnto himselfe, although they returne vnto his father after death. Therfore when any man hath bargained with another for a maid, the father of the said damosel makes him a feast: in the meane while she fleeth vnto some of her kinsfolks to hide her selfe. Then saith her father vnto the bridegrome: Loe, my daughter is yours, take her whersoeuer you can find her. Then he and his friends seek for her till they can find her, and hauing found her hee must take her by force and cary her, as it were, violently vnto his owne house.

De iusticijs eorum et iudicijs, et de morte ac sepultura eorum. Cap. 10.

De iusticijs eorum nouentis, quod quando duo homines pugnant, nemo audet se intermittere. Etiam pater non audet iuuare filium. Sed qui peiorem partem habet, appellat ad curiam domini. Et si alius post appellationem tangat eum, interficitur. Sed oportet quod statim absque dilatione vadat: Et ille qui passus est iniuriam ducit eum quasi captiuum. Neminem puniunt capitali sententia, nisi deprehensus fuerit in facto, vel confessus. Sed quum diffamatus est à pluribus, bene torquent eum, vt confiteatur. Homicidium puniunt capitali sententia, et etiam coitum cum non sua. Non suam dico vel vxorem vel famulam: Sua enim sclaua licet vti prout libet. Item enorme furtum puniunt morte. Pro leui furto, sicut pro vno ariete, dummodo non fuerit sæpe deprehensus in hoc, verberant crudeliter. Et si dant centum ictus oportet quod habeant centum baculos, de illis dico, qui verberantur sententia curiæ. Item falsos nuncios, quia faciunt se nuncios et non sunt, interficiunt. Item sacrilegas, de quibus dicam vobis postea plenius, quia tales reputant veneficas. Quando aliquis moritur plangunt vehementer vlulando: et tunc sunt liberi quod non dant vectigal vsque ad annum. Et si quis interest morti alicuius adulti non ingreditur domum ipsius Mangucham vsque ad annum. Si paruulus est qui moritur, non ingreditur vsque post lunationem. Iuxta sepulturam defuncti semper relinquunt domum vnam. Si est de nobilibus, hoc est de genere Chingis, qui fuit primus pater et domimis eorum, illius qui moritur ignoratur sepultura: et semper circa loca illa vbi sepeliunt nobiles suos est vna herbergia hominum custodientium sepulturas. Non intellexi quod ipsi recondunt thesaurum cum mortuis. Comani faciunt magnum tumulum super defunctum et erigunt ei statuam versa facie ad orientem, tenentem ciphum in manu sua ante vmbelicum; fabricant et diuitibus pyramides, id est domunculas acutas: et alicubi vidi magnas turres de tegulis coctis: alicubi lapideas domos, quamuis lapides non inueniantur ibi. Vidi quendam nouiter defunctum, cui suspenderant pelles sexdecem equorum, ad quodlibet latus mundi quatuor inter perticas altas: et apposuerunt ei cosmos vt biberet, et carnes vt comederet: et tamen dicebant de illo quod fuerat baptizatus. Alias vidi sepulturas versus orientem. Areas scilicet magnas structas lapidibus, aliquas rotundas, aliquas quadratas, et postea quatuor lapides longos erectos ad quatuor regiones mundi circa aream. Et vbi aliquis infirmatur cubat in lecto et ponit signum super domum suam, quod ibi est infirmus, et quod nullus ingrediatur: vnde nullus visitat infirmum nisi seruiens eius. Quando etiam aliquis de magnis curijs infirmatur, ponunt custodes longe circa curiam, qui infra illos terminos neminem permittunt transire: timent enim ne mali spiritus vel ventus veniant cum ingredientibus. Ipsos diuinatores vocant tanquam sacerdotes suos.

The same in English.

Of their execution of iustice and iudgement: and of their deaths and burials. Chap. 10.

Concerning their lawes or their execution of iustice, your Maiesty is to be aduertised, and when two men fight, no third man dare intrude himself to part them. Yea, the father dare not help his owne sonne. But he that goes by the worst must appeale vnto the court of his lord. And whosoeuer els offereth him any violence after appeale, is put to death. But he must go presently without all delay: and he that hath suffered the iniury, carieth him, as it were captiue. They punish no man with sentence of death, vnles hee bee taken in the deede doing, or confesseth the same. But being accused by the multitude, they put him vnto extreame torture to make him confesse the trueth. They punish murther with death, and carnall copulation also with any other besides his owne. By his own, I meane his wife or his maid seruant, for he may vse his slaue as he listeth himself. Heinous theft also or felony they punish with death. For a light theft, as namely for stealing of a ram, the party (not being apprehended in the deed doing, but otherwise detected) is cruelly beaten. And if the executioner laies on an 100. strokes, he must haue an 100. staues, namely for such as are beaten vpon sentence giuen in the court. Also counterfeit messengers, because they feine themselues to be messengers, when as indeed they are none at all, they punish with death. Sacrilegious persons they vse in like manner (of which kind of malefactors your Maiesty shall vnderstand more fully hereafter) because they esteeme such to be witches. When any man dieth, they lament and howle most pitifully for him: and the said mourners are free from paying any tribute for one whole yeare after. Also whosoeuer is present at the house where any one growen to mans estate lieth dead, he must not enter into the court of Mangu-Can til one whole yere be expired. If it were a child deceased he must not enter into the said court til the next moneth after. Neere vnto the graue of the partie deceased they alwaies leaue one cottage. If any of their nobles (being of the stock of Chingis, who was their first lord and father) deceaseth, his sepulcher is vnknowen. And alwayes about those places where they interre their nobles, there is one house of men to keep the sepulchers. I could not learn that they vse to hide treasures in the graues of their dead. The Comanians build a great toomb ouer their dead, and erect the image of the dead party thereupon, with his face towards the East, holding a drinking cup in his hand, before his nauel. They erect also vpon the monuments of rich men, Pyramides, that is to say, little sharpe houses or pinacles: and in some places I saw mighty towers made of brick, in other places Pyramides made of stones, albeit there are no stones to be found thereabout. I saw one newly buried, in whose behalfe they hanged vp 16. horse hides, vnto each quarter of the world 4, betweene certain high posts: and they set besides his graue Cosmos for him to drink, and flesh to eat: and yet they sayd that he was baptized. I beheld other kinds of sepulchers also towards the East: namely large flowres or pauements made of stone, some round and some square, and then 4. long stones pitched vpright, about the said pauement towards the 4. regions of the world. When any man is sicke, he lieth in his bed, and causeth a signe to be set vpon his house, to signifie that there lieth a sicke person there, to the end that no man may enter into the sayd house: whereupon none at all visit any sicke party but his seruant only. Moreouer, when any one is sicke in their great courts, they appoint watchmen to stand round about the said court, who wil not suffer any person to enter within the precincts thereof. For they feare least euill spirits or winds should come together with the parties that enter in. They esteeme of soothsayers, as of their priests.

Qualiter ingressi sunt inter Tartaros, et de ingratitudine eorum. Cap. 11.

Quando ergo ingressi sumus inter illos barbaros, visum fuit mihi, vt dixi superius, quod ingrederer aliud seculum. Circumdederunt enim nos in equis postquam diu fecerant nos expectare sedentes in vmbra sub bigis nigris. Prima quæstio fuit, vtrum vnquam fuissemus inter eos; habito quod non: inceperunt impudenter petere de cibarijs nostris, et dedimus de pane biscocto et vino quod attuleramus nobiscum de villa: et potata vna lagena vini, petierunt aliam, dicentes, quod homo non ingreditur domum vno pede; non dedimus eis, excusantes nos quod parem haberemus Tunc quæsiuerunt vnde veniremus, et quo vellemus ire; dixi eis superiora verba, quod audieramus de Sartach, quod esset Christianus, et quod vellem ire ad eum, quia habebam deferre ei literas vestras. Ipsi diligenter quæsiuerunt, vtrum irem de mea voluntate, vel vtrum mitterer. Ego respondi quod nemo coegit me ad eundum, nec iuissem nisi voluissem: vnde de mea voluntate ibam, et etiam de voluntate superioris me. Bene caui, quod nunquam dixi, me esse nuncium vestrum. Tunc quæsiuerunt quid esset in bigis, vtrum esset aurum vel argentum, vel vestes preciosæ, quas deferrem Sartach. Ego respondi, quod Sartach videret quid deferremus ei quando perueniremus ad eum; et quod non intererat eorum ista quærere: sed facerent me deduci vsque ad capitaneum suum, et ipse si vellet mihi præbere ducatum vsque ad Sartach faceret: sin minus, reuerterer. Erat enim in illa prouincia vnus consanguineus Baatu, nomine Scacatai, cui dominus imperator Constantinopolitanus mittebat literas deprecatorias, quod me permitteret transire. Tunc ipsi acquieuerunt, præbentes nobis equos et boues et duos homines, qui deducerent nos. Et alij qui adduxerant nos sunt reuersi. Prius tamen antequam prædicta darent, fecerunt nos diu expectare petentes de pane nostro pro paruulis suis: Et omnia quæ videbant super famulos nostros, cultellos, chirothecas, bursas, corrigias, omnia admirantes et volentes habere. Excusabam me, quia longa nobis restabat via, nec debebamus ita cito spoliare nos rebus necessarijs ad tantam viam perficiendam. Tunc dicebant quod essem batrator. Verum est quod nihil abstulerint vi: Sed valde importune et impudenter petunt quæ vident. Et si dat homo eis perdit, quia sunt ingrati. Reputant se dominos mundi, et videtur eis, quod nihil debeat eis negari ab aliquo. Si non dat, et postea indigeat seruicio eorum, male ministrant ei. Dederunt nobis bibere de lacte suo vaccino, à quo contractom erat butirum, acetoso valde, quod ipsi vocant Apram et sic recessimus ab eis. Et visum fuit mihi recte, quod euadissem de manibus dæmonum. In crastino peruenimus ad capitaneum. Ex quo recessimus à Soldaia vsque ad Sartach in duobus mensibus nunquam iacuimus in domo nec in tentorio, sed semper sub dio, vel sub bigis nostris, nec vidimus aliquam villam, vel vestigium alicuius ædificij vbi fuisset villa, nisi tumbas Comanorum in maxima multitudine. Illo sero dedit nobis garcio qui ducebat nos bibere cosmos; ad cuius haustum totus sudaui propter horrorem et nouitatem, quia nunquam biberam de eo; valde tamen sapidum videbatur mihi, sicut vere est.

The same in English.

Of our first entrance among the Tartars, and of their ingratitude. Chap. 11.

And being come amongst those barbarous people, me thought (as I said before) that I was entred into a new world: for they came flocking about vs on horse back, after they had made vs a long time to awaite for them sitting in the shadow, vnder their black carts. The first question which they demanded was whether we had euer bin with them heretofore, or no? And giuing them answere that we had not, they began impudently to beg our victuals from vs. And we gaue them some of our bisket and wine, which we had brought with vs from the towne of Soldaia. And hauing drunke off one flagon of our wine they demanded another, saying, that a man goeth not into the house with one foote. Howbeit we gaue them no more, excusing our selues that we had but a litle. Then they asked vs, whence we came, and whither we were bound? I answered them with the words aboue mentioned: that we had heard concerning duke Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and that vnto him our determination was to trauel, hauing your Maiesties letters to deliuer vnto him. They were very inquisitiue to know whether I came of mine own accord, or whether I were sent? I answered that no man compelled me to come, neither had I come, vnles I my selfe had bin willing: and that therefore I was come according to mine own wil, and to the will of my superior. I tooke diligent heed neuer to say that I was your Maiesties ambassador. Then they asked what I had in my carts; whether it were gold or siluer, or rich garments to carie vnto Sartach? I answered that Sartach should see what we had brought, when we were once come vnto him, and that they had nothing to do to aske such questions, but rather ought to conduct me vnto their captaine, and that he, if he thought good, should cause me to be directed vnto Sartach: if not, that I would returne. For there was in the same prouince one of Baatu his kinsmen called Scacati, vnto whom my lord the Emperor of Constantinople had written letters of request to suffer me to passe through his territory. With this answere of ours they were satisfied, giuing vs horses and oxen, and two men to conduct vs. Howbeit before they would allow vs the foresayd neccessaries for our iorney, they made vs to awayt a long whyle, begging our bread for their yong brats, wondering at all things which they sawe about our seruants, as their kniues, gloues, purses, and points, and desiring to haue them. I excused my self that we had a long way to trauel, and that we must in no wise so soon depriue our selues of things necessary, to finish so long a iourney. Then they said that I was a very varlet. True it is, that they tooke nothing by force from me: howbeit they will beg that which they see very importunatly and shamelesly. And if a man bestow ought vpon them, it is but cost lost, for they are thankles wretches. They esteeme themselues lords and think that nothing should be denied them by any man. If a man giues them nought, and afterward stands in neede of their seruice, they will do right nought for him. They gaue vs of their cowes milke to drink after that butter was cherned out of it, being very sower, which they cal Apram. And so we departed from them. And in very deed it seemed to me that we were escaped out of the hands of diuels. On the morrow we were come vnto the captain. From the time wherin we departed from Soldaia, till we arriued at the court of Sartach, which was the space of two moneths, we neuer lay in house or tent, but alwaies vnder the starry canopy, and in the open aire, or vnder our carts. Neither yet saw we any village, nor any mention of building where a village had bin, but the graues of the Comanians in great abundance. The same euening our guide which had conducted vs, gaue vs some Cosmos. After I had drunke thereof I sweat most extreamly for the nouelty and strangenes, because I neuer dranke of it before. Notwithstanding me thought it was very sauory, as indeed it was.

De curia Scacatay, et quod Christiani non bibunt cosmos. Cap. 12.

Mane ergo obuiauimus bigis Scacatay onustis domibus. Et videbatur mihi quod obuiaret mihi ciuitas magna. Mirabar etiam super multitudine armentorum boum et equorum et gregum ouium: paucos videbam homines qui ista gubernarent; vnde inquisiui quot homines haberet sub se? et dictum fuit mihi, quod non plusquam quingentos, quorum medietatem transiueramus in alia herbergia. Tunc incepit mihi dicere garcio qui ducebat nos, quod aliquid oporteret Scacatay dare: et ipse fecit nos stare, et præcessit nuncians aduentum nostrum. Iam erat hora plusquam tertia, et deposuerunt domos suas iuxta quondam aquam. Et venit ad nos interpres ipsius, qui statim cognito, quod nunquam fueramus inter illos, poposcit de cibis nostris, et dedimus ei, poscebat etiam vestimentum aliquod, quia dicturas erat verbum nostrum ante dominum suum. Excusauimus nos. Quæsiuit quid portaremus domino suo? Accepimus vnum flasconem de vino, et impleuimus vnum veringal de biscocto et platellum vnum de pomis et aliis fructibus. Sed non placebat ei, quia non ferebamos aliquem pannum pretiosum. Sic tamen ingressi sumus cum timore et verecundia. Sedebat ipse in lecto suo tenens citharulam in manu, et vxor sua iuxta eum: de qua credebam in veritate, quod amputasset sibi nasum inter oculos vt simior esset: nihil enim habebat ibi de naso, et vnxerat locum ilium quodam vnguento nigro, et etiam supercilia: quod erat turpissimum in oculis nostris. Tunc dixi ei verba supradicta. [Sidenote: Nota diligenter.] Vbique enim aportebat nos dicere idem verbum. Super hoc enim eramus bene præmoniti ab illis qui fuerant inter illos, quod nunquam mutaremus verba nostra. Rogaui etiam eum vt dignaretur accipere munusculum de manu nostra, excusans me, quia monachus eram, nec erat ordinis nostri possidere aurum, vel argentum, vel vestes preciosas. Vnde non habebam aliquid talium, quod possem ei dare: sed de cibis nostris acciperet pro benedictione. Tunc fecit recipi, et distribuit statim hominibus suis qui conuenerant ad potandum. Dedi etiam ei literas Imperatoris Constantinopolitani: (Hoc fuit in octauis ascensionis). Qui statim eas Soldaiam misit vt ibi interpretarentur: quia erant in Græco, nec habebat secum qui sciret literas Græcas. Quæsiuit etiam à nobis, si vellemus bibere cosmos, hoc est, lac iumentinum. Christiani enim Ruteni, Græci, et Alani, qui sunt inter eos, qui volunt stricte custodire legem suam, non bibunt illud: Imo non reputant se Christianos postquam biberunt. Et sacerdotes eorum reconciliant eos, tanquam negassent fidem Christianam. Ego respondi, quod habebamus adhuc sufficienter ad bibendum: et cum ille potus deficeret nobis, oporteret nos bibere illud, quod daretur nobis. Quæsiuit etiam quid contineretur in literis nostris, quas mittebatis Sartach. Dixi quod clausæ erant bullæ nostræ; et quod non erant in eis nisi bona verba et amicabilia. Quæsiuit et quæ verba diceremus Sartach? Respondi, Verba fidei Christianæ. Quæsiuit quæ? Quia libenter vellet audire. Tunc exposui ei prout potui per interpretem meum, qui nullius erat ingenij, nec alicuius eloquentiæ, symbolum fidei. Quo audito, ipse tacuit et mouit caput. Tunc assignauit nobis duos homines, qui nos custodirent, et equos et boues: et fecit nos bigare secum, donec reuerteretur nuncius, quem ipse miserat pro interpretatione, literarum imperatoris; et iuimus cum eo vsque in crastinum Pentecostes.

The same in English.

Of the court of Scacatai: and how the Christians drinke no Cosmos. Chap. 12.

On the morrowe after we met with the cartes of Scacatai laden with houses, and me thought that a mighty citie came to meete me. I wondered also at the great multitude of huge droues of oxen, and horses, and at the flockes of sheepe. I could see but a fewe men that guided all these matters: whereupon I inquired how many men he had vnder him, and they told me that he had not aboue 500. in all, the one halfe of which number we were come past, as they lay in another lodging. Then the seruant which was our guide told me, that I must present somwhat vnto Scacatay: and so he caused vs to stay, going himselfe before to giue notice of our comming. By this time it was past three of the clocke, and they vnladed their houses nere vnto a certain water: And there came vnto vs his interpreter, who being aduertised by vs that wee were neuer there before, demanded some of our victuals, and we yeelded vnto his request. Also he required of vs some garment for a reward, because he was to interpret our sayings vnto his master. Howbeit we excused our selues as well as wee could. Then he asked vs, what we would present vnto his Lord? And we tooke a flagon of wine, and filled a maund with bisket, and a platter with apples and other fruits. But he was not contented therewith, because we brought him not some rich garment. Notwithstanding we entred so into his presence with feare and bashfulnes. He sate vpon his bed holding a citron in his hand, and his wife sate by him: who (as I verily thinke) had cut and pared her nose betweene the eyes, that she might seeme to be more flat and saddle-nosed: for she had left her selfe no nose at all in that place, hauing annointed the very same place with a black ointment, and her eye browes also: which sight seemed most vgly in our eies. Then I rehearsed vnto him the same wordes, which I had spoken in other places before. For it stoode vs in hand to vse one and the same speech in all places. [Sidenote: A caueat right worthy the noting.] For we were wel forewarned of this circumstance by some which had been amongst the Tartars, that we should neuer varie in our tale. Then I besought him, that he would vochsafe to accept that small gifte at our hands, excusing my selfe that I was a Monke, and that it was against our profession to possesse gold, or siluer, or precious garments, and therefore that I had not any such thing to giue him, howbeit he should receiue some part of our victuals instead of a blessing. Hereupon he caused our present to be receiued, and immediately distributed the same among his men, who were mette together for the same purpose, to drinke and make merrie. I deliuered also vnto him the Emperor of Constantinople his letters (this was eight dayes after the feast of Ascension) who sent them forthwith to Soldaia to haue them interpreted there: for they were written in Greeke, and he had none about him that was skilfulle in the Greeke tongue. He asked vs also whether we would drink any Cosmos, that is to say mares milke? (For those that are Christians among them, as namely the Russians, Grecians, and Alanians, who keep their own law very strictly, wil in no case drinke thereof, yea, they accompt themselues no Christians after they haue once drunke of it, and their priests reconcile them vnto the Church as if they had renounced the Christian faith.) I gaue him answere, that we had as yet sufficient of our owne to drinke, and that when our drinke failed vs, we must be constrained to drink such as should be giuen vnto vs. He enquired also what was contained in our letters, which your Maiestie sent vnto Sartach? I answered: that they were sealed vp, and that there was nothing conteined in them, but good and friendly wordes. And he asked what wordes wee would deliuer vnto Sartach? I answered: the words of Christian faith. He asked again what these words were? For he was very desirous to heare them. Then I expounded vnto him as well as I could, by mine interpretor, (who had no wit nor any vtterance of speech) the Apostles creed. Which after he had heard, holding his peace, he shooke his head. Then hee assigned vnto vs two men, who shoulde giue attendance vpon our selues, vpon our horses, and vpon our Oxen. And hee caused vs to ride in his companie, till the messenger whome hee had sent for the interpretation of the Emperours letters, was returned. And so wee traueiled in his companie till the morowe after Pentecost.

Qualiter Alani venerunt ad eos in vigilia pentecostes. Cap. 13.

In vigilia Pentecostes venerunt ad nos quidam Alani, qui ibi dicuntur [Marginal note: Vel Akas.] Acias, Christiani secundum ritum Græcorum; habentes literas Græcas et sacerdotes Græcos: tamen non sunt schismatici sicut Græci; sed sine acceptione personarum venerantur omnem Christianum: et detulerunt nobis carnes coctas, rogantes vt comedremus de cibo eorum, et oraremus pro quodam defuncto eorum. Tunc dixi quod vigilia erat tantæ solennitatis, quod illa die non comederemus carnes. Et exposui eis de solennitate, super quo fuerunt multum gauisi; quia omnia ignorabant quæ spectant ad ritum Christianum, solo nomine Christi excepto. Quæsiuerunt et ipsi et alij multi Christiani, Ruteni et Hungari, vtrum possent saluari, quia oportebat eos bibere cosmos, et comedere morticinia et interfecta à Saracenis et alijs infidelibus: quæ etiam ipsi Græci et Ruteni sacerdotes reputant quasi morticinia vel idolis immolata: quia ignorabant tempora ieiunij: nec poterant custodire etiam si cognouissent. Tunc rectificabar eos prout potui, docens et confortans in fide. Carnes quas detulerant reseruauimus vsque ad diem festum: nihil enim inueniebamus venale pro auro et argento, nisi pro telis et alijs [Marginal note: Nota diligentissime.] pannis: et illos non habebamus. Quum famuli nostri offerebant eis ipperpera, ipsi fricabant digitis, et ponebant ad nares, vt odore, sentirent, vtrum essent cuprum. Nec dabant nobis cibum nisi lac vaccinum acre valde et foetidum. Vinum iam deficiebat nobis. Aqua ita turbabatur ab equis, quod non erat potabilis. Nisi fuisset biscoctum quod habebamus, et gratia Dei, forte fuissemus mortui.

The same in English.

Howe the Alanians came vnto vs on Pentecost or Whitson euen. Chap. 13.

Vpon the euen of Pentecost, there came vnto vs certaine Alanians, wno are called [Marginal note: Or Akas.] Acias, being Christians after the maner of the Grecians, vsing greeke bookes and Grecian priests: howbeit they are not schismatiques as the Grecians are, but without acception of persons, they honour al Christians. And they brought vnto vs sodden flesh, requesting vs to eat of their meat, and to pray for one of their company being dead. Then I sayd, because it was the euen of so great and so solemne a feast day, that we would not eate any flesh for that time. And I expounded vnto them the solemnitie of the sayd feast, whereat they greatly reioyced: for they were ignorant of all things appertayning to Christian religion, except only the name of Christ. They and many other Christians, both Russians, and Hungarians demanded of vs, whether they might be saued or no, because they were constrained to drinke Cosmos, and to eate the dead carkases of such things, as were slaine by the Saracens, and other infidels? Which euen the Greeke and Russian priests themselues also esteeme as things strangled or offered vnto idoles: because they were ignorant of the times of fasting, neither could they haue obserued them albeit they had knowen them. Then instructed I them as well as I could and strengthened them in the faith. As for the flesh which they had brought we reserued it vntill the feast day. [Sidenote: Cloth is the chiefe marchandise in Tartarie.] For there was nothing to be sold among the Tartars for gold and siluer, but only for cloth and garments of the which kind of marchandise wee had none at all. When our seruants offered them any coine called Yperpera, they rubbed it with their fingers, and put it vnto their noses, to try by the smell whether it were copper or no. Neither did they allow vs any foode but cowes milke onely which was very sowre and filthy. There was one thing most necessary greatly wanting vnto vs. For the water was so foule and muddy by reason of their horses, that it was not meete to be drunk. And but for certaine bisket, which was by the goodnes of God remaining vnto vs, we had vndoubtedly perished.

De Saraceno qui dixit se velle baptizari, et de hominibus qui apparent leprosi. Cap. 14.

In die pentecostes venit ad nos quidam Saracenus, qui cum loqueretur nobiscum, incepimus exponere fidem. Qui audiens beneficia Dei exhibita humano generi in incarnatione Christi, et resurrectionem mortuorum, et indicium futurum, et quod ablutio peccatorum esset in baptismo: dixit se velle baptizari. Et cum pararemus nos ad baptizandum eum, ipse subito ascendit equum suum, dicens se iturum domum et habiturum consilium cum vxore sua. Qui in crastino loquens nobiscum, dixit quod nullo modo auderet accipere baptisma, quia tunc non biberet cosmos. Christiani enim illius loci hoc dicebant, quod nullus verus Christianus deberet bibere: et sine potu illo non posset viuere in solitudine illa. A qua opinione nullo modo potui diuertere illum. Vnde noueritis pro certo quod multum elongantur à fide propter illam opinionem quæ iam viguit inter illos per Rutenos, quorum maxima multitude est inter eos. Illa die dedit nobis ille capitaneus vnum hominem, qui nos deduceret vsque ad Sartach et duos qui ducerent nos vsque ad proximam herbergiam; quæ inde distabat quinque dietas prout boues poterant ire. Dederunt etiam nobis vnam capram pro cibo et plures vtres lactis vaccini, et de cosmos parum: quia illud preciosum est inter illos. Et sic arripientes iter recte in aquilonem, visum fuit mihi quod vnam portam inferni transissemus. Garciones qui ducebant nos, incipiebant nobis audacter furari, quia videbant nos parum cautos. Tandem amissis pluribus vexatio dabat nobis intellectum Peruenimus tandem ad extremitatem illius prouincæ, quæ clauditur vno fossato ab vno mari vsque ad aliud: extra quam erat herbergia eorum apud quos intrassemus: videbantur nobis leprosi omnes: [Sidenote: Salinæ.] quia erant viles homines ibi collocati, vt reciperent tributum ab accipientibus sal a salinis superius dictis. Ab illo loco, vt dicebant, oportebat nos ambulare quindecim diebus, quibus non inueniremus populum. Cum illis bibimus cosmos: et dedimus illis vnum veringal plenum fructibus et panem biscoctum. [Sidenote: Decem dietæ.] Qui dederunt nobis octo boues, vnam captram pro tanto itinere, et nescio quot vtres plenos lacte vaccino. Sic mutatis bobus arripuimus iter, quod perfecimus decem diebus vsque ad aliam herbergiam: nec inuenimus aquam in ilia via nisi in fossis in conuallibus factis, exceptis duobus paruis fluminibus. Et tendebamus rectè in orientem ex quo exiuimus prædictam prouinciam Gasariæ, habentes mare ad meridiem et vastam solitudinem ad aquilonem: quæ durat per viginti dietas alicubi in latitudine; In qua nulla est sylua, nullus mons, nullus lapis. Herba est optima. In hac solebant pascere Comani, qui dicuntur Capchat. A Teutonicis verò dicuntur Valani, et prouincia Valania. Ab Isidoro vero dicitur à flumine Tanai vsque ad paludes Meotidis et Danubium Alania. Et durat ista terra in longitudine à Danubio vsque Tanaim; qui est terminus Asiæ; et Europæ, itinere duorum mensium velociter equitando prout equitant Tartari: [Sidenote: Comania longitudo.] Quæ tota inhabitabatur à Comanis Capchat, et etiam vltra à Tanai vsque [Marginal note: Etilia quæ et Volga flumen.] Etiliam: Inter quæ flumina sunt decem diete magnæ. [Sidenote: Russia.] Ad aquilonem verò istius prouinciæ iacet Russia, quæ vbique syluas habet, et protenditur à Polonia et Hungaria vsque Tanaim: quæ tota vastata est à Tartaris, et adhuc quotidie vastatur. Præponunt enim Rutenis, quia sunt Christiani, Saracenos: et cum non possunt amplius dare aurum vel argentum, ducunt eos et paruulos eorum tanquam greges ad solitudinem vt custodiant animalia eorum. [Sidenote: Prussia.] Vltra Russiam ad aquilonem est Prussia, quam nuper subiugauerunt totam fratres Teutonici. Et certe de facili acquierent Russiam, si apponerent manum. Si enim Tartari audirent, quod magnus sacerdos, hoc est, Papa faceret cruce signari contra eos, omnes fugerunt ad solitudines suas.

The same in English.

Of a Saracen which said that he would be baptized: and of certaine men which seemed to be lepers. Chap. 14.

Vpon the day of Pentecost there came vnto vs a certain Saracen, vnto whome, as hee talked with vs, we expounded the Christian faith. Who (hearing of God's benefits exhibited vnto mankind by the incarnation of our Sauior Christ, and the resurrection of the dead, and the iudgement to come, and that in baptisme was a washing away of sinnes) sayd that hee would be baptized. But when we prepared our selues to the baptising of him, he suddenly mounted on horsebacke, saying that he would goe home and consult with his wife what were best to be done. And on the morrow after he told vs, that he durst in no case receiue baptisme, because then he should drinke no more Cosmos. For the Christians of that place affirme that no true Christians ought to drinke thereof: and that without the said liquor he could not liue in that desert From which opinion, I could not for my life remoue him. Wherefore be it knowen of a certainty vnto your highnes, that they are much estranged from the Christian faith by reason of that opinion which hath bin broached and confirmed among them by the Russians, of whom there is a great multitude in that place. The same day Scacatay the captaine aforesayd gaue vs one man to conduct vs to Sartach, and two other to guide vs vnto the next lodging, which was distant from that place fiue dayes iourney for oxen to trauell. They gaue vnto vs also a goate for victuals, and a great many bladders of cowes milke, and but a little Cosmos, because it is of so great estimation among them. And so taking our iourney directly toward the North, me thought that wee had passed through one of hell gates. The seruants which conducted vs began to play the bold theeues with vs, seeing vs take so little heed vnto our selues. At length hauing lost much by their theeuery, harme taught vs wisdome. And then we came vnto the extremity of that prouince, which is fortified with a ditch from one sea vnto another: without the bounds wherof their lodging was situate. Into the which, so soone as we had entred, al the inhabitants there seemed vnto vs to be infected with leprosie: [Sidenote: Salt pits.] for certain base fellowes were placed there to receiue tribute of al such as tooke salt out of the salt pits aforesaid. From that place they told vs that we must trauel fifteen daies iourney, before we shuld find any other people. With them wee dranke Cosmos, and gaue vnto them a basket full of fruites and of bisket. And they gaue vnto vs eight oxen and one goate, to sustaine vs in so great a iourney, and I knowe not how many bladders of milke. [Sidenote: Ten dayes iorney.] And so changing our oxen, we tooke our iourney which we finished in tenne dayes, arriuing at another lodging: neither found wee any water all that way, but onely in certane ditches made in the valleys, except two small riuers. And from the time wherein wee departed out of the foresaid prouince of Gasaria, we trauailed directly Eastward, hauing a Sea on the South side of vs, and a waste desert on the North, which desert, in some places, reacheth twenty dayes iourney in breadth, and there is neither tree, mountaine, nor stone therein. And it is most excellent pasture. Here the Comanians, which were called Capthac, were wont to feede their cattell. Howbeit by the Dutch men they are called Valani, and the prouince it selfe Valania. [Sidenote: The length of Comania.] But Isidore calleth all that tract of land stretching from the riuer of Tanais to the lake of Mæotis, and so along as farre as Danubius, the countrey of Alania. And the same land contunueth in length from Danubius vnto Tanais (which diuideth Asia from Europe) for the space of two moneths iourney, albeit a man should ride poste as fast as the Tartars vse to ride: and it was all ouer inhabited by the Comanians, called Capthac: yea and beyond Tanais, as farre as the riuer Edil or Volga: the space betweene the two which riuers is a great and long iourney to bee trauailed in ten dayes. [Sidenote: Russia.] To the North of the same prouince lieth Russia, which is full of wood in all places, and stretcheth from Polonia and Hungaria, euen to the riuer of Tanais: and it hath bene wasted all ouer by the Tartars, and as yet is daily wasted by them. They preferre the Saracens before the Russians, because they are Christians, and when they are able to giue them no more golde or siluer, they driue them and their children like flockes of sheepe into the wildernes, constraining them to keepe their cattell there. [Sidenote: Prussia.] Beyond Russia lieth the countrey of Prussia, which the Dutch knights of the order of Saint Maries hospitall of Ierusalem haue of late wholly conquered and subdued. And in very deede they might easily winne Russia, if they would put to their helping hand. For if the Tartars should but once know, that the great Priest, that is to say, the Pope did cause the ensigne of the crosse to bee displaied against them, they would flee all into their desert and solitarie places. [Footnote: There is some confusion in original edition, which I have here corrected.]

De tedijs quæ patiebantur, et de sepultura Comanorum. Cap. 15.

Ibamus ergo versus orientem, nihil videntes nisi coelum et terram, et aliquando mare ad dextram, quod dicitur Mare Tanais, et etiam sepulturas Comanorum, quæ apparebant nobis à duabus leucis secundum quod solebant parentelæ eorum sepeliri simul. Quam diu eramus in solitudine bene erat nobis: quòd tædium quod patiebar quum veniebamus ad mansiones eorum non possem exprimere verbis. Volebat enim dux noster, quod ad quoslibet capitaneos ingrederer cum xenio: et ad hoc non sufficiebant expensæ. Quotidie enim eramus octo personæ comedentes viaticum nostrum exceptis seruientibus, qui omnes volebant comedere nobiscum. Nos enim eramus quinqui, et ipsi tres qui ducebant nos: duo ducentes bigas, et vnus iturus nobiscum vsque ad Sartach. Carnes quas dabant non sufficiebant; nec inueniebamus aliquid venale pro moneta. [Sidenote: Calor maximus ibi in æstate.] Et cum sedebamus sub bigis notris pro vmbra, quia calor erat ibi maximus illo tempore, ipsi ita importune ingerebant se nobis, quod conculcabant nos, volentes omnia nostra videre. Si arripiebat eos appetitus purgandi ventrem, non elongabant se à nobis, quam possit faba iactari. Imo iuxta nos colloquentes mutuò faciebant immunditias suas: et multa alia faciebant quæ erant supra modum tædiosa. Super omnia grauabat me, quod cum volebam dicere eis aliquod verbum ædificationis, interpres meus dicebat, non facietis me prædicare: quia nescio talia verba dicere. Et verum dicebat. Ego enim perpendi postea, quum incepi aliquantulum intelligere idioma, quod quum dicebam vnum, ipse totum aliud dicebat, secundum quod ei occurrebat. Tunc videns periculum loquendi per ipsum, elegi magis facere. [Sidenote: Tanais fluuius.] Ambulauimus ergo cum magno labore de mansione in mansionem: ita quod paucis diebus ante festum beatæ Mariæ Magdalenæ veni ad fluuium magnum Tanais: qui diuidit Asiam ab Europa, sicut Nilus fluuius Ægypti, Asiam ab Africa. [Sidenote: Casale Rutenorum.] In illo loco quo applicuimus fecerunt Baatu et Sartach fieri quoddam casale de Rutenis in ripa orientali, qui transferant nuncios et mercatores cum nauiculis. Ipsi transtulerunt nos primo et postea bigas ponentes vnam rotam in vna barca et aliam in alia, ligantes barcas ad inuicem; et sic remigantes transibant. Ibi egit dux noster valde stulte. Ipse enim credebat, quod illi de casali deberent nobis ministrare equos, et dimisit animalia quæ adduxeramus in alia biga, vt redirent ad dominos suos. Et quum postulauimus ab eis animalia, ipsi respondebant quod habebant priuilegium à Baatu, quod non tenerentur ad aliud, nisi transferre euntes et redeuntes: etiam à mercatoribus accipiebant magnum tributum. Stetimus ergo ibi in ripa fluminis tribus diebus. Prima die dederunt nobis magnam borbatam recentem: secunda die panem de siligine et parum de carnibus, quas acceperat procurator villæ ostiatim per diuersas domos. [Sidenote: Latitudo Tanais.] Tertia die pisces siccos, quos habent ibi in magna multitudine. Fluuius ille erat ibi tantæ latitudinus, quantæ est Sequana Parisijis. Et antequam peruenissemus ad locum illum, transiuimus multas aquas pulcherrimas et piscosissimas: Sed Tartari nesciunt eos capere, nec curant de pisce nisi sit ita magnus, quod possunt comedere carnes eius, sicut carnes arietinas. [Sidenote: Oceanus.] Ille fluuius est terminus Orientalis Russiæ; et oritur de paludibus quæ pertingunt ad Oceanum ad aquilonem. Fluuius vero currit ad meridiem in quoddam magnum Mare septingentorum millium, antequam pertingat ad Mare Ponti: Et omnes aquæ quas transiuimus vadunt ad illas partes. Habet etiam prædictum flumen magnam syluam in ripa Occidentali. Vltra locum illum non ascendunt Tartari versus Aquilonem: quia tunc temporis [Marginal note: Ad introitum Augusti redeunt ad meridiem.] circa introitum Augusti incipiunt redire versus meridiem. Vnde aliud est casale inferius vbi transeunt nuncij tempore hyemali. Eramus igitur ibi in magna angustia, quia nec equos nec baues inueniebamus pro pecunia. Tandem postquam ostendi eis, quod laboraui pro communi vtilitate omnium Christianorum, accommodauerunt nobis boues et homines: nos autem oportebat ire pedibus. Tunc temporis metebant siliginem: triticum non proficiebat ibi bene. Milium habent in magna copia. Mulieres Rutenæ ornant capita sicut nostræ. Supertunicalia sua exterius ornant vario vel grisio a pedibus vsque ad genua. Homines portant capas sicut Teutonici: sed in capite portant pileos de filtro acutos in summitate longo acumine. Ambulauimus ergo tribus diebus non inuenientes populum. Et cum essemus valde fatigati et boues similiter, nec sciremus quorsum possemus Tartaros inuenire, accurrerunt subito duo equi, quos recepimus cum gaudio magno, et ascenderunt eos dux noster et interpres, vt specularentur quorsum possemus populum inuenire. Tandem quarta die inuentis hominibus gauisi sumus tanquam naufragi venientes ad portum. Tunc acceptis equis et bobus iuimus de mansione ad mansionem donec peruenimus vsque ad herbergiam Sartach secundo Calendas Augusti.

The same in English.

Of our afflictions which we sustained: and of the Comanians maner of buriall. Chap. 15.

We therefore went on towards the East, seeing nothing but heauen and earth, and sometimes the sea on our right hand, called the Sea of Tanais, and the sepulchres of the Comanians, which appeared vnto vs two leagues off, in which places they were wont to burie their kinred altogether. So long as we were trauelling through the desert, it went reasonably well with vs. For I cannot sufficiently expresse in words the irkesome and tedious troubles which I susteined, when I came at any of their places of abode. For our guide would haue vs goe in vnto euery Captaine with a present, and our expenses would not extend so farre. For we were euery day eight persons of vs spending our waifaring prouision, for the Tartars seruants would all of them eate of our victuals. We ourselues were fiue in number, and the seruants our guides were three, two to driue our carts, and one to conduct vs vnto Sartach. The flesh which they gaue vs was not sufficient for vs: neither could we finde any thing to be bought for our money. [Sidenote: Extreme heate in Sommer.] And as we sate vnder our carts in the coole shadowe, by reason of the extreame and vehement heate which was there at that time, they did so importunately and shamelesly intrude themselues into our companie, that they would euen tread vpon vs, to see whatsoeuer things we had. Hauing list at any time to ease themselues, the filthy lozels had not the maners to withdrawe themselues farther from vs, then a beane can bee cast. Yea, like vile slouens they would lay their tailes in our presence, while they were yet talking with vs: many other things they committed, which were most tedious and loathsome vnto vs. But aboue all things it grieued me to the very heart, that when I would vtter ought vnto them, which might tend to their edification, my foolish interpreter would say: you shall not make me become a Preacher now: I tell you, I cannot nor I will not rehearse any such wordes. And true it was which he saide, For I perceiued afterward, when I began to haue a little smattering in the language, that when I spake one thing, he would say quite another, whatsoeuer came next vnto his witlesse tongues end. [Sidenote: Tanaia.] Then seeing the danger I might incurre in speaking by such an interpreter, I resolued much rather to holde my peace, and thus we traiueiled with great toile from lodging to lodging, till at the length, a fewe dayes before the feast of Saint Marie Magdalene, we arriued at the banke of the mightie riuer Tanais which diuideth Asia from Europa, euen as the riuer Nilus of Ægypt disioyneth Asia from Africa. At the same place where wee arriued, Baatu and Sartach did cause a certaine cottage to be built, vpon the Easterne bankeof of the riuer, for a companie of Russians to dwelle in to the ende they might transport Ambassadoors and merchants in ferrie-boates ouer that part of the riuer. First they ferried vs ouer, and then our carts, putting one wheele into one lyter, and the other wheele into another lyter, hauing bounde both the lyters together, and so they rowe them ouer. In this place our guide played the foole most extreamely. For hee imagining that the said Russians, dwelling in the cottage, should haue prouided vs horses, sent home the beasts which we brought with vs, in another cart, that they might returne ynto their owne masters. And when we demanded to haue some beasts of them, they answered, that they had a priuiledge from Baatu, whereby they were bound to none other seruice, but only to ferry ouer goers and commers: and that they receiued great tribute of marchants in regard therof. We staied therfore by the said riuers side three daies. The first day they gaue vnto vs a great fresh turbut: the second day they bestowed rye bread, and a litle flesh vpon vs, which the purueyer of the village had taken vp at euerie house for vs: and the third day dried fishes, which they haue there in great abundance. [Sidenote: The breadth of Tanaia.] The saide riuer was euen as broad in that place, as the riuer of the Sein is at Paris. And before we came there, we passed ouer many goodly waters, and full of fish: howbeit the Barbarous and rude Tartars know not how to take them: neither do they make any reckoning of any fish, except it be so great, that they may pray vpon the flesh thereof, as vpon the flesh of a ram. [Sidenote: He is much deceiued.] The riuer is the limite of the East part of Russia, and it springeth out of the fennes of Mæotis, which fennes stretch vnto the North Ocean. And it runneth Southward into a certain great sea 700. miles about before it falleth into the sea called Pontus Euximus. And al the riuers, which we passed ouer, ran with ful stream into those quarters. The foresaid riuer hath great store of wood also growing vpon the West side thereof. [Sidenote: About the beginning of August, the Tartars returne southward.] Beyond this place the Tartars ascend no farther vnto the North: for at that season of the yeere, about the first of August, they begin to returne backe vnto the South. And therefore there is another cottage somewhat lower, where passengers are ferried ouer in Winter time. And in this place wee were driuen to great extremitie, by reason that we could get neither horses, nor oxen, for any money. At length, after I had declared vnto them, that my comming was to labour for the common good of all Christians, they sent vs oxen and men; howbeit we our selues were faine to trauel on foote. At this time they were reaping their rye. Wheat prospereth not wel in that soile. They haue the seede of Millium in great abundance. The Russian women attire their heads like vnto our women. They imbroder their safegards or gowns on the outside, from their feet vnto their knees with particoloured or grey stuffe. The Russian men weare caps like vnto the Dutch men. Also they weare vpon their heads certain sharpe, and high crowned hats made of felt much like vnto a sugar loafe. Then traueiled we 3. daies together, not finding any people. And when our selues and our oxen were exceeding weary and faint, not knowing how far off we should find any Tartars, on the sudden, there came two horses running towards vs, which we tooke with great ioy, and our guide and interpreter mounted vpon their backes, to see, how far off they could descry any people. At length vpon the fourth day of our iourney, hauing found some inhabitants, we reioyced like sea faring men, which had escaped out of a dangerous tempest, and had newly recouered the hauen. Then hauing taken fresh horses, and oxen, we passed on from lodging to lodging, till at the last, vpon the second of the Kalends of August, we arriued at the habitation of Duke Sartach himselfe.

De regione Sartach, et de gentibus illius. Cap. 16.

Regio ista vltra Tanaim est pulcherrima, habens flumina et syluas aquilonem. Sunt syluæ maximæ, quas inhabitant duo genera hominum: Moxel scilicet, qui sunt sine lege, puri pagani. Ciuitatem non habent sed casulas in syluis. Dominus eorum et magna pars eorum fuerunt interfecti in Alemania. Tartari enim dux erant eos ad introitum Alemaniæ. Vnde ipsi multum commendant Alemanos, sperantes quod adhuc liberabuntur per eos à seruitute Tartarorum. Si mercator veniat ad eos, oportet quod ille apud quem primo descendit prouideat ei quamdiu vult esse inter eos. Si quis dormiat cum vxore alterius, ille non curat nisi videat proprijs oculis: vnde non sum Zelotypi. Abundant apud eos porei, mel, et cera, pelles preciosæ, et falcones. [Sidenote: Merdui Saraceni.] Post illos sunt alij qui dicuntur Merdas, quos latini vocant Merduos, et sunt Saraceni. Post illos est [Marginal note: vel Volga fluuius.] Etilia, quæ est maior fiuuius, quam vnquam viderim: et venit ab Aquilone de maiori Bulgaria tendens ad meridiem: et cadit in quendam lacum habentum spacium quatuor mensium in circuitu, de quo postea dicam vobis. Ista ergo duo flumina Tanais et Etilia versus regiones Aquilonis per quas transiuimus non distant ab inuicem nisi decem dietis, sed ad meridiem multum diuiduntur ab inuicem. Tanais enim descendit in Mare Ponti: Etilia facit prædictum Mare siue lacum, cum alijs multis fluminibus, qua cadunt in ilium de Perside. Habebamus autem ad meridiem montes maximos in quibus habitant in lateribus versus solitudinem illam Cergis et Alani siue [Marginal note: Kerkis. vel Aais.] Acas, qui sunt Christiani et adhuc pugnant contra Tartaros. [Sidenote: Lesgi Saraceni.] Post istos prope Mare siue lacum Etiliæ sunt quidam Saraceni qui dicuntur Lesgi, qui similiter obediunt. Post hos est Porta ferrea, quam fecit Alexander ad excludendas Barbaras gentes de Perside; de cuius situ dicam vobis postea, [Marginal note: Reditus eius per Derbent.] quia transiui per eam in reditu. Et inter ista duo flumina in illis terris per quas transiuimus habitabant Comani antequam Tartari occuparent eas.

The same in English.

Of the dominion of Sartach, and of his Subiects. Chap. 16.

The region lying beyond Tanais, is a very goodly countrey, hauing store of riuers and woods toward the North part thereof. There be mighty huge woods which two sorts of people do inhabite. [Sidenote: The people of Moxel are Pagans.] One of them is called Moxel, being meere Pagans, and without law. They haue neither townes nor cities, but only cottages in the woods. Their lord and a great part of themselues were put to the sword in high Germanie. Whereupon they highly commend the braue courage of the Almans, hoping as yet to be deliuered out of the bondage of the Tartars, by their meanes. If any merchant come vnto them, he must prouide things necessary for him, with whom he is first of all enterteined, all the time of his abode among them. If any lieth with another mans wife, her husband, vnles he be an eiewitnes therof, regardeth it not: for they are not ielous ouer their wiues. They haue abundance of hogs, and great store of hony and waxe, and diuers sorts of rich and costly skins, and plentie of falcons. [Sidenote: The people called Merdui being Saracens.] Next vnto them are other people called Merclas, which the Latines cal Merdui, and they are Saracens. Beyond them is the riuer of Etilia or Volga, which is the mightiest riuer that euer I saw. And it issueth from the North part of Bulgaria the greater, and so trending along Southward, disimboqueth into a certain lake containing in circuit the space of 4. moneths trauel, whereof I will speak hereafter. [Sidenote: The circuite of the Caspian sea.] The two foresaid riuers, namely Tanais and Etilia, otherwise called Volga, towards the Northren regions through the which we traueiled, are not distant asunder aboue x. daies iourney, but Southward they are diuided a great space one from another. For Tanais descendeth into the sea of Pontus. Etitilia maketh the foresaid sea or lake, with the help of many other riuers which fal therinto out of Persia. [Sidenote: Kergis or Asa.] And we had to the South of vs huge high mountains, vpon the sides wherof, towards the said desert, doe the people called Cergis, and the Alani or Acas inhabit, who are as yet Christians, and wage warre against the Tartars. [Sidenote: The Saracens called Lesgi.] Beyond them, next vnto the sea or lake of Etilia, there are certaine Saracens called Lesgi, who are in subiection vnto the Tartars. Beyond these is Porta ferrea, or the yron gate, nowe called Derbent, which Alexander built to exclude the barbarous nations out of Persia. [Sidenote: He returneth by Derbent.] Concerning the situation whereof, your maiestie shall vnderstand more about the end of this Treatise: for I trauailed in my returne by the very same place. Betweene the two foresaid riuers, in the regions through the which we passed did Comanians of olde time inhabite, before they were ouerrun by the Tartars.

De Curia Sartach et de gloria eius. Cap. 17.

Inuenimus ergo Sartach prope Etiliam per tres dietas: cuius curia valde magna videbatur nobis: quia habet sex vxores, et filius eius primogenitus iuxta eum duas vel tres: et quælibet habet domum magnam et bigas forte ducentas. [Sidenote: Coiat Nestorinus.] Accessit autem doctor noster ad quendam Nestorinum Coiat nomine, qui est vnus de maioribus Curiæ suæ. Ille fecit nos ire valde longe ad domini Iannam. Ita vocant illum qui habet officium recipiendi nuncios. In sero præcepit nobis dictus Coiat vt veniremus ad eum. Tunc incepit quærere ductor noster quid portaremus ei, et coepit multum scandalizari, quum vidit quod nihil parabamus ad portandum. Stetimus coram eo, et ipse sedebat in gloria sua et faciebat sonare citharam et saltare coram se. Tunc dixi ei verba prædicta qualiter veniremus ad dominum eius, rogans eum vt iuuaret nos vt Dominus eius videret literas nostras. Excusaui etiam me quia monachus eram, non habens, nec recipiens, nec tractans aurum vel argentum vel aliquid preciosum, solis libris et capella in qua seruiebamus deo exceptis: vnde nullum xenium afferebamus ei nec domino suo. Qui enim propria dimiseram, non poteram portator esse alienorum. Tunc respondit satis mansuete, quod bene faciebam ex quo eram monachus: sic seruarem votum meum, et non indigebat rebus nostris; sed magis daret nobis de suis, si indigeremus: et fecit nos sedere et bibere de lacte suo. Et post pauca rogauit vt diceremus benedictionem pro eo, quod et fecimus. Quæsiuit et quis esset maior dominus inter Francos. Dixi, Imperator, si haberet terram suam in pace. Non, inquit, sed Rex Franciæ, Audiuerat enim de vobis a domino Baldewyno de Hannonia. Inueni etiam ibi vnum de Socijs domus Domimicæ. qui fuerat in Cypro, qui narrauerat omnia quæ viderat. Tunc reuersi sumus ad hospitium nostrum. In crastino misi ei vnum flasconem de vino Muscato, quod optime se custodierat in tam longa via; et cophinom plenum biscocto quod fuit ei gratissimum, et retinuit illo sero famulos nostros secum. In crastino mandauit mihi quod venirem ad curiam; afferens literas regis et capellam et libros mecum, quia dominus suus vellet videre ea; quod et fecimus, onerantes vnam bigam libris et capella, et aliam pane et vino et fructibus. Tunc fecit omnes libros et vestes explicari, et circumstabant nos in equis multi Tartari et Christiani et Saraceni: quibus inspectis, quæsiuit, si vellem ista omnia dare domino suo, quo audito, expaui, et displicuit mihi verbum, dissimulans tamen respondi, domine rogamus, quatenus dominus noster dignetur recipere panem istum, vinum et fructus non pro xenio quia exiguum quid est, sed pro benedictione, ne vacua manu veniamus coram eo. Ipse autem videbit literas domini regis, et per eas sciet, qua de causa venimus ad eum: et tunc stabimus mandato eius nos et omnes res nostræ. Vestes enim sanctæ sunt, et non licet eas contingere nisi sacerdotibus. Tunc præcepit quod indueremus nos ituri coram domino suo: quod et fecimus. Ego autem indutus preciosioribus vestibus accepi in pectore puluinar, quod erat valde pulchrum, et biblium quod dederatis mihi, psalterium pulcherrimum, quod dederat mihi domina regina, in quo erant picturæ pulchræ. Socius meus accepit missale et crucem, clericus indutus supercilicio accepit thuribulum: sic accessimus ante dominum eius: et leuauerunt filtrum quod pendebat ante ostium vt nos posset videre. Tunc fecerunt flectere genua ter clerico et interpreti: à nobis non requisiuerunt. Tunc monuerant nos valde diligenter, vt caueremus ingrediendo et egrediendo ne tangeremus limen domus, et vt cantaremus aliquam benedictionem pro eo. Tunc ingressi sumus cantando, Salue regina. In introitu, autem ostij stabat bancus cum cosmos et cum ciphis. Et conuenerant omnes vxores eius: et ipsi Moal. Ingredientes nobiscum comprimebant nos. Illic Coiac tulit ei thuribulum cum incenso, quod ipse respexit, tenens in manu diligenter: postea tulit ei psalterium quod valde respexit, et vxor eius sedens iuxta eum. Postea tulit biblium, et ipse quæsiuit, si euangelium esset ibi. Dixi, etiam tota Scriptura Sacra. Accepit etiam crucem in manu sua, et quæsiuit de imagine, vtrum esset imago, Christi? Respondi quod sic. Ipsi Nestoriani et Armeni nunquam faciunt super cruces suas figuram Christi. Vnde videntur male sentire de passione, vel erubescunt eam. Postea fecit circumstantes nos retrahere se, vt plenius posset videre ornamenta nostra. Tunc obtuli ei literas vestras cum transcriptis in Arabico et Syriano. Feceram enim eas transferri in Acon in vtraque litera et lingua. Et ibi erant sacerdotes Armeni, qui sciebant Turcicum et Arabicum, et Ille Socius domus Domini qui sciebat Syrianum, et Turcicum et Arabicum. Tunc exiuimus et deposuimus vestimenta nostra: et venerunt scriptores et ille Coiac, et fecerunt literas interpretari. Quibus auditis, fecit recipi panem et vinum et fructus: vestimenta et libros fecit nos reportare ad hospitium. Hoc actum est in festo Sancti Pietri ad vincula.

The same in English.

Of the Court of Sartach, and of the magnificence thereof. Chap. 17.

And we found Sartach lying within three daies iourney of the riuer Etilia: whose Court seemed vnto vs to be very great. For he himselfe had sixe wiues, and his eldest sonne also had three wiues: euery one of which women hath a great house, and they haue ech one of them about 200. cartes. [Sidenote: Coiat the historian.] Our guide went vnto a certaine Nestorian named Coiat, who is a man of great authoritie in Sartachs Court. He made vs to goe very farre vnto the Lordes gate. For so they call him, who hath the office of enterteining Ambassadours. In the euening Coiac commanded vs to come vnto him. Then our guide began to enquire what we would present him withal, and was exceedingly offended, when he saw that we had nothing ready to present. We stoode before him, and he sate maiestically, hauing musicke and dauncing in his presence. Then I spake vnto him in the wordes before recited, telling him, for what purpose I was come vnto his lorde, and requesting so much fauour at his hands, as to bring our letters vnto the sight of his Lord. I excused my selfe also, that I was a Monke, not hauing, nor receiuing, nor vsing any golde, or siluer, or any other precious thing, saue onely our bookes, and the vestiments wherein we serued God: and that this was the cause why I brought no present vnto him, nor vnto his Lord. For I that had abandoned mine owne goods, could not be a transporter of things for other men. Then hee answered very courteously, that being a Monke, and so doing, I did well: for so I should obserue my vowe: neither did himselfe stande in neede of ought that we had, but rather was readie to bestowe vpon vs such thinge as we our selues stood in neede of: and he caused vs to sit downe, and to drinke of his milke. And presently after he requested vs to say our deuotions for him: and we did so. He enquired also who was the greatest Prince among the Franckes? And I saide, the Emperour, if he could inioy his owne dominions in quiet. No (quoth he) but the king of France. For he had heard of your Highnes by lord Baldwine of Henault. I found there also one of the Knights of the temple, who had bene in Cyprus, and had made report of all things which he sawe there. Then returned wee vnto our lodging. And on the morow we sent him a flagon of Muscadel wine (which had lasted very wel in so long a iourney) and a boxe full of bisket, which was most acceptable vnto him and he kept our seruants with him for that euening. The next morning he commanded me to come vnto the Court, and to bring the kings letters and my vestiments and bookes with me: because his Lorde was desirous to see them. Which we did accordingly, lading one cart with our bookes and vestiments and another with bisket, wine, and fruites. Then he caused all our bookes and vestiments to bee laide forth. And there stoode rounde about vs many Tartars, Christians and Saracens on horseback. At the sight whereof, he demanded whether I would bestow all those things vpon his lord or no? Which saying made me to tremble, and grieued me full sore. Howbeit, dissembling our griefe as well as we could, we shaped him this answer: Sir, our humble request is, that our Lorde your master would vouchsafe to accept our bread, wine, and fruits, not as a present, because it is too meane, but as a benediction, least we should come with an emptie hand before him. And he shall see the letters of my souereigne Lord the king, and by them he shall vnderstand for what cause we are come vnto him and then both our selues, and all that we haue, shall stand to his curtesie: for our vestiments be holy, and it is vnlawfull for any but Priests to touch them. Then he commaunded vs to inuest our selues in the said garments, that we might goe before his Lord: and wee did so. Then I my selfe putting on our most precious ornaments, tooke in mine armes a very faire cushion, and the Bible which your Maiesty gaue me, and a most beautifull Psalter, which the Queenes Grace bestowed vpon me, wherein there were goodly pictures. Mine associate tooke a missal and a crosse: and the clearke hauing put on his surplesse, tooke a censer in his hand. And so we came vnto the presence of his Lord and they lifted vp the felt hanging before his doore, that he might behold vs. Then they caused the clearke and the interpreter thrise to bow the knee: but of vs they required no such submission. And they diligently admonished vs to take heed, that in going in, and in comming out, we touched not the threshold of the house, and requested vs to sing a benediction for him. Then we entred in, singing Salue Regina . And within the entrance of the doore, stood a bench with cosmos, and drinking cups thereupon. And all his wiues were there assembled. Also the Moals or rich Tartars thrusting in with vs pressed vs sore. Then Coiat caried vnto his Lord the censer with incense, which he beheld very diligently, holding it in his hand. Afterward hee caried the Psalter vnto him, which he looked earnestly vpon, and his wife also that sate beside him. After that he caried the Bible: then Sartach asked if the Gospel were contained therein? Yea (said I) and all the holy scriptures besides. He tooke the crosse also in his hand, and demanded concerning the image, whether it were the image of Christ or no? I said it was. The Nestorians and the Armenians do neuer make the figure of Christ vpon their crosses. [Sidenote: No good consequence.] Wherefore either they seem not to think wel of his passion, or els they are ashamed of it. Then he caused them that stood about vs, to stand aside, that he might more fully behold our ornaments. Afterward I deliuered vnto him your Maiesties letters, with translation therof into the Arabike, and Syriake languages. For I caused them to be translated at Acon into the character, and dialect of both the saide tongues. And there were certain Armenian Priests, which had skil in the Turkish and Arabian languages. The aforesaid knight also of the order of the Temple had knowledge in the Syriake, Turkish, and Arabian tongues. Then we departed forth, and put off our vestiments, and there came vnto vs certaine Scribes together with the foresaid Coiat, and caused our letters to be interpreted. Which letters being heard, he caused our bread, wine and fruits to be receiued. And he permitted vs also to carie our vestiments and bookes vnto our owne lodging. This was done vpon the feast of S. Peter ad vincula.

Qualiter habuerunt in mandatis adire Baatu patrem Sartach. Cap. 18.

In crastino mane venit quidam sacerdos frater ipsius Coiac postulans vasculum cum chrismate, quia Sartach volebat illud videre, vt dicebat, et dedimus ei. Hora vespertina vocauit nos Coiac, dicens nobis: Dominus rex scripsit bona verba Domino meo: Sed sunt in eis difficilia, de quibus nihil auderet facere, sine consilio patris sui. Vnde oportet vos ire ad patrem suum, et duas bigas quas adduxistis heri cum vestimentis et libris dimittetis mihi, quia Dominus meus vult res diligentius videre. Ego statim suspicatus sum malum de cupiditate eius, et dixi ei. Domine, non solum illas sed etiam duas quas adhuc habemus relinquemus sub custodia vestra. Non inquit, illas relinquetis, de alijs facietis velle vestrum. Dixi quod hoc nullo modo posset fieri. Sed totam dimitteremus ei. Tunc quæsiuit si vellemus morari in terra? Ego dixi, Si bene intellexistis literas domini regis, potestis scire, quod sic. Tunc dixit, quod oporteret nos esse patientes multum, et humiles. Sic discessimus ab eo illo sere. In crastino mane misit vnum sacerdotem Nestorinum pro bigis, et nos duximus omnes quatuor. Tunc occurrens nobis frater ipsius Coiacis, separauit omnia nostra ab ipsis rebus quas tuleramus pridie ad curiam, et ilia accepit tanquam sua, scilicet libros et vestimenta: et Coiac præceperat, quod ferremus nobiscum vestimenta quibus induti fueramus coram Sartach vt illis indueremur coram Baatu si expediret: quas ille sacerdos abstulit nobis vi, dicens: Tu attulisti eas ad Sartach, modo vis ferre Baatu? Et cum vellem ei reddere rationem, respondit mihi, Ne loquaris nimis, et vade viam tuam. Tunc necessaria fuit patientia, quia apud Sartach, non patebat nobis ingressus; nec aliquis erat, qui nobis exhiberet iusticiam. Timebam etiam de interprete, ne ipse aliquid aliter dixissit, quam ego dixissem ei: quia ipsi bene voluisset, quod de omnibus fecissemus xenium. Vnum erat mihi solacium, quia quum persensi cupiditatem eorum, ego subtraxi de libris Biblium et sententias, et alios libros quos magis diligebam. Psalterium dominæ reginæ non fui ausus subtrahere, quia illud fuerat nimis notatum propter aureas picturas quæ erant in eo. Sic ergo reuersi sumus cum duobus residuis bigis ad hospitium nostrum. Tunc venit ille, qui debebat ducere nos ad Baatu, volens cum festinatione arripere iter; cui dixi quod nulla ratione ducerem bigas. Quod ipse retulit ad Coiac. Tunc præcepit Coiac quod relinqueremus eas apud ipsum cum garcione nostro: quod et fecimus. [Sidenote: Perueniunt ad Etiliam vel Volgam.] Sic ergo euntes versus Baatu recta in Orientem, tertia die peruenimus ad Etiliam: cuius aquas cum vidi, mirabar vnde ab Aquilone descenderunt tantæ aquæ. Antequam recederemus à Sartach, dixit nobis supradictus Coiac cum alijs multis scriptoribus curiæ, Nolite dicere quod dominus noster sit Christianus, sed Moal. Quia nomen Christianitatis videtur eis nomen cuiusdam gentis. [Sidenote: Tartari volunt vocari Moal.] In tantam superbiam sunt erecti, quod quamuis aliquid forte credant de Christo, tamen nolunt dici Christiani volentes nomen suum, hoc est, Moal exaltare super omne nomen. Nec volunt vocari Tartari: Tartari enim fuerunt alia gens de quibus sic didici.

The same in English

How they were giuen in charge to goe vnto Baatu the Father of Sartach.
Chap. 18.

The next morning betimes came vnto vs a certaine Priest who was brother vnto Coiat, requesting to haue our box of Chrisme, because Sartach (as he said) was desirous to see it: and so we gaue it him. About euentide Coiat sent for vs, saying: My lord your king wrote good words vnto my lord and master Sartach. Howbeit there are certaine matters of difficulty in them concerning which he dare not determine ought, without the aduise and counsell of his father. And therfore of necessitie you must depart vnto his father, leauing behind you the two carts, which you brought hither yesterday with vestiments and bookes, in my custodie because my lorde is desirous to take more diligent view thereof. I presently suspecting what mischiefe might ensue by his couetousnes, said vnto him: Sir, we will not onely leaue those with you, but the two other carts also, which we haue in our posession, will we commit vnto your custodie. You shall not (quoth he) leaue those behinde you, but for the other two carts first named, we will satisfie your request. I saide that this could not conueniently be done: but needes we must leaue all with him. Then he asked, whether we meant to tarie in the land? I answered: If you throughly vnderstand the letters of my lorde the king, you know that we are euen so determined. Then he replied, that we ought to be patient and lowly: and so we departed from him that euening. On the morrowe after he sent a Nestorian Priest for the carts, and we caused all the foure carts to be deliuered. Then came the foresaid brother of Coiat to meet vs, and separated all those things, which we had brought the day before vnto the Court, from the rest, namely the bookes and vestiments, and tooke them away with him. Howbeit Coiat had commanded, that we should carie those vestiments with vs, which wee ware in the presence of Sartach, that wee might put them on before Baatu, if neede should require: but the said Priest tooke them from vs by violence, saying: thou hast brought them vnto Sartach, and wouldest thou carie them vnto Baatu? And when I would haue rendred a reason, he answered: be not too talkatiue, but goe your wayes. Then I sawe that there was no remedie but patience: for wee could haue no accesse vnto Sartach himselfe, neither was there any other, that would doe vs iustice. I was afraide also in regard of the interpreter, least he had spoken other things then I saide vnto him: for his will was good that we should haue giuen away all that we had. There was yet one comfort remaining vnto me: for when I once perceiued their couetous intent, I conueyed from among our bookes the Bible, and the sentences, and certaine other bookes which I made speciall account of. Howbeit I durst not take away the Psalter of my soueraigne Lady the Queene, because it was too wel known, by reason of the golden pictures therein. And so we returned with the two other carts vnto our lodging. Then came he that was appointed to be our guide vnto the court of Baatu, willing vs to take our iourney in all posthaste: vnto whom I said, that I would in no case haue the carts to goe with me. Which thing he declared vnto Coiat. Then Coiat commaunded that we should leaue them and our seruant with him: And we did as he commanded. [Sidenote: They are come as farre as Volga.] And so traueling directly Eastward towards Baatu, the third day we came to Etilia or Volga: the streams whereof when I beheld, I wondered from what regions of the North such huge and mighty waters should descend. Before we were departed from Sartach, the foresaid Coiat, with many other Scribes of the court said vnto vs: doe not make report that our Lord is a Christian, but a Moal. [Sidenote: The Tartars will be called Moal.] Because the name of a Christian seemeth vnto them to be the name of some nation. So great is their pride, that albeit they beleeue perhaps some things concerning Christ, yet will they not bee called Christians, being desirous that their owne name, that is to say, Moal should be exalted aboue all other names. Neither wil they be called by the name of Tartars. For the Tartars were another nation, as I was informed by them.

Qualiter Sartach, et Mangucham et Kencham faciunt reuerentiam Christianis.
Cap. 19.

Tempore quo Franci ceperunt Antiochiam tenebat monarchiam in illis lateribus Aquilonis quidam qui vocabatur Concan. [Sidenote: Con can.] Con est proprium nomen: Can nomen dignitatis quod idem est qui diuinator. Omnes diuinatores vocant Can. Vnde principes dicuntur Can, quia penes eos spectat regimen populi per diuinationem. Vnde legitur in historia Antiochæ, quod Turci miserunt propter succursum contra Francos ad regnum Con can. De illis enim partibus venerunt omnes Turci. [Sidenote: Vnde venerunt Turci. Caractay. Oceanus.] Iste Con erat Cara-Catay. Cara idem est quod nigrum. Catai nomen gentis. Vnde Cara-Catay idem est quod nigri Catay. Et hoc dicitur ad differentiam ipsorum Catay qui erant in Oriente super Oceanum de quibus postea dicam vobis. Isti Catay erant in quibusdam alpibus per quas transiui. Et in quadam planicie inter illas Alpes erat quidam Nestorinus pastor potens et dominus super populum, qui dicebatur Vayman [Marginal note: Vel Nayman.], qui erant Christiani Nestorini. [Sidenote: Presbyter Iohannes.] Mortuo Con can eleuauit se ille Nestorius in regem, et vocabant eum Nestoriani Regem Iohannem: et plus dicebant de ipso in decuplo quam veritas esset. Ita enim faciunt Nestoriani venientes de partibus illis. De nihilo enim faciunt magnos rumores. Vnde disseminauerunt de Sartach quod esset Christianus, et de Mangu Can et Ken can: quia faciunt maiorem reuerentiam Christianis, quàm alijs populis, et tamen in veritate Christiani non sunt. Sic ergo exiuit magna fama de illo Rege Iohanne. Et quando ego transiui per pascua eius, nullus aliquid sciebat de eo nisi Nestoriani pauci. [Sidenote: Kencham vbi habitauit Frater Andreas in Curia Kencham. Vut can, vel Vne. Caracarum Villula. Crit, et Merkit.] In pascuis eis habitat Kencam, apud cuius curiam fuit frater Andreas: et ego etiam transiui per eam in reditu. Huic Iohanni erat frater quidam potens, pastor similiter, nomine Vut: et ipse erat vltra Alpes ipsorum Caracatay, distans à fratre suo spacium trium hebdomadarum et erat dominus cuiusdam Villulæ quæ dicitur Caracarum, populum habens sub se, qui dicebantur Crit, Merkit, qui erant Christiani Nestorini. Sed ipse dominus eorum dimisso cultu Christi, sectabatur idola; habens sacerdotes idolorum, qui omnes sunt inuocatores dæmonum et sortilegi. [Sidenote: Moal pauperimi homines.] Vltra pascua istius ad decem vel quindecem dictas erant pascua Moal: qui erant paupernmi homines sine capitaneo et sine lege, exceptis sortilegijs et diuinationibus, quibus omnes in partibus illis intendunt. [Sidenote: Tartarorum sedes.] Et iuxta Moal erant alij pauperes, qui dicebantur Tartari. Rex Iohannes mortuus fuit sine hærede, et ditatus est frater eius Vnc: et faciebat se vocari Can: et mittebantur armenta greges eius vsque ad terminos Moal. [Sidenote: Cyngis.] Tunc temporis Chingis faber quidam erat in populo Moal, et furabatur de animalibus Vnc can quod poterat: In tantum quod conquesti sunt pastores Vut domino suo. Tunc congregauit exercitum et equitauit in terram Moal, quarens ipsum Cyngis. Et ille fugit inter Tartaros et latuit ibi. Tunc ipse Vut accepta præda Moal et à Tartaris reuersus est. Tunc ipse Cyngis allocutus est Tartaros et ipsos Moal dicens, Quia sine duce sumus opprimunt nos vicini nostri et fecerunt ipsum ducem et capitaneum Tartari et Moal. Tunc latenter congregato exercitu irruit super ipsum Vut, et vicit ipsum et ipse fugit in Cathaiam. Ibi capta fuit filia eius, quam Cyngis dedit vni ex filijs in vxorem, ex quo ipsa suscepit istum qui nunc regnat Mangu. [Sidenote: Mangu-can.] Tunc ipse Cyngis permittebat vbique ipsos Tartaros: et inde exiuit nomen eorum, quia vbique clamabatur, Ecce Tartari veniunt. Sed per crebra bella modo omnes fere deleti sunt. Vnde isti Moal modo volunt extinguere illud nomen et suum eleuare. [Sidenote: Mancherule] Terra illa in qua primo fuerunt, et vbi est adhuc curia Cyngiscan, vocatur Mancherule. Sed quia Tartari est regio circa quam fuit acquisitio corum, illam ciuitatem habent pro regali, et ibi prope eligunt suum Can.

The same in English.

Howe Sartach, and Mangu Can, and Ken Can doe reuerence vnto Christians.
Chap. 19.

At the same time when the French men tooke Antioch, a certaine man named Con Can had dominion ouer the Northren regions, lying thereabouts. Con is a proper name: Can is a name of authority or dignitie, which signifieth a diuiner or soothsayer All diuiners are called Can amongst them. Whereupon their princes are called Can, because that vnto them belongeth the gouernment of the people by diuination. Wee doe reade also in the historie of Antiochia, that the Turkes sent for aide against the French-men, vnto the kingdome of Con Can. For out of those parts the whole nation of the Turkes first came. The said Con was of the nation of Kara-Catay, Kara signifieth blacke, and Katay is the name of a countrey. So that Kara-Catay signifieth the blacke Catay. [Sidenote: An Ocean sea.] This name was giuen to make a difference between the foresaid people, and the people of Catay, inhabiting Eastward ouer against the Ocean sea: concerning whom your maiesty shall vnderstand more hereafter. These Catayans dwelt vpon certaine Alpes, by the which I trauailed. [Sidenote: Nayman. Presbiter Iohn.] And in a certaine plane countrey within those Alpes, there inhabited a Nestorian shepheard, being a mighty gouernour ouer the people called Yayman, which were Christians, following the sect of Nestorius. After the death of Con Can, the said Nestorian exalted himselfe to the kingdome, and they called him King Iohn, [Marginal note: This history of Presbiter Iohn in the North-east, is alledged at large by Gerardus Mercator in his generall mappe. From whence the Turkes first sprang.] reporting ten times more of him then was true. For so the Nestorians which come out of those parts, vse to doe. For they blaze abroade great rumors, and reports vpon iust nothing. Whereupon they gaue out concerning Sartach, that he was become a Christian, and the like also they reported concerning Mangu Can, and Ken Can namely because these Tartars make more account of Christians, then they doe of other people, and yet in very deede, themselues are no Christians. So likewise there went foorth a great report concerning the said king Iohn. Howbeit, when I trauailed along by his territories, there was no man that knew any thing of him, but onely a fewe Nestorians. [Sidenote: The place of Ken Can his abode. Vut Can, or Vnc Can. The village of Cara Carum. Crit and Merkit.] In his pastures or territories dwelleth Ken Can, at whose Court Frier Andrew was. And I my selfe passed by it at my returne. This Iohn had a brother, being a mightie man also, and a shepheard like himselfe, called Vut, and be inhabited beyond the Alpes of Cara Catay, being distant from his brother Iohn, the space of three weekes iourney. He was lord ouer a certain village, called Cara Carum, hauing people also for his subiects, named Crit, or Merkit, who were Christians of the sect of Nestorius. But their Lorde abandoning the the worship of Christ followed after idoles, reteining with him Priests of the saide idoles, who all of them are worshippers of deuils and and sorcerers. [Moal in olde time a beggerly people.] Beyond his pastures, some tenne or fifteene dayes iourney, were the pasture of Moal, who were a poore and beggerly nation, without gouernour, and without Lawe, except their soothsayings, and their diuinations, vnto the which detestable studies, all in those partes doe apply their mindes. [Sidenote: The place of the Tartars.] Neere vnto Moal were other poore people called Tartars. The foresaid king Iohn died without issue male, and thereupon his brother Vut was greatly inriched, and caused himselfe to be named Can; and his droues and flockes raunged euen vnto the borders of Moal. [Sidenote: Cyngis] About the same time there was one Cyngis, a blacke smith among the people of Moal. This Cyngis stole as many cattel from Vut Can as he could possibly get: insomuche that the shepherds of Vut complained vnto their Lord. Then prouided he an armie and marched vp into the countrey of Moal to seeke for the saide Cyngis. But Cyngis fledde among the Tartars and hidde himselfe amongest them. And Vut hauing taken some spoils both from Moal and also from the Tartars, returned home. Then spake Cyngis vnto the Tartars and vnto the people of Moal, saying: Sirs because we are destitute of a gouernonr and Captaine, you see howe our neighbours do oppresses vs. And the Tartars and Moals appointed him to be their Chieftaine. Then hauing secretly gathered together an armie, he brake in suddenly vpon Vut, and ouercame him, and Vut fledde into Cataua. [Sidenote: Magnu-can.] At the same time was the daughter of Vut taken, which Cyngis married vnto one of his sonnes, by whome she conceiued, and brought forth the great Can, Which now reigneth called Mangu-Can. Then Cyngis sent the Tartars before him in al places where he came: and thereupon was their name published and spread abroade for in all places the people woulde crie out: Loe, the Tartars come, the Tartars come. Howbeit through continuall warres, they are nowe all of them in a maner consumed and brought to nought. Whereupon the Moals endeuour what they can, to extinguish the name, of the Tartars that they may exalt their owne name. The countrey wherein they first inhabited and where the Court of Cyngis Can [Sidenote: Mancherule] as yet remaineth, is called Macherule. But because Tartaria is the region about which they haue obtained their conquests, they esteeme that as their royall and chiefe citie and there for the most part doe they elect their great Can.

De Rutenis et Hungaris, et Manis, et de mari Caspio. Cap. 20.

De Sartach autem vtrum credit in Christum vel non nescio. Hoc scio quod Christianus non vult dici. Immò magis videtur mihi deridere Christianos. Ipse enim est in itinere Christianorum, scilicet Rutenorum, Blacorum, Bulgarorum minoris Bulgariæ Soldainorum, Kerkisorum, Alanorum: qui omnes transeunt per cum quum vidunt ad curiam patris sui deferre ei munera, vnde magis amplectitur eos. Tamen si Saraceni veniant, et maius afferint cuius expediuntur. Habet etiam circa se Nestorinos sacerdotes qui pulsant tabulam, et cantant officium suum.

[Sidenote: Berta vel Berca.] Est alius qui dicitur Berta super Baatu, qui pascit versus Portam ferream, vbi est iter Saracenorum omnium qui veniunt de Perside et de Turchia, qui euntes ad Baatu, et transeuntes per eum, deferunt ei munera. Et ille facit se Saracenum, et non permitit in terra sua comedi carnes porcinas. Baatu in reditu nostro præceperat ei, quod transferret se de illo loco vltra Etiliam ad Orientem, nolens nuncios Saracenorum transire per eum, quia videbatur sibi damnosum.

Quatuor autem diebus quibus fuimus in curia Sartach, nunquam prouisum fuit nobis de cibo, nisi semel de modico cosmos. In via verò inter ipsum et patrem suum habuimus magnum timorem. Ruteni enim et Hungari, et Alani serui eorum, quorum est magna multitudo inter eos, associant se viginti vel triginta simul, et fugiant de nocte, habentes pharetras et arcus, et quemcunque inuenuint de nocte interficiunt, de die latitantes. Et quando sunt equi eorum fatigati veniunt de nocte ad multitudinem equorum in pascuis, et mutant equos, et vnum vel duos ducunt secum, vt comedant quum indiguerint. Occursum ergo talium timebat multum Dux noster. In illa via fuissemus mortui fame, si non portauissemus nobiscum modicum de biscocto.

[Sidenote: Exacta Maris Caspij descripto.] Venimus tandem ad Etiliam maximum flumen. Est enim in quadruplo maius quàm Sequana, et profundissimum: Veniens de maiori Bulgaria, quæ est ad Aquilonem, tendens in quendam lacum, siue quoddam mare, quod modò vocat illud mare Sircan, à quadam ciuitate, quæ est iuxta ripam eius in Perside. Sed Isidorus vocat illud mare Caspium. Habet enim montes Caspios, et Persidem à meridie: montes vero Musihet, hoc est, Assassinorum ad Orientem, qui contiguantur cum montibus Caspijs. Ad Aquilonem verò habet illam solitudinem, in qua modo sunt Tartari. [Sidenote: Cangla populi, vel Cangitta.] Prius verò erant ibi quidam qui dicebantur Canglæ: Et ex illo latere recipit Etiliam, qui crescit in æstate sicut Nilus Ægypti. Ad Occidentem verò habet montes Alanorum et Lesgi; et Portam ferream, et montes Georgianorum. Habet igitur illud mare tria latera inter montes, Aquilonare verò habet ad planiciem. [Sidenote: Frater Andreas.] Frater Andreas ipse circumdedit duo latera eius, meridionale scilicet et Orientale. [Sidenote: Reprehenditur Isidori error de mari Caspio.] Ego verò alia duo; Aquilonare scilicet in eundo à Baatu ad Mangu cham, Occidentale verò in reuertendo de Baatu in Syriam. Quatuor mensibus potest circundari. Et non est verum quod dicit Isidorus. quod sit sinus exiens, ab Oceano: nusquan enim tangit Oceanum, sed vndique circundatur terra.

The same in English.

Of the Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians: and of the Caspian Sea. Chap. 20.

Now, as concerneth Sartach, whether he beleeues in Christ, or no, I knowe not. This I am sure of, that he will not be called a Christian. Yea rather he seemeth vnto mee to deride and skoffe at Christians. He lieth in the way of the Christians, as namely of the Russians, the Valachians, the Bulgarians of Bulgaria the lesser, the Soldaianes, the Kerkis, and the Alanians: who all of them passe by him, as they are going to the Court of his father Baatu, to carie gifts: whereupon he is more in league with them. How best, if the Saracens come, and bring greater gifts than they, they are dispatched sooner. He hath about him certaine Nestorian Priestes, who pray vpon their beades, and sing their deuotions. Also, there is another vnder Baatu called Berta [Sidenote: Or, Berca.], who feedeth his cattell toward Porta ferrea, or Derbent, where lieth the passage of all those Saracens, which come out of Persia, and out of Turkie to goe vnto Baatu, and passing by they giue rewards vnto him. And he professeth himselfe to be a Saracene, and will not permit swines flesh to be eaten in his dominions. Howbeit, at the time of our return, Baatu commanded him to remoue himselfe from that place, and to inhabite vpon the East side of Volga: for hee was vnwilling that the Saracens messengers should passe by the saide Berrta, because he sawe it was not for his profite. For the space of foure dayes while we remained in the court of Sartach, we had not any victuals at all allowed vs, but once onely a little Cosmos. And in our iourney betweene him and his father, wee trauelled in great feare. For certaine Russians, Hungarians, and Alanians being seruants vnto the Tartars (of whom they haue great multitudes among them) assemble themselues twentie or thirtie in a companie, and so secretly in the night conueying themselues from home they take bowes and arrowes with them, and whomsoeuer they finde in the night season, they put him to death, hiding themselues in the day time. And hauing tired their horses, they goe in the night vnto a company of other horses feeding in some pasture, and change them for newe, taking with them also one or two horses besides, to eate them when they stand in neede. Our guide therefore was sore afraide, least we should haue met with such companions. In this iourney wee had died for famine, had we not caried some of our bisket with vs. At length we came vnto the mighty riuer of Etilia, or Volga. For it is foure times greater then the riuer of Sein, and of a wonderfull depth: and issuing forth of Bulgaria the greater, it runneth into a certain lake or sea, which of late they call the Hircan sea, according to the name of a certain citie in Persia, standmg vpon the shore thereof. Howbeit Isidore calleth it the Caspian Sea. For it hath the Caspian mountaines and the land of Persia situate on the south side thereof: and the mountaines of Musihet, that is to say, of the people called Assassini [Footnote: A tribe who murdered all strangers: hence our word assassin .] towards the East, which mountaines are coioyned vnto the Caspian mountaines, but on the North side thereof lieth the same desert, wherein the Tartars doe now inhabite. [Sidenote: Changlæ.] Howbeit heretofore there dwelt certaine people called Changlæ. And on that side it receiueth the streams of Etilia: which riuer increaseth in Sommer time, like vnto the riuer Nilus in Ægypt. Vpon the West part thereof, it hath the mountaines of Alani, and Lesgi, and Porta ferrea, or Derbent, and the mountaines of Georgia. This Sea therefore is compassed in on three sides with the mountaines, but on the North side by plaine grounde. [Sidenote: Frier Andrew.] Frier Andrew, in his iourney traueiled round about two sides therof, namely the South and the East sides: and I my selfe about other two, that is to say, the North side in going from Baatu to Mangu-Can, and in returning likewise; and the West side in comming home from Baatu into Syria. A man may trauel round about it in foure moneths. And it is not true what Isidore reporteth, namely that this Sea is a bay or gulfe comming forth of the Ocean: for it doeth, in no part thereof, ioyne with the Ocean, but is enuironed on all sides with lande.

De curia Baatu, et qualiter recepti fuerunt ab eo. Cap. 21.

[Sidenote: Oceanus Aquilonaris Isisdorus.] Tota ilia regio à latere Occidentali istius maris, vbi sunt Porta ferrea Alexandri, et montes Alanorum, vsque ad Occanum Aquilonarem et paludes Mæotidis vbi mergitur Tanais, solebat dici Albania: de qua dicit Isisdorus quòd habet canes ita magnos, tantæque feritatis, vt tauros premant, leones perimant. Quod verum est, prout intellexi à narrantibus, quod ibi versus Oceanum Aquilonarem faciunt canes trahere in bigis sicut boues propter magnitudinem et fortitudinem eorum. In illo ergo loco vbi nos aplicuimus super Etiliam est casale nouum, quod fecerunt Tartari de Rutenis mixtim, qui transponunt nuncios euntes, et redeuntes ad curiam Baatu: quia Baatu est in vlteriori ripa versus Orientem nec transit illum locum vbi nos applicuimus ascendendo in æstate, sed iam incipiebat descendere. [Sidenote: Descendit naui per flumen Volga. Nota] De Ianuario enim vsque ad Augustum ascendit ipsi, et omnes alij versus frigidas regiones, et in Augusto incipiunt redire. Descendimus ergo in naui ab illo casali vsque ad curiam eius. Et ab illo vsque ad villas maioris Bulgariæ versus Aquilonem, sunt quinque dictæ. Et miror quis Diabolus portauit illuc legem Machometi. [Sidenote: 30 dietæ à Porta ferrea. Astracan.] A Porta enim ferrea, quæ est exitus Persidis, sunt plusquam triginta dietæ per transuersum, solitudinem ascendendo iuxta Etiliam vsque in illam Bulgariam, vbi nulla est ciuitas, nisi quædam casalia propè vbi cadit Etilia in mare. Et illi Bulgari sunt pessimi Saraceni, fortius tenentes legem Machometi, quàm aliqui alij. [Sidenote: Descriptio curiæ Baatu.] Quum ergo vidi curiam Baatu, expaui, quia videbantur propè domus eius, quasi quædam magna ciuitas protensa in longum, et populus vndique circumfusus, vsque ad tres vel quatuor leueas. Et sicut populus Israel sciebat vnusquisque ad quam regionem tabernaculi deberet figere tentoria: ita ipsi sciunt ad quod latus curiæ debeant se collocare, quando ipsi deponunt domus. [Sidenote: Horda sonat medium.] Vnde dicitur curia Orda lingua corum, quod sonat medium, quia semper est in media hominum suorum: hoc excepto quod rectè ad meridiem nullus se collocat, quia ad pattem illam aperiuntur portæ Curiæ: Sed à dextris et à sinistris extendunt se quantum volunt secundum exigentiam locorum: dummodo rectè ante curiam, vel ex opposito curiæ non descendunt. Fuimus ergo ducti ad quondam Saracenum, qui non prouidebat nobis de aliquo cibo sequenti die fuimus ad curiam, et fecerat extendi magnum tentorium, quia domus non potuisset capere tot homines et mulieres, quot conuenerant. Monuit nos ductor noster vt non loqueremur, donec Baatu præciperet: et tunc loqueremur breuiter. [Sidenote: Misit rex Francia ad Kencham nuncios.] Quæsiuit etiam vtrum misissetis nuncios ad eos. Dixi qualiter miseratis ad Kencham, et quod nec ad ipsum misissetis nuncios, nec ad Sartach literas, nisi credidissetis eos fuisse Christianos: quia non pro timore aliquo, sed ex congratulatione, quia audiueratis eos esse Christianos misistis. Tunc duxit nos ad papilionem: et monebamur, ne tangeremus cordas tentorij, quas ipsi reputant loco liminis domus. Stetimus ibi nudis pedibus in habitti nostro discoopertis capitibus, et eramus spectaculum magnum in oculis eorum. [Sidenote: Iohannes de Plano carpini.] Fuerat enim ibi frater Iohannes de Plano Carpini, sed ipse mutauerat habitum ne contemneretur; quia erat nuncius Domini Papæ. Tunc inducti fuimus vsque ad medium tentorij, nec requisiuerunt vt faceremus aliquam reuerentiam genua flectendo, sicut solent facere nuncij. Stetimus ergo coram eo quantum possit dici, Miserere mei Deus: et omnes erant in summo silentio. Ipse verò super solium longum sedebat et latum sicut lectus, totum deauratum, ad quod ascendebatur tribus gradibus, et vna domina iuxta eum. Viri vero diffusi sedebant à dextris dominæ et à sinistris quod non implebant mulieres ex parte vna quia erant ibi solæ vxores Baatu, implebant viri. Bancus vero cum cosmos et ciphis maximis aureis et argenteis, ornatis lapidibus prætiosis erat in introitu tentorij. Respexit ergo nos diligentius, et nos eum: et videbatur mihi similis in statura Domino Iohanni de Bello monte cuius anima rcquiescit in pace. Erat etiam vultus eius tunc perfusus gutta rosea. Tandem præcepit vt loqueremur. Tunc ductor noster præcepit vtflecteremus genua, et loqueremur. Flext vnum genu tanquam homini: tunc innuit quod ambo flecterem, quod et feci, nolens contendere super hoc. Tunc præcepit quod loquerer. Et ego cogitans quod orarem Dominum, quia flexeram ambo genua, Incepi verba oratione, dicens: Domine, nos oramus Dominum, à quo bona cuncta procedunt, qui dedit vobis ista terrena, vt det vobis post hæc cælestia: quia hæc sine illis vana sunt. Et ipse diligenter auscultauit, et subiunxit: Noueritis pro certo quòd coelestia non habebitis, nisi fueritis Christianus. Dicit enim Deus, Qui crediderit et baptizatus fuerit, saluus erit: qui vero non crediderit, condemnabitur. Ad illud verbum ipse modestè subrisit, et alij Moal inceperunt plaudere manus deridendo nos. Et obstupuit interpres meus, quem oportuit me confortare ne timeret. [Sidenote Literæ Regis Francorum.] Tunc facto silentio, dixi: Ego veni ad filium vestrum, quia audiuimus quod esset Christianus, et attuli et literas ex parte Domini Regis Francorum ipse misit me huc ad vos. Vos debetis scire qua de causa. Tunc fecit me surgere. Et quæsiuit nomem vestrum, et meum, et socij mei, et interpretis, et fecti omnia scribi. Quæsiuit etiam quia intellexerat quod exieratis terram vestram cum exercitu vt haberetis bellum. Respondi, Contra Saracenos violantes domum Dei Hierusalam. Quæsiuit etiam si vnquam misissetis nuncios ad eum. Ad vos dixi nuquam. Tunc fecit nos vedere et dari de lacte, suo ad bibendum, quod ipsi valdè magnum reputant, quando aliquis bibit cosmos eum eo in domo sua. Et dum sedens respicerem terram, præcepit vt cleuarem vultum volens adhuc nos amplius respicere, vel fortè pro sortilegio: quia habent pro malo omine vel signo, vel pro mala Prognostica, quando aliquis sedet coram eis inclinata facie quasi tristis, maximè quum appodiat maxillam vel mentum super manum. Tunc exiuimus, et post pauca, venit Ductor noster ad nos, et ducens nos ad hospitium, dixit mihi, Dominus Rex rogat, quod retinearis in terra ista: et hoc non potest Baatu facere sine conscientia Mangu cham. Vnde oportet quod tu et interpres tuus eatis ad Mangu cham. Socius verò tuus et alius homo reuertentur ad curiam Sartach ibi expectantes donec reuertatis. Tunc incepit homo DEI Interpres lugere reputans se perditum: Socius etiam meus contestari, quod citius amputarent ei caput quam quod diuideretur à me. Et ego dixi, quod sine socio non possem ire: Et etiam quod benè indigebamus duobus famulis, quia si contingeret vnum infirmari, non possem solus romanere. Tunc ipse reuersus ad curiam dixit verba Baatu. Tunc præcepit, vadant duo sacerdotes et interpres: et Clericus reuertatur ad Sartach. Ille reuersus dixit nobis summam. Et quando volebam loqui pro Clerico, quod iret nobiscum, dixit, Non loquamini amplius qua Baatu definiuit, et eo amplius non audeo redire ad curiam. De eleemosyna habebat Goset clericus viginti sex ipperpera et non plus: quoram decem retinuit sibi et puero: et sexdecem dedit homini Dei pro nobis. Et sic diuisi sumus cum lachrimis ab inuicem: Illo redeunte ad curiam Sartach, et nobis ibi remanentibus.

The same in English.

Of the Court of Baatu: and howe we were entertained by him. Chap. 21.

At the region extending from the West shore of the foresaid sea, where Alexanders Iron gate, otherwise called the gate of Derbent, is situate and from the mountaines of Alania, all along by the fennes of Alcotts, whereinto the riuer of Tanais falleth and so forth, to the North Ocean, was wont to be called Albania. [Sidenote: The North Ocean.] Of which countrey Isidore reporteth, that there be dogs of such an huge stature and so fierce, that they are able in fight to match bulles and to master lions. Which is true, as I vnderstand by diuers, who tolde me, that there towardes the North Ocean they make their dogges to draw in carts like oxen, by reason of their bignesse and strength. Moreouer, vpon that part of Etilia where we arriued, there is a new cottage built, wherein they haue placed Tartars and Russians both together, to ferrie ouer, and transport messengers going and comming to and fro the court of Baatu. For Baatu remaineth vpon the farther side towards the East. Neither ascendeth hee in Sommer time more Northward then the foresaide place where we arriued, but was euen then descending to the South. From Ianuarie vntil August both he and all other Tartars ascend by the banks of riuers towards cold and Northerly regions, and in August they begin to returne backe againe. [Sidenote: He descended downe the riuer Volga in a barke.] We passed downe the streame therefore in a barke, from the foresaid cottage vnto his court. From the same place vnto the villages of Bulgaria the greater, standing toward the North, it is fiue dayes iourney. I wonder what deuill caried the religion of Mahomet thither. For, from Derbent, which is vpon the extreame borders of Persia, it is about 30 daies iourney to passe ouerthwart the desert, and so to ascend by the banke of Etilia, into the foresaid countrey of Bulgaria. [Sidenote: Astrscan.] All which way there is no citie, but onely certaine cottages neere vnto that place where Etilia falleth into the sea. Those Bulgarians are most wicked Saracens, more earnestly professing the damnable religion of Mahomet, then any other nation whatsoeuer. [Sidenote: The description of Baatu and his court.] Moreouer, when I first behelde the court of Baatu, I was astonied at the sight thereof; for his houses or tents seemed as though they had bene some huge and mighty citie, stretching out a great way in length, the people ranging vp and downe about it for the space of some three or four leagues. And euen as the people of Israel knew euery man, on which side of the tabernacle to pitch his tent: euen so euery one of them knoweth right well, towards what side of the court he ought to place his house when he takes it from off the cart. [Sidenote: Horda signifieth the midst.] Wherupon the court is called in their language Horda, which signifieth, the midst: because the gouernour or chieftaine among them dwels alwaies in the middest of his people: except onely that directly towards the South no subiect or inferiour person placeth himselfe, because towards that region the court gates are set open: but vnto the right hand, and the left hand they extend themselues as farre as they will, according to the conueniencie of places, so that they place not their houses directly opposite against the Court. At our arriual we were conducted vnto a Saracen, who prouided not for vs any victuals at all. The day following, we were brought vnto the court and Baatu had caused a large tent to be erected, because his house or ordinarie tent could not contain so many men and women as were assembled. Our guide admonished vs not to speake, till Baatu had giuen vs commandement so to doe, and that then we should speake our mindes briefly. Then Baatu demanded whether your Maiestie had sent Ambassadours vnto him or no? I answered, that your Maiestie had sent messengers to Ken Can: and that you would not haue sent messengers vnto him, or letters vnto Sartach, had not your Highnes bene perswaded that they were become Christians: because you sent not vnto them for any feare, but onely for congratulation, and curtesies sake, in regard that you heard they were conuerted to Christianitie. Then led he vs vnto his pauilion and wee were charged not to touch the cordes of the tent, which they account in stead of the threshold of the house. There we stoode in our habite bare footed, and bare-headed, and were a great and strange spectacle in their eyes. [Sidenote: Iohn de Plano Carpini.] For indeed Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini had byn there before my comming: howbeit, because he was the Pope's messenger, he changed his habit that he might not be contemned. Then we were brought into the very midst of the tent, neither required they of vs to do any reuerence by bowing our knees, as they vse to doe of other messengers. Wee stood therefore before him for the space wherein a man might haue rehearsed the Psalme, Miserere mei Deus: and there was great silence kept of all men. Baatu himselfe sate vpon a seate long and broad like vnto a bed, guilt all ouer, with three stairs to ascend thereunto, and one of his ladies sate beside him. The men there assembled, sate downe scattering, some on the right hand of the saide Lady, and some on the left. Those places on the one side which the women filled not vp (for there were only the wiues of Baatu) were supplied by the men. Also, at the very entrance of the tent stoode a bench furnished with cosmos, and with stately great cuppes of siluer, and golde, beeing richly set with precious stones. Baatu beheld vs earnestly, and we him and he seemed to me to resemble in personage, Monsieur Iohn de beau mont, whose soule resteth in peace. And hee had a fresh ruddie colour in his countenance. At length he commanded vs to speake. Then our guide gaue vs direction, that wee should bow our knees and speak. Wherupon I bowed one knee as vnto a man: then he signified that I should kneele vpon both knees: and I did so, being loath to contend about such circumstaunces. And again he commanded me to speak. Then I thinking of praier vnto God, because I kneeled on both my knees, began to pray on this wise: Sir, we beseech the Lord, from whom all good things doe proceed and who hath giuen you these earthly benefites, that it would please him hereafter to make you partaker of his heauenly blessings: because the former without these are but vain and vnprofitable. And I added further. Be it knowen vnto you of a certainty, that you shal not obtain the ioyes of heauen, vnles you becomes a Christian: for God saith, Whosoeuer beleeueth and is baptized, shalbe saued: but he that beleeueth not, shalbe condemned. At this word he modestly smiled: but the other Moals began to clap their hands, and to deride vs. And my silly interpreter, of whom especially I should haue receiued comfort in time of need, was himself abashed and vtterly dasht out of countenance. [Sidenote: The letters of the French King.] Then, after silence made, I said vnto him, I came vnto your soune, because we heard that he was become a Christian: and I brought vnto him letters on the behalfe of my souereigne Lord the king of France: and your sonne sent me hither vnto you. The cause of my comming therefore is best known vnto your selfe. Then he caused me to rise vp. And he enquired your maiesties name, and my name, and the name of mine associate and interpreter, and caused them all to be put down in writing. He demaunded likewise (because he had bene informed, that you were departed out of your owne countreys with an armie) against whom you waged warre? I answered: against the Saracens, who had defiled the house of God at Ierusalem. He asked also, whether your Highnes had euer before that time sent any messengers vnto him, or no? To you sir? (said I) neuer. Then caused he vs to sit downe, and gaue vs of his milke to drinke, which they account to be a great fauour, especially when any man is admitted to drinke Cosmos with him in his own house. And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground, he commanded me to lift vp my countenance, being desirous as yet to take more diligent view of vs, or els perhaps for a kinde of superstitious obseruation. For they esteeme it a signe of ill lucke, or a prognostication of euill vnto them, when any man sits in their presence, holding downe his head, as if he were sad: especially when he leanes his cheeke or chinne ypon his hand. Then we departed forth, and immediately after came our guide vnto vs, and conducting vs vnto our lodging, saide vnto me: Your master the King requesteth that you may remaine in this land, which request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can. Wherefore you, and your interpreter must of necessitie goe vnto Mangu-Can. Howbeit your associate, and the other man shall returne vnto the court of Sartach, staying there for you, till you come backe. Then began the man of God mine interpreter to lament, esteeming himselfe but a dead man. Mine associate also protested, that they should sooner chop off his head, then withdrawe him out of my companie. Moreouer I my selfe saide, that without mine associate I could not goe: and that we stood in neede of two seruants at the least, to attend vpon vs, because, if one should chance to fall sicke, we could not be without another. Then returning vnto the court, he told these sayings vnto Baatu. And Baatu commanded saying: let the two Priests and the interpreter goe together, but let the clearke return vnto Sartach. And comming againe vnto vs, hee tolde vs euen so. And when I would haue spoken for the clearke to haue had him with vs, he saide: No more words: for Baatu hath resolued, that so it shall be; and therefore I dare not goe vnto the court any more. Goset the clearke had remaining of the almes money bestowed vpon him, 26. Yperperas, and no more; 10. Whereof he kept for himselfe and for the lad, and 16. he gaue vnto the man of God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares: he returning vnto the court of Sartach, and our selues remaining still in the same place.

De itinere fraturn versus curiam Mangu cham. Cap. 22.

In Vigilia Assumptionis peruenit ipse clericus ad Curiam Sartach: et in crastino fuerunt Sacerdotes Nestormi induti vestimentis nostris coram Sartach. Tunc ducti fuimus ad alium hospitem, qui debebat nobis prouidere de domo et cibo et equis. Sed quia non habuimus, quod daremus ei, omnia malè faciebat. [Sidenote: Quintano septimanas iuxta Etiliam descendebant.] Et bigauimus cum Baatu descendendo iuxta Etiliam quinque septimanas. Aliquando habuit socius meus tantam famem, quod dicebat mihi quasi lachrymando: videbatur mihi quod nunquam comederim. Forum sequitur semper Curiam Baatu. Sed illud erat tam longè à nobis, quod non poteramus ire. Oportebat enim nos ire pedibus pro defectu equorum. [Sidenote: Quidam Hungari.] Tandem inuenerunt nos quidam Hungari, qui fuerant Clericuli, quorum vnus sciebat adhuc cantare multa corde, et habebatur ab alijs Hungaris quasi Sacerdos, et vocabatur ad exequias suorum defunctorum: Et alius fuerat competenter instructus in Grammatica: qui intelligebat quicquid dicebamus ei literaliter, sed nesciebat respondere: qui fecerunt nobis magnam consolationem, afferentes cosmos ad bibendum, et carnes aliquando ad comedendum: qui quum postulassent à nobis aliquos libros, et non haberem quos possem dare, nullos enim habebam, nisi Biblium et breuiarium, dolui multum. Tunc dixi eis, afferte nobis chartas, et ego scribam vobis, quandiu erimus hîc: quod et fecerunt. Et scripsi vtrasque horas Beatæ Virginis et officium defunctorum. [Sidenote: Comanus] Quodam die iunxit se nobis quidam Comanus, salutans nos verbis latinis, dicens, Saluete Domini. Ego mirens, ipso resalutato, quæsiui ab eo, quis eum docuerat illam salutationem. Et ipse dixit quod in Hungaria fuit baptizatus a fratribus nostris qui docuerant illam salutationem. Et ipsi dixit quod in Hungaria fuit baptizatus à fratribus nostris qui docuerant illum eam. Dixit etiam quod Baatu quæsiuerat ab eo multa de nobis, et quod ipse dixerat ei conditiones ordinis nostri. Ego vidi Baatu equitantem cum turba sua, et omnes patres familias equitantes cum eo, secundùm æstimationem meam non erant quingenti viri. [Sidenote: Iter quatuor mensium a Volga. Ingens frigus.] Tandem circa finem exaltationis sanctæ crucis venit ad nos quidam diues Moal, cuius pater erat millenarius, quod magnum est inter eos, dicens, Ego vos debeo ducere ad Mangu cham, et est iter quatuor mensium: et tantum frigus est ibi, quod finduntur ibi lapides et arbores pro frigore: Videatis vtrum poteritis sustinere. Cui respondi: Spero in virtute Dei, quod nos sustinebimus, quod alij homines possunt sustinere. Tunc dixit: Si non poteritis sustinere, ego relinquam vos in via. Cui respondi, hoc non esset iustum: quia non iuimus pro nobis, nisi missi à Domino vestro: Vnde ex quo vobis committimur, non debetis nos dimittere. Tunc dixit, benè erit. Post hoc fecit nos ostendere sibi omnes vestes nostras, et quod sibi videbatur minus necessarium fecit deponere sub custodia hospitis nostri. [Sidenote: 16. Septemb.] In crastino attulerunt cuilibet nostrum vnam pelliceam villosam arietinam et braccas de eadem, et botas siue bucellos secundùm morem eorum cum soccis de filtro; et almucias de pellibus secundum modum eorum. [Sidenote: Cangle populi Maior Bulgaria.] Et secunda die post exaltationem Sanctæ crucis incepimus equitare nos tres habentes signarios et equitauimus continuè versus Orientem vsque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, per totam illam terram, et adhuc amplius habitabant Cangle, quedam parentela Romanorum. Ad Aquilonem habebamus maiorem Bulgariam, et ad meridiem prædictum mare Caspium.

The same in English.

Of our iourney towards the Court of Mangu Can. Chap. 22.

Vpon Assumption euen our clearke arriued at the court of Sartach. And on the morrow after, the Nestorian Priestes were adorned with our vestments in the presence of the said Sartach. Then wee our selues were conducted vnto another hoste, who was appointed to prouide vs houseroome, victualles, and horses. But because wee had not ought to bestowe vpon him, hee did all things vntowardly for vs. [Sidenote: They trauell fiue weekes by the banke of Etilia.] Then wee rode on forwards with Baatu, descending along by the banks of Etilia, for the space of fiue weekes together: Sometimes mine associate was so extremelie hungrie, that hee would tell mee in a manner weeping, that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in all his life before. There is a faire or market following the court of Baatu at all times: but it was so farre distant from vs that we could not haue recourse thereunto. For wee were constrained to walke on foote for want of horses. [Sidenote: Hungarians.] At length certaine Hungarians (who had sometime bene after a sort Cleargie men) found vs out and one of them could as yet sing many songs without booke, and was accompted of other Hungarians as a Priest, and was sent for vnto the funerals of his deceased countrey men. There was another of them also pretily wel instructed in his Grammer: for hee could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that wee spake but could not answere vs. These Hungarians were a great comfort vnto vs, bringing vs Cosmos to drinke, yea and some times flesh for to eate also who, when they requested to haue some bookes of vs, and I had not any to giue them (for indede we had none but onely a Bible, and a breuiarie) it grieued mee exceedingly. And I said vnto them: Bring mee some inke and paper, and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here: and they did so. And I copied out for them Horas beatæ Virginis, and Officium defunctorum. [Sidenote: A Comanian.] Moreouer, vpon a certaine day, there was a Comanian that accompanied vs, saluting vs in Latine, and saying: Saluete Domini. Wondering thereat and saluting him againe, I demaunded of him, who had taught him that kind of salutation? Hee saide that hee was baptised in Hungaria by our Friers, and that of them hee learned it. He said moreouer, that Baatu had enquired many things of him concerning vs, and that hee told him the estate of our order. Afterwarde I sawe Baatu riding with his companie, and all his subiects that were householders or masters of families riding with him, and (in mine estimation) they were not fiue hundred persons in all. At length about the ende of Holy roode, there came a certaine great Moal vnto vs (whose father was a Millenarie, which is a great office among them) saying: [Sidenote: A iourney of 4. moneths from Volga.] I am the man that must conduct you vnto Mangu-Can, and we haue thither a iourney of foure moneths long to trauell, and there such extreame colde in those parts, that stones and trees do euen riue asunder in regarde thereof. Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your selues, whether you be able to indure it or no. Vnto whom I answered: I hope by Gods help that we shalbe able to brooke that which other men can indure. Then he saide: if you cannot indure it, I will foresake you by the way. And I answered him: it were not iust dealing for you so to doe: for wee goe not thither vpon anie busmesse of our owne, but by reason that we are sent by your lord. Wherefore sithence we are committed vnto your charge, you ought in no wise to forsake vs. Then he said: all shalbe well. Afterward he caused vs to shewe him all our garments: and whatsoeuer hee deemed to be lesse needfull for vs, he willed vs to leaue it behind in the custodie of our hoste. On the morrow they brought vnto each of vs a furred gowne, made all of rammes skinnes, with the wool stil vpon them, and breeches of the same, and boots also of buskins, according to their fashion, and shooes made of felt, and hoods also made of skins after their maner. [Sidenote: The 16. of September. 46. dayes.] The second day after Holy rood, we began to set forward vpon our iourney, hauing three guides to direct vs: and we rode continually Eastward, till the feast of All Saints. Throughout all that region, and beyonde also did the people of Changle [Marginal note: Or, Kangittæ.] inhabite, who were by parentage descended from the Romanes. Vpon the North side of vs, wee had Bulgaria the greater, and on the South, the foresaid Caspian sea.

De flumine Iagag, et de diuersis regionibus siue nationibus. Cap. 21.

[Sidenote: Iagag flumen 12. dietis à Volga Pascatir terra, vel Bascardorum terra vel Zibiet] Postquam iueramus duodecim diebus ab Etilia inuenimus magnum flumen, quod vocant Iagag: et venit ab Aquilone de terra Pascatir descendens in prædictum mare. Idioma Pascatir et Hungarorum idem est: et sunt pastores sine ciuitate aliqua. Et contiguatur maiori Bulgariæ ab Occidente. Ab illa terra versus Orientem in latere illo Aquilonari non est amplius aliqua ciuitas. Vnde Bulgaria maior est vltima regio habens ciuitatem. [Sidenote: Hungaria Pascitir oriundi.] De illa regione Pascatir exierunt Huni, qui posteà dicti sunt Hungari. Vnde ipsa est maior Bulgaria. Et dicit Isidorus, quòd pernicibus equis claustra Alexandri rupibus Caucusi feras gentes cohibentia transierunt: ita quod vsque in Ægyptum soluebatur eis tributum. Destruxerunt etiam omnes terras vsque in Franciam. Vnde fuerunt maioris potentiæ, quàm sunt adhuc Tartari. Cum illis occurrerunt Blaci et Bulgari et Vandali. De illa enim maiori Bulgaria venerunt illi Bulgari: Et qui sunt vltra Danubum propè Constantinopolin, et iuxta Pascatir sunt Ilac, quod idem est quod Blac: [Sidenote: Nota.] sed B. nesciunt Tartari sonare: à quibus venerunt illl qui sunt in terra Assani. Vtrosque enim vocant Ilac, et hos et illos lingua Rutenorum et Polonorum et Boemorum. Sclauorum est idem idioma cum lingua Vandalorum, quorum omnium manus fuit cum Hunis: et nunc pro maiori parte est cum Tartaris quos Deus suscitant à remotioribus partibus, populum multum, et gentem stultam secundùm quod dicit Dominus, Prouocabo eos, id est, non custodientes Legem suam, in eo qui non est populus, et in gente stulta irritabo eos. [Sidenote: Deut 32. 21.] Hoc completur ad literam super omnes nationes non custodientes Legem Dei. Hoc quod dixi de terra Pascatir scio per fratres Prædicatores, [Marginal note: Qui fuerunt isti fratres?] qui iuerunt illuc ante aduentum Tartarorum. Et ex tunc erant ipsi subiugati à vicinas Bulgaris Saracenis, et plures eorum facti Saracenii. Alia possunt sciri per Chronica: quia constat quod illæ prouinciæ post Constantinopolum, quæ modo dicuntur Bulgaria, Valachia, Sclauonia, fuerunt prouinciæ Græcorum. Hungaria fuit Pannonia. [Sidenote: Cangle planicies ingens.] Equitatuimus ergo per terram Cangle à festo Sanctæ crucis vsque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum, quolibet die ferè quantum est à Parisijs vsque Aurelianum, secundùm quod possum estimare, et plus aliquando: secundum quod habebamus copiam equorum. Aliquando enim mutabamus bis in die vel ter equos. Aliquando ibamus duobus diebus vel tribus, quibus non inueniebamus populum, et oportebat leuius ire. De viginti vel triginta equis nos semper hauebamus peiores, quia extranei eramus. Omnes enim accipiebant ante nos equos meliores. Mihi semper prouidebant de forti equo, quia eram ponderosus valdè: sed vtrum suauiter ambularet vel non, de hoc non auderem facere quæstionem. Nec etiam audebam conqueri, si durè portaret. Sed fortunam suam oportebat vnumquemque sustinere. Vnde oriebatur nobis difficilimus labor: quia multoties fatigabantur equi, antequam possemus peruenire ad populum. Et tunc oportebat nos percutere et flagellare equos, ponere etiam vestes super alios saginarios, mutare equos saginarios; aliquando nos duos ire in vno equo.

The same in English.

Of the the riuer of Iagac [Marginal note: Or, Iaic.]: and of diuers regions or nations. Chap. 23.

[Sidenote: Iaic twelue dayes iourney from Volga. Pascatir.] Hauing traueiled twelue dayes iourney from Etilia, wee fonnd a mightie riuer called Iagac: which riuer issuing out of the North, from the land of Pascatir, descendeth into the foresaid sea. The language of Pascatir, and of the Hungarians is all one, and they are all of them shepheards, not hauing any cities. And their countrey bordereth vpon Bulgaria the greater, on the West frontier thereof. From the Northeast part of the said countrey, there is no citie at all. For Bulgaria the greater is the farthest countrey that way, that hath any citie therein. [Sidenote: The Hungarians descended from the Bascirdes.] Out of the forenamed region of Pascatir, proceeded the Hunnes of olde time, who afterwarde were called Hungarians. Next vnto it is Bulgaria the greater. Isidore reporteth concerning the people of this nation, that with swift horses they trauersed the impregnable walles and bounds of Alexander, (which, together with the rocks of Caucasus, serued to restraine those barbarous and blood-thirstie people from inuading the regions of the South) insomuch that they had tribute paid vnto them, as farre as Ægypt. Likewise they wasted all countreis euen vnto France. Whereupon they were more mightie than the Tartars as yet are. [Sidenote: Valachians.] And vnto them the Blacians, the Bulgarians, and the Vandals ioyned themselues. For out of Bulgaria the greater, came those Bulgarians. Moreouer, they which inhabit beyond Danubius, neere vnto Constantinople, and not farre from Pascatir, are called Ilac, which (sauing the pronunciation) is al one with Blac, (for the Tartars cannot pronounce the letter B) from whom also descended the people which inhabit the land of Assani. For they are both of them called Ilac (both these, and the other) in the languages of the Russians, the Polonians, and the Bohemians. The Sclauonians speake all one language with the Vandals, all which banded themselues with the Hunnes: and now for the most part, they vnite themselues vnto the Tartars: whom God hath raised vp from the vtmost panes of the earth, according to that which the Lord saith: [Sidenote: Deut. 32. v. 21. Rom. 10. v. 19.] I will prouoke them to enuy (namely such as keepe not his Law) by a people, which is no people, and by a foolish nation will I anger them. This prophecie is fulfilled, according to the literal sense thereof, vpon all nations which obserue not the Law of God. All this which I haue written concerning the land of Pascatir, was told me by certaine Friers prædicants, which trauailed thither before euer the Tartars came abroad. And from that time they were subdued vnto their neighbors the Bulgarians being Saracens, whereupon many of them proued Saracens also. Other matters concerning this people, may be known out of Chronicles. For it is manifest, that those prouinces beyond Constantinople, which are now called Bulgaria, Valachia, and Sclauonia, were of old time prouinces belonging to the Greekes. Also Hungaria was heretofore called Pannonia. [Sidenote: Cangle an huge plaine countrey.] And wee were riding ouer the land of Cangle, from the feast of Holy roode, vntill the feast of All Saints: traueiling almost euery day (according to mine estimation) as farre, as from Paris to Orleans, and sometimes farther, as we were prouided of poste horses: for some dayes we had change of horses twise or thrise in a day. Sometimes we trauailed two or three daies together, not finding any people, and then we were constrained not to ride so fast Of 20. or 30. horses we had alwayes the woorst, because wee were strangers. For euery one tooke their choice of the best horses before vs. They prouided mee alwaies of a strong horse, because I was very corpulent and heauy: but whether he ambled a gentle pase or no, I durst not make any question. Neither yet durst I complaine, although he trotted full sore. But euery man must be contented with his lot as it fell. Whereupon wee were exceedingly troubled: for oftentimes our horses were tired before we could come at any people. And then wee were constrained to beate and whip on our horses, and to lay our garments vpon other emptie horses: yea and sometimes two of vs to ride vpon one horse.

De fame et siti, et alijs miserijs quas sustinuerant in itinere. Cap. 24.

De fame et siti, frigore et fatigatione non est numerus. Non enim dant cibum nisi in sero. In mane dant aliquid bibere, vel sorbere milium. In sero dabant nobis carnes, scapulam arietis cum costis et de brodio ad mensuram bibere. Quando habebamus de brodio carnium ad satietatem optimè reficiebamur. Et videbatur mihi suauissimus potus et maximè nutriens. Feria sexta permanebam ieiunus vsque ad noctem, nihil auriens. Tunc oportebat me in tristitia et dolore comedere carnes. [Sidenote: Defectus materiæ ignis.] Aliquando oportebat nos comedere carnes semicoctas vel ferè crudas propter defectum materiæ ignis quando iacebamus in campis et de nocte descendebamus: quia tunc non poteramus benè colligere stercora equorum vel boum: aliam materiam ignis rarò inueniebamus; nisi fortè alicubi aliquas spinas. In ripis etiam aliquorum fluminum sunt alicubi syluæ. Sed hoc rarò. [Sidenote: Aliqua flumina.] In principio despiciebat nos multùm Ductor noster, et fastidiebat eum ducere tam viles homines. Postea tamen quando incepit nos melius cognoscere, ducebat nos per curias diuitum Moallorum: et oportebat nos orare pro ipsis. Vnde si habuissem bonum interpretem, habebam oportunitatem seminandi multa bona. [Sidenote: Vasta solitudo.] Ille Chirigis primus Cham habuit quatuor filios, de quibus egressi sunt multi, qui omnes habent modo magnas curias: et quotidiè multiplicantur et diffunduntur per illam Vastam solitudinem, quæ est sicut mare. Per multos ergò illorum ducebat nos Ductor noster. Et mirabantur supra modum, quia nolebamus recipere aurum, vel argentum, vel vestes præciosas. Quærebant etiam de magno Papa, si esset ita senex sicut audierant: audierant enim quod esset quingentorum annorum. Quærebant de terris nostris si ibi essent multæ oues, et boues, et equi. De Oceano mari non potuerunt intelligere, quod esset sine termnino vel sine ripa. In vigilia omnium Sanctorum dimisimus viam in Orientem, [Marginal note: Nota diligenter. Iter versus mieridiem octo dierum.] quia iam populus descenderat multum versus meridiem: Et direximus iter per quasdam Alpes rectè in meridiem continuè per octo dies. In illa solitudine vidi multos asinos, quos vocant Colan, qui magis assimilantur mulis: quos multum prosequuti [Footnote: sic.] sunt Dux noster et socij eius, sed nihil profecerunt propter nimiam velocitatem eorum. Septima die inceperunt nobis apparere ad meridiem montes altissimi: et intrauimus planiciem, quæ irrigabatur sicut hortus, et inuenimus terras cultas. [Sidenote: Asuni velocissimi. Montes Altissimi. Terræ cultæ. Kenchat villa Saracenorum.] In octauis omnium Sanctorum intrauimus villam quandam Saracenorum nomine Kenchat: cuius capitaneus occurrebat extra villam duci nostro cum ceruisia et ciphis. Hic est enim mos eorum; quod de omnibus villis subditis eis, occurratur nuncijs Baatu, et Mangu cham cum cibo et potu. Tunc temporis ibant ibi super glaciem. [Sidenote: Septimo die Nouembris ibant super glaciem.] Et prius à festo Sancti Michaelis habueramus gelu in solitudine. Quæsiui de nomine Prouinciæ illius: sed quia iam eramus in alio territorio nescierunt mihi dicere, nisi à nomine ciuitatis, quæ erat valdè parua. [Sidenote: Ciuitas valdè parua. Magnus Fluuius. Multæ Paludes. Vites.] Et descendebat magnus fluuius de montibus qui irrigabat totam regionem, secundùm quod volebant aquam ducere: nec descendebat in aliquod mare, sed absorbebatur à terra: et faciebat etiam multas paludes. Ibi vidi vites, et bibi bis de vino.

The same in English.

Of the hunger, and thirst, and other miseries, which wee sustained in our iourney. Chap. 24.

Of hunger and thirst, colde and wearinesse, there was no end. For they gaue vs no victuals, but onely in the euening. In the morning they vsed to giue vs a little drinke, or some sodden Millet to sup off. In the euening they bestowed flesh vpon vs, as namely, a shoulder and breast of rams mutton, and euery man a measured quantitie of broath to drinke. When we had sufficient of the flesh-broath, we were maruellously wel refreshed. And it seemed to me most pleasant, and most nourishing drinke. Euery Saterday [Footnote: Friday (?).], I remained fasting vntil night, without eating or drinking of ought. And when night came, I was constrained, to my great grief and sorow, to eat flesh. Sometimes we were faine to eate flesh halfe sodden, or almost rawe, and all for want of fewel to seethe it withal: especially when we lay in the fields, or were benighted before we came at our iourneis end: because we could not then conueniently gather together the doung of horses or oxen: for other fewel we found but seldome, except perhaps a few thornes in some places. [Sidenote: Certaine riuers.] Likewise vpon the bankes of some riuers, there are woods growing here and there. Howbeit they are very rare. In the beginning our guide highly disdained vs, and it was tedious vnto him to conduct such base fellowes. Afterward, when he began to know vs somewhat better, he directed vs on our way by the courts of rich Moals, and we were requested to pray for them. Wherefore, had I caried a good interpreter with me, I should haue had opportunities to haue done much good. The foresaid Chingis, who was the first great Can or Emperour of the Tartars, had foure sonnes, of whome proceeded by natural descent many children, euery one of which doeth at this day enioy great possessions: and they are daily multiplied and dispersed ouer that huge and waste desert, which is, in dimensions, like vnto the Ocean Sea. Our guide therefore directed vs, as we were going on our iourney, vnto many of their habitations. And they marueiled exceedingly, that we would receiue neither gold, nor siluer, nor precious and costly garments at their hands. They inquired also, concerning the great Pope, whether he was of so lasting an age as they had heard? For there had gone a report among them, that he was 500 yeeres olde. They inquired likewise of our countreis, whether there were abundance of sheep, oxen, and horses or no? Concerning the Ocean sea, they could not conceiue of it, because it was without limits or banks. Vpon the euen of the feast of All Saints, we forsook the way leading towards the East, (because the people were now descended very much South) and we went on our iourney by certaine Alpes, or mountaines directly Southward, for the space of 8. dayes together. [Sidenote: Eight dayes iourney southward. Asses swift of foote.] In the foresaid desert I saw many asses (which they cal Colan) being rather like vnto mules: these did our guide and his companions chase very eagerly: howbeit, they did but lose their labour: for the beastes were too swift for them. [Sidenote: High mountaines. Manured grounds.] Vpon the 7. day there appeared to the South of vs huge high mountaines, and we entred into a place which was well watered, and fresh as a garden, and found land tilled and manured. [Sidenote: Kenchat a village of the Saracens.] The eight day after the feast of All Saints, we arriued at a certain towne of the Saracens, named Kenchat, the gouernour whereof met our guide at the townes end with ale and cups. For it is their maner at all townes and villages, subiect vnto them, to meet the messengers of Baatu and Mangu Can with meate and drinke. At the same time of the yere, they went vpon the yce in that countrey. And before the feast of S. Michael [Sidenote: The 7. day of Nouember.], we had frost in the desert. I enquired the name of that prouince but being now in a strange territorie, they could not tell mee the name thereof, but onely the name of a very smal citie in the same prouince. [Sidenote: A great riuer.] And there descended a great riuer [Footnote: The Terek is probably alluded to.] downe from the mountaines, which watered the whole region, according as the inhabitants would giue it passage, by making diuers chanels and sluces: neither did this riuer exonerate it selfe into any sea, but was swallowed vp by an hideous gulfe into the bowels of the earth: [Sidenote: Many lakes. Vines.] and it caused many fennes or lakes. Also I saw many vines, and dranke of the wine thereof.

De interfectione Ban et habitatione Teutonicorum. Cap. 25.

[Sidenote: Casale Montes Caucasi contiguantur mari Orientali Talas, vel Chincitalas ciuitas. Frater Andreas.] Sequenti die venimus ad aliud casale propinquius montibus. Et quæsiui de montibus, de quibus intellexi, quòd essent montes Caucasi: qui contiguantur ex vtraque parte maris ab Occidente vsque ad Orientem: et quod transiueramus mare supradictum, quod intrat Etilia. Quæsiui etiam de Talas ciuitate, in qua erant Teutonici serui Buri, de quibus dixerat frater Andreas, de quibus etiam quæsiueram multum in curia Sartach et Baatu. Sed nihil poteram intelligere, nisi quod Ban dominus eorum fuerat interfectus tali occasione. Ipse non erat in bonis pascuis. Et quadam die dum esset ebrius, loquebatur ita cum hominibus suis. Nonne sum de genere Chingis can sicut Baatus (Et ipse erat nepos Baatu vel frater) quare non vadam super ripam Etiliæ, sicut Baatu, vt pascam ibi? Quæ verba relata fuerunt Baatu. Tunc ispse Baatu scripsit hominibus illius, vt adducerent ei dominum ipsorum vinctum quod et fecerunt. [Sidenote: Casale.] Tunc Baatu quæsiuit ab eo si dixisset tale verbum: et ipse confessus est, tamen excusauit se, quia ebrius erat: (quia solent condonare ebrijs:) et Baatu respondit: Quomodo audebas me nominare in ebrietate tua? Et fecit ei amputari caput. De illis Teutonicis nihil potui cognoscere vsque ad curiam Mangu. Sed in supradicto casali intellexi, quod Talas erat post nos iuxta montes per sex dietas. [Sidenote: Bolac villa. Aurifodinæ.] Quando veni ad curiam Mangu cham, intellexi quod ipse Mangu transtulerat eos de licentia Baatu versus Orientem spacio itineris vnius mensis à Talas ad quandam villam quæ dicitur Bolac: vbi fodiunt auram, et fabricant arma, Vnde non potui ire nec redire per eos. Transiui eundo satis prope, per tres dietas fortè ciuitatem illam: sed ego ignoraui: nec potuissem etiam declinasse extra viam, si benè sciuissem. [Sidenote: Intrat ditionem Mangu cham.] A prædictos casali iuimus ad Orientem iuxta montes prædictos: et tunc intrauimus inter homines Mangu cham, qui vbique cantabant et plaudebant coram ductore nostro: quia ipse erat nuncius Baatu. Hunc enim honorem exhibent sibi mutuo, vt homines Mangu cham recipiant nuncios Baatu prædicto modo: Et similiter homines Baatu nuncios Mangu. Tamen homines Baatu superiores sunt, nec exequuntur ita diligenter. [Sidenote: Alpes in quibus habitabant Caracatay. Magnus fluuius.] Paucis diebus post hoc intrauimus Alpes, in quibus solebant habitare Caracatay: et inuenimus ibi magnum fluuium, [Footnote: The River Roup.] quem oportuit nos transire nauigio. Post hæc intrauimus quandam vallem, vbi vidi castrum quoddam destructum, cuius muri non erant nisi de luto, et terra colebatur ibi. [Sidenote: Terra culta. Equius villa boua, longissimè à Perside.] Et pòst inuenimus quandam bonam villam quæ dicitur Equius, in qua erant Saraceni loquentes Persicum: longissimè tamen erant à Perside. [Sidenote: Lacus quindecem dietarum circuitu.] Sequenti die transgressis illis Alpibus quæ descendebant à magnis montibus ad meridiem, ingressi sumus pulcherrimam planiciem habentem montes altos à dextris, et quoddam mare à sinistris, siue quendam lacum qui durat quindecem dietas in circuitu. Et illa planicies, tota irrigabatur ad libitum aquis descendentibus de montibus, quæ omnes recipiuntur in illud mare. In æstate rediuimus ad latus Aquilonare illius maris, vbi similiter erant magni montes. In planicie prædicta solebant esse multæ villæ: sed pro maiori parte omnes erant destructæ, vt pascerent ibi Tartari: quia optima pascua erant ibi. [Sidenote: Cailac magna villa et plena mercatoribus.] Vnam magnam villam inuenimus ibi nomini Cailac, in qua erat forum, et frequentabant eam multi mercatores. In illa quieuimus quindecem diebus, expectantes quendam scriptorem Baatu, qui debebat esse socius ducis nostri in negotijs expediendis in curia Mangu. [Sidenote: Contomanni.] Terra illa solebat dici Organum: et solebant habere proprium idioma, et propriam literam: Sed hæc tota erat occupata à Contomannis. Etiam in literatura illa et idiomate solebant facere Nestorini de partibus illis. Dicuntur Organa, quia solebant esse optimi Organistæ vel Citharistæ, vt dicebatur mihi. Ibi primo vidi Idolatrias, de quibus noueritis, quod sunt multæ sectæ in Oriente.

The same in English.

How Ban was put to death: and concerning the habitation of the Dutch men.
Chap. 25.

[Sidenote: A cottage. The mountains of Caucasus are extended vnto the Easterne Sea.] The day following, we came vnto another cottage neere vnto the mountains. And I enquired what mountains they were, which I vnderstood to be the mountains of Caucasus, which are stretched forth, and continued on both parts to the sea, from the West vnto the East: and on the East part they are conioyned vnto the foresaid Caspian sea, whereinto the riuer of Volga dischargeth his streams. I enquired also of the city of [Sidenote: The citie of Talas or Chincitalas. Friar Andrew.] Talas, wherein were certaine Dutchmen seruants vnto one Buri, of whom Frier Andrew made mention. Concerning whom also I enquired very diligently in the courts of Sartach and Baatu. Howbeit I could haue no intelligence of them, but onely that their lord and master Ban was put to death vpon the occasion following: This Ban was not placed in good and fertile pastures. And vpon a certain day being drunken, he spake on this wise vnto his men. Am not I of the stocke and kinred of Chingis Can, as well as Baatu? (for in very deede he was brother or nephew vnto Baatu). Why then doe I not passe and repasse vpon the banke of Etilia, to feed my cattel there, as freely as Baatu himselfe doeth? Which speeches of his were reported vnto Baatu. Whereupon Baatu wrote vnto his seruants to bring their Lorde bound vnto him. And they did so. Then Baatu demanded of him whether he had spoken any such words? And hee confessed that he had. Howbeit, (because it is the Tartars maner to pardon drunken men) he excused himselfe that he was drunken at the same time. Howe durst thou (quoth Baatu) once name mee in thy drunkennesse? And with that hee caused his head to be chopt off. Concerning the foresaid Dutchmen, I could not vnderstand ought, till I was come vnto the court of Mangu-Can. [Sidenote: The village of Bolac.] And there I was informed that Mangu-Can had remoued them out of the iurisdiction of Baatu, for the space of a moneths iourney from Talas Eastward, vnto a certaine village, called Bolac: where they are set to dig gold, and to make armour. Whereupon I could neither goe nor come by them. I passed very neere the saide citie in going forth, as namely, within three dayes iourney thereof: but I was ignorant that I did so: neither could I haue turned out of my way, albeit I had knowen so much. From the foresaide cottage we went directly Eastward, by the mountaines aforesaid. [Sidenote: He entreth into the territories of Mangu Can.] And from that time we trauailed among the people of Mangu-Can, who in all places sang and daunced before our guide, because hee was the messenger of Baatu. For this curtesie they doe affoord eche to other: namely the people of Mangu-Can receiuing the messengers of Baatu, in maner aforesaide: and so likewise the people of Baatu intertaining the messengers of Mangu-Can. Notwithstanding the people of Baatu are more surlie and stoute, and shewe not so much curtesie vnto the subiectes of Mangu-Can, as they doe vnto them. [Sidenote: Certain Alpes wherein the Cara Catayans inhabited. A mighty riuer.] A fewe dayes after, wee entered vpon those Alpes where the Cara Catayans were woont to inhabite. And there wee found a mightie riuer: insomuch that we were constrained to embarke our selues, and to saile ouer it. Afterward we came into a certaine valley, where I saw a castle destroyed, the walles whereof were onely of mudde: and in that place the ground was tilled also. [Sidenote: Ground tilled. Equius.] And there wee founde a certaine village, named Equius, wherein were Saracens, speaking the Persian language: howbeit they dwelt an huge distance from Persia. [Sidenote: A lake of fifteene dayes iourney in compasse.] The day following, hauing passed ouer the foresaide Alpes which descended from the great mountains Southward, we entered into a most beautiful plaine, hauing high mountaines on our right hande, and on the left hande of vs a certaine Sea or lake, [Footnote: Lake Erivan.] which containeth fifteene dayes iourney in circuite. All the foresayde plaine is most commodiously watered with certaine freshets distilling from the said mountaines, all which do fall into the lake. In Sommer time wee returned by the North shore of the saide lake, and there were great mountaines on that side also. Vpon the forenamed plaine there were wont to be great store of villages: but for the most part they were all wasted, in regarde of the fertile pastures, that the Tartars might feede their cattel there. [Sidenote: Cailac a great city, and full of merchants.] Wee found one great citie there named Cailac, wherein was a mart, and great store of Merchants frequenting it. In this citie wee remained fifteene dayes, staying for a certaine Scribe or Secretarie of Baatu, who ought to haue accompanied our guide for a despatching of certaine affaires in the court of Mangu. All this countrey was wont to be called Organum: and the people thereof had their proper language, and their peculiar kinde of writing. [Sidenote: Contomanni.] But it was altogether inhabited of the people called Contomanni. The Nestorians likewise in those parts vsed the very same kinde of language and writing. They are called Organa, because they were wont to be most skilfull in playing vpon the Organes or citherne, as it was reported vnto me. Here first did I see worshippers of idoles, concerning whom, bee it knowen vnto your maiestie, that there be many sects of them in the East countries.

Quod Nestorini et Saraceni sunt mixti et Idolatræ. Cap. 26.

[Sidenote: Iugures populi, Idolatræ.] Primi sunt Iugures, quorum terra contiguatur cum terra prædicta Organum inter montes illos versus Orientem: Et in omnibus ciuitatibus eorum sunt mixti Nestorini et Saraceni. Et ipsi etiam sunt diffusi versus Persidem in ciuitatibus Saracenorum. [Sidenote: Cailac.] In prædicta ciuitate Cailac habebant etiam ipsi tres Idolatrias, quarum duas intraui, vt viderem stultitias eorum. In prima inueni quendam, qui habebat cruciculam de atramento super manum suam. Vnde credidi quod esset Christianus: quia ad omnia quæ querebam ab eo, respondebat vt Christianus. Vnde quæsiui ab eo: Quare ergo non habetis crucem et imaginem Iesu Christi? Et ipse respondit, non habemus consuetudinem. Vnde ego credidi quod essent Christiani: sed ex defectu doctrinæ omitterent. Videbam enim ibi post quandam cistam, quæ erat eis loco altaris, super quam ponunt lucernas et oblationes, quandam imaginationem habentem alas quasi Sancti Michaelis: et alias quasi ipsorum tenentes digitos sicut ad benedieendum. Illo sero non potui aliud inuenire. Quia Saraceni in tantum inuitant eos, quod nec etiam volunt loqui inde eis. Vnde quando quærebam à Saracenis de ritu talium, ipsi scandalizabantur. In crastino fuerunt kalendæ et pascha Saracenoram et mutaui hospitium: ita quod fui hospitatus prope aliam Idolatriam. Homines enim colligunt nuncios, quilibet secundum posse suum vel portionem suam. Tunc intrans Idolatriam prædictam inueni sacerdotes Idolorum. In kalendis enim aperiunt templa sua, et ornant se sacerdotes, et offerunt populi oblationes de pane et fructibus. [Sidenote: Iugures secta diuisa ab alijs Idolatris.] Primò ergo describo vobis ritus communes omnes Idolatrarum: et postea istorum Iugurum; qui sunt quasi secta diuisa ab alijs. Omnes adorant ad Aquilonem complosis manibus: et prosternentes se genibus flexis ad terram, ponentes frontem super manus. Vnde Nestorini in partibus illis nullo modo iungunt manus orando: sed orant extensis palmis ante pectus. Porrigunt templa sua ab Oriente in Occidentem: et in latere Aquilonari faciunt cameram vnam quasi eorum exeuntem: vel aliter, Si est domus quadrati, in medio domus ad latus aquilonare intercludunt vnam cameram in loco chori. Ibi ergo collocant vnam arcam longam et latam sicut mensam vnam. [Sidenote: Fuit apud Caracarum frater Wilhelmus.] Et post illam arcam contra meridiem collocant principale idolum: quod ego vidi apud Caracarum, ita magnum sicut pingitur Sanctus Christopherus. Et dixit mihi quidam sacerdos Nestorinus, qui venerat ex Cataya, quod in terra illa est Idolum ita magnum, quod potest videri a duabus dietis. Et collocant alia idola in circuitu, omnia pulcherrime deaurata: Super cistam illam, quæ est quasi mensa vna, ponunt lucernas et oblationes. Omnes portæ templorum sunt apertæ ad meridiem contrario modo Saracenis. Item habent campanas magnas sicut nos. Ideo credo quod orientales Christiani noluerunt habere eas. Ruteni tamen habent et Græci in Gasaria.

The same in English.

How the Nestorians, Saracens, and Idolaters are ioyned together. Chap. 26.

[Sidenote: The people called Iugures idolaters.] The first sort of these idolaters are called Iugures: whose land bordereth vpon the foresaid land of Organum, within the said mountains Eastward: and in al their cities Nestorians do inhabit together, and they are dispersed likewise towards Persia in the cities of the Saracens. The citizens of the foresaid city of Cailac had 3. idole-Temples: and I entred into two of them, to beholde their foolish superstitions. In the first of which I found a man hauing a crosse painted with ink vpon his hand, whereupon I supposed him to be a Christian: for he answered like a Christian vnto al questions which I demanded of him. And I asked him, Why therefore haue you not the crosse with the image of Iesu Christ thereupon? And he answered: We haue no such custome. Whereupon I coniectured that they were indeede Christians: but, that for lacke of instruction they omitted the foresaide ceremonie. For I saw there behind a certaine chest (which was vnto them in steed of an altar, whereupon they set candles and oblations) an image hauing wings like vnto the image of Saint Michael, and other images also, holding their fingers, as if they would blesse some body. That euening I could not find any thing els. For the Saracens doe onely inuite men thither, but they will not haue them speake of their religion. And therfore, when I enquired of the Saracens concerning such ceremonies, they were offended thereat. On the morrow after were the Kalends, and the Saracens feast of Passeouer. And changing mine Inne or lodging the same day, I tooke vp mine abode neere vnto another idole-Temple. For the citizens of the said citie of Cailac doe curteously inuite, and louingly intertaine all messengers, euery man of them according to his abilitie and portion. And entring into the foresaid idole-Temple, I found the Priests of the said idoles there. For alwayes at the Kalends they set open their Temples, and the priests adorne themselues, and offer vp the peoples oblations of bread and fruits. First therefore I will describe vnto you those rites and ceremonies, which are common vnto all their idole-Temples: and then the superstitions of the foresaid Iugures, which be, as it were, a sect distinguished from the rest They doe all of them worship towards the North, clapping their hands together, and prostrating themselues on their knees vpon the earth, holding also their foreheads in their hands. Wherupon the Nestorians of those parts will in no case ioyne their hands together in time of prayer: but they pray, displaying their hands before their breasts. They extend their Temples in length East and West: and vpon the North side they build a chamber, in maner of a Vestry for themselues to goe forth into. Or sometimes it is otherwise. If it be a foure square Temple, in the midst of the Temple towards the North side therof, they take in one chamber in that place where the quire should stand. And within the said chamber they place a chest long and broad like vnto a table: and behinde the saide chest towardes the South stands their principall idole: which I sawe at Caracaram, and it was as bigge as the idole of Saint Christopher. [Sidenote: Frier William was at Caracarum.] Also a certaine Nestorian priest, which had bin in Catay, saide that in that countrey there is an idole of so huge a bignes, that it may be seen two daies iourney before a man come at it. And so they place other idoles round about the foresaid principal idole, being all of them finely gilt ouer with pure golde: and vpon the saide chest, which is in manner of a table, they set candles and oblations. The doores of their Temples are alwayes opened towards the South, contrary to the custome of the Saracens. They haue also great belles like vnto vs. And that is the cause (as I thinke) why the Christians of the East will in no case vse great belles. Notwithstanding they are common among the Russians, and Græcians of Gasaria.

De templis eorum et idolis, et qualiter se habent in officio deorum suorum.
Cap. 27.

Omnes sacerdotes eorum rasum habent totum caput et barbam; sunt vestiti de croceo, et seruant castitatem, ex quo radunt caput: et viuunt pariter centum vel ducenti in vna congregatione. Diebus quibus intrant templum, ponunt duo scamna, et sedent è regione chorus contra chorum habentes libros in manibus, quos aliquando deponunt super illa scamna: et habent capita discooperta quandiu insunt in templo, legentes in silencio, et tenentes silencium. Vnde cum ingressus fuissem apud Oratorium quoddam eorum, et inuenissem eos ita sedentes, multis modis tentaui eos prouocare ad verba, et nullo modo potui. Habent etiam quocunque vadunt quendam restem centum vel ducentorum nucleorum, sicut nos portamus pater noster: Et dicunt semper hæc verba: Ou mam Hactani: hoc est, Deus tu nosti; secundum quod quidem eorum interpretatus est mihi. Et toties expectant remunerationem à Deo, quoties hoc dicendo memoratur Dei. Circa templum suum semper faciunt pulchrum atrium, quod bene includunt muro: et ad meridiem faciunt portam magnam, in qua sedent ad colloquendum. Et super illam portam erigunt perticam longam, quæ emineat si possint, super totam villam. Et per illam perticam potest cognosci, quod domus illa sit templum Idolorum. Ista communia sunt omnibus Idolatris. Quando ergo ingressus fui prædictam Idolatriam, inueni sacerdotes sedentes sub porta exteriori. Illi quos vidi, videbantur mihi fratres Franci esse rasis barbis. [Sidenote: Tyaræ cartaceæ.] Tyaras habebant in capitibus cartaceas. Istorum Iugurum sacerdotes habent talem habitum quocunque vadunt: semper sunt in tunicis croceis satis strictis accincti desuper recte sicut Franci: et habent pallium super humerum sinistrum descendens inuolutum per pectus et dorsum ad latus dextrum sicut diaconus portans casulam in quadragesima. Istorum literas acceperunt Tartari. [Sidenote: Chinenses ita etiam scribunt.] Ipsi incipiunt scribere sursum, et ducunt lineam deorsum, et, eodem modo ipsi legunt et multiplicant lineas a sinistra ad dextram. [Sidenote: Sortilegi.] Isti multum vtuntur cartis et caracteribus pro sortilegio. Vnde templa sua plena sunt breuibus suspensis. Et Mangu-cham mittit vobis literas in idiomate Moal et literatura eorum. [Sidenote: Combustio mortuorum.] Isti comburunt mortuos suos secundum antiquum modum, et recondunt puluerem in summitate pyramidis. Cum ergo sedissem iuxta prædictos sacerdotes postquam ingressus fueram templum et vidissem idola eorum multa magna et parua: quæsiui ab eis quid ipsi crederent de Deo. Qui responderunt, Non credimus nisi vnum Deum. Et ego quæsiui: Creditis quod ipse sit spiritus vel aliquid corporale? Dixerunt, credimus quod sit spiritus. Et ego: Creditis quod nunquam sumpserit humanam naturam: Dixerunt, minime. Tunc ego: ex quo creditis, quod non sit nisi vnus spiritus, quare facitis ei imagines corporales et tot insuper? Ex quo non creditis quod factus sit homo, quare facitis ei magis imagines hominum, quàm alterius animalis? Tunc responderunt, Nos non figuramus istas imagines Deo. Sed quando aliquis diues moritur ex nostris, vel filius, vel vxor, vel aliquis charus eius facit fieri imaginem defuncti, et ponit eam hic: et nos veneramur eam ad memoriam eius. Quibus ego, Tunc ergo non facitis ista nisi propter adulationem hominum. Immo dixerunt ad memoriam. Tunc quæsiuerunt à me quasi deridendo: vbi est Deus? Quibus ego, Vbi est anima vestra? Dixerunt, in corpore nostro. Quibus ego, Nonne est vbique in corpore tuo et totum regit, et tamen non videtur? Ita Deus vbique est, et omnia gubernat, inuisibilis tamen, quia intellectus et sapientia est. Tunc cum vellem plura ratiocinari cum illis, interpres meus fatigatus non valens verba exprimere, fecit me tacere. Istorum sectæ sunt Moal siue Tartari, quantum ad hoc, quod ipsi non credunt nisi vnum Deum: tamen faciunt de filtro imagines defunctorum suorum, et induunt eas quinque pannis preciosissimis, et ponunt in vna biga vel duabus, et illas bigas nullus audet tangere: et sunt sub custodia diuinatorum suorum, qui sunt eorum sacerdotes, de quibus postea narrabo vobis. Isti diuinatores semper sunt ante curiam ipsius Mangu et aliorum diuitum: pauperes enim non habent eos; nisi illi qui sunt de genere Chingis. Et cum debent bigare, ipsi præcedunt, sicut columna nubis filios Isræl, et ipsi considerant locum metandi castra, et post deponunt domos suas; et post eos tota curia. Et tunc cum sit dies festus siue kalendæ ipsi extrahunt prædictas imagines et ponunt eas ordinate per circuitum in domo sua. Tunc veniunt Moal et ingrediuntur domum illam, et inclinant se imaginibus illis et venerantur illas. Et illam domum nemini ingredi extraneo licet: Quadam enim vice volui ingredi et multum dure increpatus fui.

The same in English.

Of their Temples and idoles: and howe they behaue themselues in worshipping their false gods. Chap. 27.

All their Priests had their heads and beards shauen quite ouer: and they are clad in saffron coloured garments: and being once shauen, they lead an vnmaried life from that time forward: and they liue an hundreth or two hundreth of them together in one cloister or couent. Vpon those dayes when they enter into their temples, they place two long foormes therein: [Sidenote: Bookes.] and so sitting vpon the sayd foormes like singing men in a quier, namely the one halfe of them directly ouer against the other, they haue certaine books in their hands, which sometimes they lay downe by them vpon the foormes: and their heads are bare so long as they remaine in the temple. And there they reade softly vnto themselues, not vttering any voice at all. Whereupon comming in amongst them, at the time of their superstitious deuotions, and finding them all siting mute in maner aforesayde, I attempted diuers waies to prouoke them vnto speach, and yet could not by any means possible. They haue with them also whithersoeuer they goe, a certaine string with an hundreth or two hundreth nutshels thereupon, much like to our bead-roule which we cary about with vs. And they doe alwayes vtter these words: Ou mam Hactani , God thou knowest: as one of them expounded it vnto me. And so often doe they expect a reward at Gods hands, as they pronounce these words in remembrance of God. Round about their temple they doe alwayes make a faire court, like vnto a churchyard, which they enuiron with a good wall: and vpon the South part thereof they build a great portal, wherein they sit and conferre together. And vpon the top of the said portall they pitch a long pole right vp, exalting it, if they can, aboue all the whole towne besides. And by the same pole all men may knowe, that there stands the temple of their idoles. These rites and ceremonies aforesayd be common vnto all idolaters in those parts. Going vpon a time towards the foresayd idole-temple, I found certain priests sitting in the outward portal. And those which I sawe, seemed vnto me, by their shauen beards, as if they had bene French men. They wore certaine ornaments vpon their heads made of paper. The priestes of the foresaide Iugures doe vse such attire whithersoeuer they goe. They are alwaies in their saffron coloured iackets, which be very straight being laced or buttened from the bosome right downe, after the French fashion. And they haue a cloake vpon their left shoulder descending before and behind vnder the right arme, like vnto a deacon carying the housselboxe in time of lent. Their letters or kind of writing the Tartars did receiue. [Sidenote: Paper. So do the people of China vse to write, drawing their lines perpendicularly downward, and not as we doe from the right hand to the lefte.] They begin to write at the top of their paper drawing their lines right downe: and so they reade and multiply their lines from the left hand to the right. They doe vse certaine papers and characters in their magical practices. Whereupon their temples are full of such short scroules hanged round about them. Also Mangu-Can hath sent letters vnto your Maiestie written in the language of the Moals or Tartars, and in the foresayd hand or letter of the Iugures. They burne their dead according to the auncient custome, and lay vp the ashes in the top of a Pyramis. Now, after I had sit a while by the foresaid priests, and entred into their temple and seene many of their images both great and small, I demanded of them what they beleeued concerning God? And they answered: We beleeue that there is onely one God. And I demaunded farther: Whether do you beleue that he is a spirit, or some bodily substance? They saide: We beleeue that he is a spirite. Then said I: Doe you beleeue that God euer tooke mans nature vpon him? They answered: Noe. And againe I said: Sithence ye beleeue that he is a spirit, to what end doe you make so many bodily images to represent him? Sithence also you beleeue not that hee was made man: why doe you resemble him rather vnto the image of a man then of any other creature? Then they answered saying: we frame not these images whereby to represent God. But when any rich man amongst vs, or his sonne, or his wife, or any of his friends deceaseth, hee causeth the image of the dead party to be made, and to be placed here: and we in remembrance of him doe reuerence thereunto. Then I replyed: you doe these things onely for the friendship and flatterie of men. Noe (said they) but for their memory. Then they demanded of me, as it were in scoffing wise: Where is God? To whom I answered: where is your soule? They said, in our bodies. Then saide I, is it not in euery part of your bodie, ruling and guiding the whole bodie, and yet notwithstanding is not seene or perceiued? Euen so God is euery where and ruleth all things, and yet is he inuisible, being vnderstanding and wisedome it selfe. Then being desirous to haue had some more conference with them, by reason that mine interpreter was weary, and not able to expresse my meaning, I was constrained to keepe silence. The Moals or Tartars are in this regard of their sect: namely they beleeue that there is but one God: howbeit they make images of felt, in remembrance of their deceased friends, couering them with fiue most rich and costly garments, and putting them into one or two carts, which carts no man dare once touch: and they are in the custody of their soothsayers, who are their priests, concerning whom I will giue your Highnesse more at large to vnderstand hereafter. These soothsayers or diuiners do alwaies attend vpon the court of Mangu and of other great personages. As for the poorer or meaner sorte, they haue them not, but such onely as are of the stocke and kindred of Chingis. And when they are to remoue or to take any iourney, the said diuiners goe before them, euen as the cloudie piller went before the children of Israel. And they appoint ground where the tents must be pitched, and first of al they take down their owne houses: and after them the whole court doth the like. Also vpon their festiual dates or kalends they take forth the foresayd images, and place them in order round, or circle wise within the house. Then come the Moals or Tartars, and enter into the same house, bowing themselues before the said images and worship them. Moreouer, it is not lawfull for any stranger to enter into that house. For vpon a certaine time I my selfe would haue gone in, but I was chidden full well for my labour.

De diuersis nationibus, et de illis qui comedere solebant parentes suos.
Cap. 28.

Prædicti vero Iugures, qui sunt mixti cum Christianis et Saracenis, per frequentes disputationes, vt credo, peruenerunt ad hoc, quod non credunt nisi vnum deum. Et isti fuerunt habitantes in ciuitatibus, qui post obediuerunt Chingis Cham: vnde ipse dedit regi eorum filiam suam. [Sidenote: Patria Presbiter Iohannis.] Et ipsa Caracarum est quasi in territorio eorum: Et tota terra regis siue presbyteri Iohannis et Vut fratris eius circa terras eorum; Sed isti in pascuis ad aquilonem, illi Iugures inter montes ad meridiem. Inde est quod ipsi Moal sumpserunt literas eorum. Et ipsi sunt magni scriptores eorum: et omnes fere Nestorim sciunt literas eorum. [Sidenote: Tangut populi fortissimi.] Post istos sunt ipsi Tangut ad orientem inter montes illos, homines fortissimi, qui ceperunt Chingis in bello. Et pace facta dimissis ab eis, postea subiugauit eos. [Sidenote: Boues pilosis caudis: his similes sunt in Quinera Americæ septentrionalis prouincia.] Isti habent boues fortissimos habentes caudas plenas pilis sicut equi, et ventres pilosos et dorsa. Bassiores sunt alijs bobus in tibijs, sed ferociores multum. Isti trahunt magnas domos Moallorum: et habent cornua gracilia, longa, acuosa, acutissima: ita quod oportet semper secare summitates eorum. Vacca non permittit se iniungi nisi cantetur ei. Habent etiam naturam bubali quia si vident hominem indutum rubeis, insiliunt in eum volentes interficere. [Sidenote: Tebet populi.] Post illos sunt Tebet homines solentes comedere parentes suos defunctos, vt causa pietatis non facerent aliud sepulchrum eis nisi viscera sua. Modo tamen hoc dimiserunt, quia abominabiles erant omni nationi. Tamen adhuc faciunt pulcros ciphos de capitibus parentum, vt illis bibentes habeant memoriam eorum in iocunditate sua. Hoc dixit mihi qui viderat. Isti habent multum de auro in terra sua. [Sidenote: Auri Abundantia.] Vnde qui indiget auro, fodit donec reperiat, et accipiat quando indiget, residuum condens in terra: quia si reponeret in arca vel in thesauro, crederet quod Deus auferret ei aliud quod est in terra. De istis hominibus vidi personas multum deformes. [Sidenote: Tangut homines magni sed fusci.] Tangut vidi homines magnos sed fuscos. Iugures sunt mediocris staturæ sicut nostri. Apud Iugures est fons et radix ideomatis Turci et Comanici. [Sidenote: Langa et Solanga.] Post Tebet sunt Langa et Solanga, quorum nuncios vidi in curia: Qui adduxerant magnas bigas plusquam decem, quarum quælibet trahebatur sex bobus. [Sidenote: Solanisimiles Hispanis, et fusci.] Isti sunt parui homines et fusci sicut Hispani: et habent tunicas sicut supertunicale diaconi manicis parum strictioribus: et habent in capitibus mitras sicut episcopi. Sed pars anterior est parum interior quàm posterior, et non terminatur in vnum angulum: sed sunt quadræ desuper, et sunt de stramine rigidato per calorem magnum, et limato in tantum, quod fulget ad radium solis sicut speculum vel galea bene burnita. Et circa tempora habent longas bendas de eadem materia assutas ipsi mitræ; quæ se extendunt ad ventum sicut duo cornua egredientia de temporibus. Et quando ventus nimis iactat eas plicant eas per medium mitræ superius à tempore in tempus: et iacent sicut circulus ex transuerso capitis. [Sidenote: Tabula de elephantino.] Et principalis nuncius quando veniebat ad curiam, habebat tabulam de dente elephantino ad longitudinem vnius cubiti, et ad latitudinem vnius palmi, rasam multum: Et quandocunque loquebatur ipsi Cham, vel alicui magno viro, semper aspiciebat in illam tabulam, ac si inueniret ibi ea quæ dicebat: nec respiciebat ad dextram vel sinestram, nec in faciem illius cui loquebatur. Etiam accedens coram domino et recedens nusquam respicit nisi in tabulam suam. [Sidenote: Muc populi.] Vltra istos sunt alij homines, vt intellexi pro vero, qui dicuntur Muc, qui habent villas, sed nulla animalia sibi appropriant: tamen sunt multi greges et multa armenta in terra ipsorum, et nullos custodit ea. Sed cum aliquis indiget aliquo, ascendit collem et clamat, et omnia animalia audientia clamorem accedunt circa illum, et permittunt se tractari quasi domestica. Et si nuncius vel aliquis extraneus accedat ad regionem illam, ipsi includunt eum in domo, et ministrant ei necessaria, donec negocium eius fuerit expeditum. Quia si iret extraneus per regionem, animalia ad odorem eius fugerent, et efficerentur syluestria. [Sidenote: Magna Cathaya.] Vltra est magna Cathaya, cuius incolæ antiquitus vt credo dicebantur Seres. Ab ipsis enim veniunt optimi panni serici. Et ille populus dicitur Seres a quodam oppido eorum. Bene intellexi, quod in illa regione est oppidum habens muros argenteos et propugnacula aurea. In ista terra sunt multæ prouinciæ, quarum plures adhuc non obediunt Moallis. Et inter [Footnote: Aliqua desiderantur .]

The same in English.

Of diuers and sundry nations: and of certaine people which were wont to eate their owne parents. Chap. 28.

But the foresayd Iugures (who liue among the Christians, and the Saracens) by their sundry disputations as I suppose, haue bene brought vnto this, to beleeue that there is but one onely God. And they dwelt in certaine cities, which afterward were brought in subiection vnto Chingis Can: whereupon he gaue his daughter in mariage vnto their king. [Sidenote: The countrey of Presbiter Iohn] Also the citie of Caracarum it selfe is in a manner within their territory: and the whole countrey of king or Presbyter Iohn, and of his brother Vut lyeth neere vnto their dominions: sauing, that they inhabite in certaine pastures Northward and the sayde Iugures betweene the mountaines towardes the South. Whereupon it came to passe, that the Moals receiued letters from them. And they are the Tartars principall scribes and al the Nestorians almost can skill of their letters. [Sidenote: Tangut.] Next vnto them, between the foresaid mountaines Eastward, inhabiteth the nation of Tangut, who are a most valiant people, and tooke Chingis in battell. But after the conclusion of a league hee was set at libertie by them, and afterward subdued them. [Sidenote: Strange oxen.] These people of Tangut haue oxen of great strength, with tailes like vnto horses, and with long shagge haire vpon their backes and bellyes. They haue legges greater then other oxen haue, and they are exceedingly fierce. These oxen drawe the great houses of the Moals and their hornes are slender, long, streight, and most sharpe pointed, insomuch that their owners are faine to cut off the endes of them. A cowe will not suffer her selfe to be coupled vnto one of them vnles they whistle or sing vnto her. They haue also the qualities of a Buffe: for if they see a man clothed in red, they run vpon him immediately to kill him. [Sidenote: The people of Tebet.] Next vnto them are the people of Tebet, men which were wont to eate the carkases of their deceased parents that for pities sake, they might make no other sepulchre for them, then their owne bowels. Howbeit of late they haue left off this custome, because that thereby they became abominable and odious vnto al other nations. Notwithstanding vnto this day they make fine cups of the skuls of their parents, to the ende that when they drinke out of them, they may amidst all their iollities and delights call their dead parents to remembrance. This was tolde mee by one that saw it. [Sidenote: Abundance of golde.] The sayd people of Tebet haue great plentie of golde in their land. Whosoeuer therefore wanteth golde, diggeth till he hath found some quantitie, and then taking so much thereof as will serue his turne, he layeth vp the residue within the earth: because, if he should put it into his chest or storehouse, hee is of opinion that God would withholde from him all other gold within the earth. I sawe some of those people, being very deformed creatures. [Sidenote: The stature of the people of Tangut, and of the Iugures.] In Tangut I saw lusty tall men, but browne and swart in colour. The Iugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men. Amongst the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish, and Comanian languages. [Sidenote: Langa and Solanga.] Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga, whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court. And they had brought more than ten great cartes with them, euery one of which was drawen with sixe oxen. [Sidenote: The people of Solanga resemble Spaniards.] They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards. Also they haue iackets, like vnto the vpper vestment of a deacon, sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter. And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops. But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part: neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe: but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat, and is so trimmed, that it glittereth in the sunne beames, like vnto a glasse, or an helmet well burnished. And about their temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters, which houer in the wind, as if two long hornes grewe out of their heads. And when the wind tosseth them vp and downe too much, they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another: and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads. [Sidenote: A table of elephants tooth.] Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length, and a handfull in breadth, being very smoothe. And whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe, or vnto any other great personage, hee alwayes beheld that table, as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake: neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand, nor to the lefte, nor vpon his face, with whom he talked. Yea, going too and fro before his lord, he looketh no where but only vpon his table. [Sidenote: The people called Muc.] Beyond them (as I vnderstand of a certainty) there are other people called Muc, hauing villages, but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe. Notwithstanding there are many flockes and droues of cattell in their countrey, and no man appointed to keepe them. But when any one of them standeth in neede of any beast, hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill, and there maketh a shout, and all the cattel which are within hearing of the noyse, come flocking about him, and suffer themselues to be handled and taken, as if they were tame. And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie, they shut him vp into an house, ministring there things necessary vnto him, vntill his businesse be despatched. For if anie stranger should trauell through that countrie, the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him, and so would become wilde. [Sidenote: Great Cathaya.] Beyond Muc is great Cathaya, the inhabitants whereof (as I suppose) were of olde time, called Seres. For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke. And this people is called Seres of a certame towne in the same countrey. I was crediblie informed, that in the said countrey, there is one towne hauing walls of siluer, and bulwarkes or towers of golde. There be many prouinces in that land, the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars. And amongst [Footnote: Somewhat is wanting.]