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Title: The History of Education

Author: Ellwood Patterson Cubberley

Release date: February 1, 2005 [eBook #7521]
                Most recently updated: December 30, 2020

Language: English

Credits: Anne Soulard, Charles Franks and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team


*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION ***




Anne Soulard, Charles Franks and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team.



THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION

EDUCATIONAL PRACTICE AND PROGRESS CONSIDERED AS A PHASE OF THE DEVELOPMENT
AND SPREAD OF WESTERN CIVILIZATION

BY

ELLWOOD P. CUBBERLEY


TO MY WIFE
FOR THIRTY YEARS BEST OF COMPANIONS IN BOTH WORK AND PLAY




PREFACE


The present volume, as well as the companion volume of _Readings_, arose
out of a practical situation. Twenty-two years ago, on entering Stanford
University as a Professor of Education and being given the history of the
subject to teach, I found it necessary, almost from the first, to begin
the construction of a Syllabus of Lectures which would permit of my
teaching the subject more as a phase of the history of the rise and
progress of our Western civilization than would any existing text. Through
such a study it is possible to give, better than by any other means, that
vision of world progress which throws such a flood of light over all our
educational efforts. The Syllabus grew, was made to include detailed
citations to historical literature, and in 1902 was published in book
form. In 1905 a second and an enlarged edition was issued, [1] and these
volumes for a time formed the basis for classwork and reading in a number
of institutions, and, though now out of print, may still be found in many
libraries. At the same time I began the collection of a series of short,
illustrative sources for my students to read.

It had been my intention, after the publication of the second edition of
the Syllabus, to expand the outline into a Text Book which would embody my
ideas as to what university students should be given as to the history of
the work in which they were engaged. I felt then, and still feel, that the
history of education, properly conceived and presented, should occupy an
important place in the training of an educational leader. Two things now
happened which for some time turned me aside from my original purpose. The
first was the publication, late in 1905, of Paul Monroe's very
comprehensive and scholarly _Text Book in the History of Education_, and
the second was that, with the expansion of the work in education in the
university with which I was connected, and the addition of new men to the
department, the general history of education was for a time turned over to
another to teach. I then began, instead, the development of that
introductory course in education, dealing entirely with American
educational history and problems, out of which grew my _Public Education
in the United States_.

The second half of the academic year 1910-11 I acted as visiting Lecturer
on the History of Education at both Harvard University and Radcliffe
College, and while serving in this capacity I began work on what has
finally evolved into the present volume, together with the accompanying
book of illustrative _Readings_. Other duties, and a deep interest in
problems of school administration, largely engaged my energies and writing
time until some three years ago, when, in rearranging courses at the
university, it seemed desirable that I should again take over the
instruction in the general history of education. Since then I have pushed
through, as rapidly as conditions would permit, the organization of the
parallel book of sources and documents, and the present volume of text.

In doing so I have not tried to prepare another history of educational
theories. Of such we already have a sufficient number. Instead, I have
tried to prepare a history of the progress and practice and organization
of education itself, and to give to such a history its proper setting as a
phase of the history of the development and spread of our Western
civilization. I have especially tried to present such a picture of the
rise, struggle for existence, growth, and recent great expansion of the
idea of the improvability of the race and the elevation and emancipation
of the individual through education as would be most illuminating and
useful to students of the subject. To this end I have traced the great
forward steps in the emancipation of the intellect of man, and the efforts
to perpetuate the progress made through the organization of educational
institutions to pass on to others what had been attained. I have also
tried to give a proper setting to the great historic forces which have
shaped and moulded human progress, and have made the evolution of modern
state school systems and the world-wide spread of Western civilization
both possible and inevitable.

To this end I have tried to hold to the main lines of the story, and have
in consequence omitted reference to many theorists and reformers and
events and schools which doubtless were important in their land and time,
but the influence of which on the main current of educational progress
was, after all, but small. For such omission I have no apology to make. In
their place I have introduced a record of world events and forces, not
included in the usual history of education, which to me seem important as
having contributed materially to the shaping and directing of intellectual
and educational progress. While in the treatment major emphasis has been
given to modern times, I have nevertheless tried to show how all modern
education has been after all a development, a culmination, a flowering-out
of forces and impulses which go far back in history for their origin. In a
civilization such as we of to-day enjoy, with roots so deeply embedded in
the past as is ours, any adequate understanding of world practices and of
present-day world problems in education calls for some tracing of
development to give proper background and perspective. The rise of modern
state school systems, the variations in types found to-day in different
lands, the new conceptions of the educational purpose, the rise of science
study, the new functions which the school has recently assumed, the world-
wide sweep of modern educational ideas, the rise of many entirely new
types of schools and training within the past century--these and many
other features of modern educational practice in progressive nations are
better understood if viewed in the light of their proper historical
setting. Standing as we are to-day on the threshold of a new era, and with
a strong tendency manifest to look only to the future and to ignore the
past, the need for sound educational perspective on the part of the
leaders in both school and state is given new emphasis.

To give greater concreteness to the presentation, maps, diagrams, and
pictures, as commonly found in standard historical works, have been used
to an extent not before employed in writings on the history of education.
To give still greater concreteness to the presentation I have built up a
parallel volume of _Readings_, containing a large collection of
illustrative source material designed to back up the historical record of
educational development and progress as presented in this volume. The
selections have been fully cross-referenced (R. 129; R. 176; etc.) in the
pages of the Text. Depending, as I have, so largely on the companion
volume for the necessary supplemental readings, I have reduced the chapter
bibliographies to a very few of the most valuable and most commonly found
references. To add to the teaching value of the book there has been
appended to each chapter a series of questions for discussion, bearing on
the Text, and another series of questions bearing on the Readings to be
found in the companion volume. In this form it is hoped that the Text will
be found good in teaching organization; that the treatment may prove to be
of such practical value that it will contribute materially to relieve the
history of education from much of the criticism which the devotion in the
past to the history of educational theory has brought upon it; and that
the two volumes which have been prepared may be of real service in
restoring the subject to the position of importance it deserves to hold,
for mature students of educational practice, as the interpreter of world
progress as expressed in one of its highest creative forms.

ELLWOOD P. CUBBERLEY
_Stanford University, Cal. September_ 4, 1920




CONTENTS


INTRODUCTION: THE SOURCES OF OUR CIVILIZATION


PART I
THE ANCIENT WORLD
FOUNDATION ELEMENTS OF OUR WESTERN CIVILIZATION GREECE--ROME--CHRISTIANITY

CHAPTER I. THE OLD GREEK EDUCATION
    I. GREECE AND ITS PEOPLE
   II. EARLY EDUCATION IN GREECE

CHAPTER II. LATER GREEK EDUCATION
  III. THE NEW GREEK EDUCATION

CHAPTER III. THE EDUCATION AND WORK OF ROME
    I. THE ROMANS AND THEIR MISSION
   II. THE PERIOD OF HOME EDUCATION
  III. THE TRANSITION TO SCHOOL EDUCATION
   IV. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM AS FINALLY ESTABLISHED
    V. ROME'S CONTRIBUTION TO CIVILIZATION

CHAPTER IV. THE RISE AND CONTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIANITY
    I. THE RISE AND VICTORY OF CHRISTIANITY
   II. EDUCATIONAL AND GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH
  III. WHAT THE MIDDLE AGES STARTED WITH

PART II
THE MEDIAEVAL WORLD
THE DELUGE OF BARBARISM; THE MEDIAEVAL STRUGGLE TO PRESERVE AND
REËSTABLISH CIVILIZATION

CHAPTER V. NEW PEOPLES IN THE EMPIRE

CHAPTER VI. EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES
    I. CONDITION AND PRESERVATION OF LEARNING

CHAPTER VII. EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES
    I. SCHOOLS ESTABLISHED AND INSTRUCTION PROVIDED

CHAPTER VIII. INFLUENCES TENDING TOWARD A REVIVAL OF LEARNING
    I.   MOSLEM LEARNING FROM SPAIN
   II.  THE RISE OF SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY
  III. LAW AND MEDICINE AS NEW STUDIES
   IV.  OTHER NEW INFLUENCES AND MOVEMENTS

CHAPTER IX. THE RISE OF THE UNIVERSITIES

PART III
THE TRANSITION FROM MEDIAEVAL TO MODERN ATTITUDES
THE RECOVERY OF THE ANCIENT LEARNING; THE REAWAKENING OF SCHOLARSHIP; AND
THE RISE OF RELIGIOUS AND SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY

CHAPTER X. THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING

CHAPTER XI. EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING

CHAPTER XII. THE REVOLT AGAINST AUTHORITY

CHAPTER XIII. EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS
    I. AMONG LUTHERANS AND ANGLICANS

CHAPTER XIV. EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS
   II. AMONG CALVINISTS AND CATHOLICS

CHAPTER XV. EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS
  III. THE REFORMATION AND AMERICAN EDUCATION

CHAPTER XVI. THE RISE OF SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY

CHAPTER XVII. THE NEW SCIENTIFIC METHOD AND THE SCHOOLS
    I.   HUMANISTIC REALISM
   II.  SOCIAL REALISM
  III. SENSE REALISM
   IV.  REALISM AND THE SCHOOLS

CHAPTER XVIII. THEORY AND PRACTICE BY THE MIDDLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
    I. PRE-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL THEORIES
   II. MID-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL CONDITIONS

PART IV
MODERN TIMES
THE ABOLITION OF PRIVILEGE; THE RISE OF DEMOCRACY; A NEW THEORY FOR
EDUCATION EVOLVED; THE STATE TAKES OVER THE SCHOOL

CHAPTER XIX. THE EIGHTEENTH A TRANSITION CENTURY
    I. WORK OF THE BENEVOLENT DESPOTS OF CONTINENTAL EUROPE
   II. THE UNSATISFIED DEMAND FOR REFORM IN FRANCE
  III. ENGLAND THE FIRST DEMOCRATIC NATION
   IV. INSTITUTION OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN
       AMERICA
    V. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION SWEEPS AWAY ANCIENT ABUSES

CHAPTER XX. THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL EDUCATION
    I. NEW CONCEPTIONS OF THE EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE
   II. THE NEW STATE THEORY IN FRANCE
  III. THE NEW STATE THEORY IN AMERICA

CHAPTER XXI. A NEW THEORY AND SUBJECT-MATTER FOR THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL
    I. THE NEW THEORY STATED
   II. GERMAN ATTEMPTS TO WORK OUT A NEW THEORY
  III. THE WORK AND INFLUENCE OF PESTALOZZI
   IV. REDIRECTION OF THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL

CHAPTER XXII. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN PRUSSIA
    I. THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATION
   II. A STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM AT LAST CREATED

CHAPTER XXIII. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE AND ITALY
    I. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE
   II. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ITALY

CHAPTER XXIV. THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ENGLAND
    I. THE CHARITABLE-VOLUNTARY BEGINNINGS
   II. THE PERIOD OF PHILANTHROPIC EFFORT (1800-33)
  III. THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL EDUCATION
    IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A NATIONAL SYSTEM

CHAPTER XXV. AWAKENING AN EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE UNITED STATES
    I. EARLY NATIONAL ATTITUDES AND INTERESTS
   II. AWAKENING AN EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS
  III. SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND ECONOMIC INFLUENCES
   IV. ALIGNMENT OF INTERESTS, AND PROPAGANDA

CHAPTER XXVI. THE AMERICAN BATTLE FOR FREE STATE SCHOOLS
    I. THE BATTLE FOR TAX SUPPORT
   II. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA
  III. THE BATTLE TO MAKE THE SCHOOLS ENTIRELY FREE
   IV. THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH SCHOOL SUPERVISION
    V. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE SECTARIANISM
   VI. THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH THE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL
  VII. THE STATE UNIVERSITY CROWNS THE SYSTEM

CHAPTER XXVII. EDUCATION BECOMES A GREAT NATIONAL TOOL
    I. SPREAD OF THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA
   II. NEW MODIFYING FORCES
  III. EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON EDUCATION

CHAPTER XXVIII. NEW CONCEPTIONS OF THE EDUCATIONAL PROCESS
    I. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION OF ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION
   II. NEW IDEAS FROM HERBARTIAN SOURCES
  III. THE KINDERGARTEN, PLAY, AND MANUAL ACTIVITIES
   IV. THE ADDITION OF SCIENCE STUDY
    V. SOCIAL MEANING OF THESE CHANGES

CHAPTER XXIX. NEW TENDENCIES AND EXPANSIONS
    I. POLITICAL
   II. SCIENTIFIC
  III. VOCATIONAL
   IV. SOCIOLOGICAL
    V. THE SCIENTIFIC ORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION

CONCLUSION: THE FUTURE




LIST OF PLATES


 1. THE CLOISTERS OF A MONASTERY, NEAR FLORENCE, ITALY
 2. THE LIBRARY OF THE CHURCH OF SAINT WALLBERG, AT ZUTPHEN, HOLLAND
 3. SAINT THOMAS AQUINAS
 4. A LECTURE ON THEOLOGY BY ALBERTUS MAGNUS
 5. STRATFORD-ON-AVON GRAMMAR SCHOOL
 6. EDUCATIONAL LEADERS IN PROTESTANT GERMANY
 7. THE FREE SCHOOL AT HARROW
 8. MAP SHOWING THE SPREAD OF JESUIT SCHOOLS IN NORTHERN TERRITORY BY THE
    YEAR 1725
 9. TWO TABLETS ON THE WEST GATEWAY AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY
10. JOHN AMOS COMENIUS (1592-1670)
11. JOHANN HEINRICH PESTALOZZI
12. FELLENBERG'S INSTITUTE AT HOFWYL
13. TWO LEADERS IN THE REGENERATION OF PRUSSIA
14. FRANCOIS PIERRE GUILLAUME GUIZOT (1787-1874)
15. JOHN POUNDS' RAGGED SCHOOL AT PORTSMOUTH
16. AN ENGLISH VILLAGE VOLUNTARY SCHOOL
17. TWO LEADERS IN THE EDUCATIONAL AWAKENING IN THE UNITED STATES
18. TWO LEADERS IN THE REORGANIZATION OF EDUCATIONAL THEORY




LIST OF FIGURES


  1. THE GREEK CONCEPTION OF THE WORLD
  2. ANCIENT GREECE AND THE AEGEAN WORLD
  3. THE CITY-STATE OF ATTICA
  4. DISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION OF ATHENS AND ATTICA, ABOUT 430 B.C.
  5. A GREEK BOY
  6. AN ATHENIAN INSCRIPTION
  7. GREEK WRITING-MATERIALS
  8. A GREEK COUNTING-BOARD
  9. AN ATHENIAN SCHOOL
 10. GREEK SCHOOL LESSONS
 11. GROUND-PLAN OF THE GYMNASIUM AT EPHESOS, IN ASIA MINOR
 12. SOCRATES (469-399 B.C.)
 13. EVOLUTION OF THE GREEK UNIVERSITY
 14. THE GREEK UNIVERSITY WORLD
 15. THE KNOWN WORLD ABOUT 150 A.D.
 16. THE EARLY PEOPLES OF ITALY, AND THE EXTENSION OF THE ROMAN POWER
 17. THE PRINCIPAL ROMAN ROADS
 18. THE GREAT EXTENT OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
 19. A ROMAN FATHER INSTRUCTING HIS SON
 20. CATO THE ELDER (234-148 B.C.)
 21. ROMAN WRITING-MATERIALS
 22. A ROMAN COUNTING-BOARD
 23. A ROMAN PRIMARY SCHOOL
 24. A ROMAN SCHOOL OF RHETORIC
 25. THE ROMAN VOLUNTARY EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, AS FINALLY EVOLVED
 26. ORIGIN OF OUR ALPHABET
 27. THE GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE END OF THE FOURTH CENTURY
 28. A BISHOP
 29. A BENEDICTINE MONK, ABBOT, AND ABBESS
 30. SHOWING THE FINAL DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE AND THE CHURCH
 31. A BODYGUARD OF GERMANS
 32. THE GERMAN MIGRATIONS
 33. THE KNOWN WORLD IN 800
 34. A GERMAN WAR CHIEF
 35. ROMANS DESTROYING A GERMAN VILLAGE
 36. A PAGE OF THE GOTHIC GOSPELS
 37. A TYPICAL MONASTERY OF SOUTHERN EUROPE
 38. BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF A MEDIEVAL MONASTERY
 39. INITIAL LETTER FROM AN OLD MANUSCRIPT
 40. A MONK IN A SCRIPTORIUM
 41. CHARLEMAGNE'S EMPIRE, AND THE IMPORTANT MONASTERIES OF THE TIME
 42. WHERE THE DANES RAVAGED ENGLAND
 43. AN OUTER MONASTIC SCHOOL
 44. THE MEDIAEVAL SYSTEM OF EDUCATION SUMMARIZED
 45. A SCHOOL: A LESSON IN GRAMMAR
 46. AN ANGLO-SAXON MAP OF THE WORLD
 47. AN EARLY CHURCH MUSICIAN
 48. A SQUIRE BEING KNIGHTED
 49. A KNIGHT OF THE TIME OF THE FIRST CRUSADE
 50. EVOLUTION OF EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES
 51. SHOWING CENTERS OF MOSLEM LEARNING
 52. ARISTOTLE
 53. THE CATHEDRAL OF NOTRE DAME, AT PARIS
 54. THE CITY-STATES OF NORTHERN ITALY
 55. FRAGMENT FROM THE RECOVERED "DIGEST" OF JUSTINIAN
 56. THE FATHER OF MEDICINE, HIPPOCRATES OF COS
 57. A PILGRIM OF THE MIDDLE AGES
 58. A TYPICAL MEDIAEVAL TOWN (PRUSSIAN)
 59. THE EDUCATIONAL PYRAMID
 60. TRADE ROUTES AND COMMERCIAL CITIES
 61. SHOWING LOCATION OF THE CHIEF UNIVERSITIES FOUNDED BEFORE 1600
 62. SEAL OF A DOCTOR, UNIVERSITY OF PARIS
 63. NEW COLLEGE, AT OXFORD
 64. A LECTURE ON CIVIL LAW BY GUILLAUME BENEDICTI
 65. LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LEYDEN, IN HOLLAND
 66. A UNIVERSITY DISPUTATION
 67. A UNIVERSITY LECTURE AND LECTURE ROOM
 68. PETRARCH (1304-74)
 69. BOCCACCIO (1313-75)
 70. DEMETRIUS CHALCONDYLES (1424-1511)
 71. BOOKCASE AND DESK IN THE MEDICEAN LIBRARY AT FLORENCE
 72. TWO EARLY NORTHERN HUMANISTS
 73. AN EARLY SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PRESS
 74. AN EARLY SPECIMEN OF CAXTON'S PRINTING
 75. THE WORLD AS KNOWN TO CHRISTIAN EUROPE BEFORE COLUMBUS
 76. SAINT ANTONINUS AND HIS SCHOLARS
 77. TWO EARLY ITALIAN HUMANIST EDUCATORS
 78. GUILLAUME BUDAEUS (1467-1540)
 79. COLLÈGE DE FRANCE
 80. JOHANN REUCHLIN (1455-1522)
 81. JOHANN STURM (1507-89)
 82. DESIDERIUS ERASMUS (1467-1536)
 83. SAINT PAUL'S SCHOOL, LONDON
 84. GIGGLESWICK GRAMMAR SCHOOL
 85. THE EVOLUTION OF MODERN STUDIES
 86. JOHN WYCLIFFE (1320?-84)
 87. RELIGIOUS WARFARE IN BOHEMIA
 88. SHOWING THE RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS
 89. HULDREICH ZWINGLI (1487-1531)
 90. JOHN CALVIN (1509-64)
 91. A FRENCH PROTESTANT (c. 1600)
 92. TWO EARLY VERNACULAR SCHOOLS
 93. THE FIRST PAGE OF WYCLIFFE'S BIBLE
 94. LUTHER GIVING INSTRUCTION
 95. JOHANNES BUGENHAGEN (1485-1558)
 96. EVOLUTION OF GERMAN STATE SCHOOL CONTROL
 97. A CHAINED BIBLE
 98. A FRENCH SCHOOL OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
 99. A DUTCH VILLAGE SCHOOL
100. JOHN KNOX (1505?-72)
101. IGNATIUS DE LOYOLA (1491-1556)
102. PLAN OF A JESUIT SCHOOLROOM
103. AN URSULINE
104. A SCHOOL OF LA SALLE AT PARIS, 1688
105. THE BROTHERS OF THE CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS BY 1792
106. TENDENCIES IN EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EUROPE, 1500 TO 1700
107. MAP SHOWING THE RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA
108. HOMES OF THE PILGRIMS, AND THEIR ROUTE TO AMERICA
109. NEW ENGLAND SETTLEMENTS, 1660
110. THE BOSTON LATIN GRAMMAR SCHOOL
111. WHERE YALE COLLEGE WAS FOUNDED
112. AN OLD QUAKER MEETING-HOUSE AND SCHOOL AT LAMPETER, PENNSYLVANIA
113. NICHOLAS KOPERNIK (COPERNICUS) (1473-1543)
114. TYCHO BRAKE (1546-1601)
115. GALILEO GALILEI (1564-1642)
116. SIR ISAAC NEWTON (1642-1727)
117. WILLIAM HARVEY (1578-1657)
118. FRANCIS BACON (1561-1626)
119. THE LOSS AND RECOVERY OF THE SCIENCES
120. RENÉ DESCARTES (1596-1650)
121. FRANCOIS RABELAIS (1483-1553)
122. JOHN MILTON (1608-74)
123. MICHEL DE MONTAIGNE (1533-92)
124. JOHN LOCKE (1632-1704)
125. AN ACADEMIE DES ARMES
126. A SAMPLE PAGE FROM THE "ORBIS PICTUS"
127. PART OF A PAGE FROM A LATIN-ENGLISH EDITION OF THE "VESTIBULUM"
128. AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANCKE (1663-1727)
129. A FRENCH SCHOOL BEFORE THE REVOLUTION
130. A HORN BOOK
131. THE WESTMINSTER CATECHISM
132. THOMAS DILWORTH (?-1780)
133. FRONTISPIECE TO NOAH WEBSTER'S "AMERICAN SPELLING BOOK"
134. TITLE-PAGE OF HODDER'S ARITHMETIC
135. A "CHRISTIAN BROTHERS" SCHOOL
136. AN ENGLISH DAME SCHOOL
137. GRAVEL LANE CHARITY-SCHOOL, SOUTHWARK
138. A CHARITY-SCHOOL GIRL IN UNIFORM
139. A CHARITY-SCHOOL BOY IN UNIFORM
140. ADVERTISEMENT FOR A TEACHER TO LET
141. A SCHOOL WHIPPING-POST
142. AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY GERMAN SCHOOL
143. CHILDREN AS MINIATURE ADULTS
144. A PENNSYLVANIA ACADEMY
145. FREDERICK THE GREAT
146. MARIA THERESA
147. MONTESQUIEU (1689-1755)
148. TURGOT (1727-81)
149. VOLTAIRE (1694-1778)
150. DIDEROT (1713-84)
151. JOHN WESLEY (1707-82)
152. NATIONALITY OF THE WHITE POPULATION, AS SHOWN BY THE FAMILY NAMES
     IN THE CENSUS OF 1790
153. THE STATES-GENERAL IN SESSION AT VERSAILLES
154. ROUSSEAU (1712-78)
155. LA CHALOTAIS (1701-83)
156. ROLLAND (1734-93)
157. COUNT DE MIRABEAU (1749-91)
158. TALLEYRAND (1758-1838)
159. CONDORCET (1743-94)
160. THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE
161. LAKANAL (1762-1845)
162. THOMAS JEFFERSON (1743-1826)
163. THE ROUSSEAU MONUMENT AT GENEVA
164. BASEDOW (1723-90)
165. IMMANUEL KANT (1724-1804)
166. THE SCENE OF PESTALOZZI'S LABORS
167. FELLENBERG (1771-1844)
168. THE SCHOOL OF A HANDWORKER
169. THE KINGDOM OF PRUSSIA, 1740-86
170. A GERMAN LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY SCHOOL
171. DINTER (1760-1831)
172. DIESTERWEG (1790-1866)
173. THE PRUSSIAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM CREATED
174. AN OLD FOUNDATION TRANSFORMED
175. COUNT DE FOURCROY (1755-1809)
176. VICTOR COUSIN (1792-1867)
177. OUTLINE OF THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE FRENCH STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM
178. EUROPE IN 1810
179. THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY, SINCE 1848
180. COUNT OF CAVOUR (1810-61)
181. OUTLINE OF THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE ITALIAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM
182. A RAGGED-SCHOOL PUPIL
183. ADAM SMITH (1723-90)
184. THE REVEREND T. R. MALTHUS (1766-1834)
185. THE CREATORS OF THE MONITORIAL SYSTEM
186. THE LANCASTRIAN MODEL SCHOOL IN BOROUGH ROAD, SOUTH-WARE, LONDON
187. MONITORS TEACHING READING AT "STATIONS"
188. PROPER MONITORIAL-SCHOOL POSITIONS
189. ROBERT OWEN (1771-1858)
190. LORD BROUGHAM (1778-1868)
191. AN ENGLISH VILLAGE SCHOOL IN 1840
192. EXPENDITURE FROM THE EDUCATION GRANTS, 1839-70
193. LORD T. B. MACAULAY (1800-59)
194. WORK OF THE SCHOOL BOARDS IN PROVIDING SCHOOL ACCOMMODATIONS
195. THE ENGLISH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AS FINALLY EVOLVED
196. THE FIRST SCHOOLHOUSE BUILT BY THE FREE SCHOOL SOCIETY IN NEW YORK
     CITY
197. "MODEL" SCHOOL BUILDING OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SOCIETY
198. EVOLUTION OF THE ESSENTIAL FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN PUBLIC SCHOOL
     SYSTEM
199. DATES OF THE GRANTING OF FULL MANHOOD SUFFRAGE
200. THE FIRST FREE PUBLIC SCHOOL IN DETROIT
201. THE PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL ELECTIONS OF 1835
202. THE NEW YORK REFERENDUM OF 1850
203. STATUS OF SCHOOL SUPERVISION IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1861
204. A TYPICAL NEW ENGLAND ACADEMY
205. THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES
206. THE FIRST HIGH SCHOOL IN THE UNITED STATES
207. HIGH SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1860
208. COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES ESTABLISHED BY 1860
209. THE AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL LADDER
210. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF DENMARK
211. THE PROGRESS OF LITERACY IN EUROPE BY THE CLOSE OF THE NINETEENTH
     CENTURY
212. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC
213. THE JAPANESE TWO-CLASS SCHOOL SYSTEM
214. THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL LADDER
215. BARON JUSTUS VON LIEBIG (1803-73)
216. CHARLES DARWIN (1809-82)
217. LOUIS PASTEUR (1822-95)
218. MAN POWER BEFORE THE DAYS OF STEAM
219. THRESHING WHEAT A CENTURY AGO
220. A CITY WATER-SUPPLY, ABOUT 1830
221. THE GREAT TRADE ROUTES OF THE MODERN WORLD
222. AN EXAMPLE OF THE SHIFTING OF OCCUPATIONS
223. THE PHILIPPINE SCHOOL SYSTEM
224. THE FIRST MODERN NORMAL SCHOOL
225. TEACHER-TRAINING IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1860
226. EVOLUTION OF THE ELEMENTARY-SCHOOL CURRICULUM, AND OF METHODS OF
     TEACHING
227. AN "USHER" AND HIS CLASS
228. REDIRECTED MANUAL TRAINING
229. HERBERT SPENCER (1820-1903)
230. THOMAS H. HUXLEY (1825-95)
231. A REORGANIZED KINDERGARTEN
232. THE PEKING UNION MEDICAL COLLEGE
233. THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TRADES IN MODERN INDUSTRY
234. SCHOOL ATTENDANCE OF AMERICAN CHILDREN, FOURTEEN TO TWENTY YEARS OF
     AGE
235. ABBÉ DE L'ÉPÉE (1712-89)
236. THE REVEREND THOMAS H. GALLAUDET TEACHING THE DEAF AND DUMB
237. EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS MAINTAINED BY THE STATE
238. KARL GEORG VON RAUMER (1783-1865)
239. THE ESTABLISHED AND EXPERIMENTAL NATIONS OF EUROPE
240. THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS OF THE FUTURE




GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY


In addition to the List of Readings and the Supplemental References given
in the chapter bibliographies, the following works, not cited in the
chapter bibliographies, will be found in most libraries and may be
consulted, on all points to which they are likely to apply, for additional
material:


I. GENERAL HISTORIES OF EDUCATION

 1. Davidson, Thomas. _History of Education_. 292 pp. New York, 1900.
    Good on the interpretation of the larger movements of history.

*2. Monroe, Paul. _Text Book in the History of Education_. 772 pp.
    New York, 1905.
    Our most complete and scholarly history of education. This volume
    should be consulted freely. See analytical table of contents.

 3. Munroe, Jas. P. _The Educational Ideal_. 262 pp. Boston, 1895.
    Contains very good short chapters on the educational reformers.

*4. Graves, F. P. _A History of Education_. 3 vols. New York, 1909-
    13. Vol. I. _Before the Middle Ages_. 304 pp. Vol. II. _During
    the Middle Ages_. 314 pp. Vol. III. _In Modern Times_. 410 pp.
    These volumes contain valuable supplementary material, and good
    chapter bibliographies.

 5. Hart, J. K. _Democracy in Education_. 418 pp. New York, 1918.
    An interpretation of educational progress.

 6. Quick, R. H. _Essays on Educational Reformers_. 508 pp. 2d ed.,
    New York, 1890.
    A series of well-written essays on the work of the theorists in
    education since the time of the Renaissance.

*7. Parker, S. C. _The History of Modern Elementary Education_. 506
    pp. Boston, 1912.
    An excellent treatise on the development of the theory for our modern
    elementary school, with some good descriptions of modern practice.


II. GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHIES OF EDUCATION

 1. Cubberley, E. P. _Syllabus of Lectures on the History of
    Education_. 358 pp. New York. First ed., 1902; 2d ed., 1905.
    Gives detailed and classified bibliographies for all phases of the
    subject. Now out of print, but may be found in most normal school and
    college libraries, and many public libraries.


III. CYCLOPAEDIAS

*1. Monroe, Paul, Editor. _Cyclopedia of Education_. 5 vols. New
    York, 1911-13.
    The most important Cyclopaedia of Education in print. Contains
    excellent articles on all historical points and events, with good
    selected bibliographies. A work that should be in all libraries, and
    freely consulted in using this Text. Its historical articles are too
    numerous to cite in the chapter bibliographies, but, due to the
    alphabetical arrangement and good cross-referencing, they may be found
    easily.

*2. _Encylopaedia Britannica_. 11th ed., 29 vols. Cambridge, 1910-11.
    Contains numerous important articles on all types of historical
    topics, and excellent biographical sketches. Should be consulted
    freely in using this Text.


IV. MAGAZINES

*1. Barnard's _American Journal of Education_. Edited by Henry
    Barnard. 31 vols. Hartford, 1855-81. Reprinted, Syracuse, 1902.
    _Index_ to the 31 vols. published by the United States Bureau of
    Education, Washington, 1892.
    A wonderful mine of all kinds of historical and educational
    information, and should be consulted freely on all points relating to
    European or American educational history.

In the chapter bibliographies, as above, the most important references are
indicated with an asterisk (*).




THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION




INTRODUCTION

THE SOURCES OF OUR CIVILIZATION


The Civilization which we of to-day enjoy is a very complex thing, made up
of many different contributions, some large and some small, from people in
many different lands and different ages. To trace all these contributions
back to their sources would be a task impossible of accomplishment, and,
while specific parts would be interesting, for our purposes they would not
be important. Especially would it not be profitable for us to attempt to
trace the development of minor features, or to go back to the rudimentary
civilizations of primitive peoples. The early development of civilization
among the Chinese, the Hindoos, the Persians, the Egyptians, or the
American Indians all alike present features which to some form a very
interesting study, but our western civilization does not go back to these
as sources, and consequently they need not concern us in the study we are
about to begin. While we have obtained the alphabet from the Phoenicians
and some of our mathematical and scientific developments through the
medium of the Mohammedans, the real sources of our present-day
civilization lie elsewhere, and these minor sources will be referred to
but briefly and only as they influenced the course of western progress.

The civilization which we now know and enjoy has come down to us from four
main sources. The Greeks, the Romans, and the Christians laid the
foundations, and in the order named, and the study of the early history of
our western civilization is a study of the work and the blending of these
three main forces. It is upon these three foundation stones, superimposed
upon one another, that our modern European and American civilization has
been developed. The Germanic tribes, overrunning the boundaries of the
Roman Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries, added another new force of
largest future significance, and one which profoundly modified all
subsequent progress and development. To these four main sources we have
made many additions in modern times, building an entirely new
superstructure on the old foundations, but the groundwork of our
civilization is composed of these four foundation elements. For these
reasons a history of even modern education almost of necessity goes back,
briefly at least, to the work and contributions of these ancient peoples.

Starting, then, with the work of the Greeks, we shall state briefly the
contributions to the stream of civilization which have come down to us
from each of the important historic peoples or groups or forces, and shall
trace the blending and assimilating processes of the centuries. While
describing briefly the educational institutions and ideas of the different
peoples, we shall be far less concerned, as we progress down the
centuries, with the educational and philosophical theories advanced by
thinkers among them than with what was actually done, and with the lasting
contributions which they made to our educational practices and to our
present-day civilization.

The work of Greece lies at the bottom and, in a sense, was the most
important of all the earlier contributions to our education and
civilization. These people, known as Hellenes, were the pioneers of
western civilization. Their position in the ancient world is well shown on
the map reproduced opposite. To the East lay the older political
despotisms, with their caste-type and intellectually stagnant organization
of society, and to the North and West a little-known region inhabited by
barbarian tribes. It was in such a world that our western civilization had
its birth. These Greeks, and especially the Athenian Greeks, represented
an entirely new spirit in the world. In place of the repression of all
individuality, and the stagnant conditions of society that had
characterized the civilizations before them, they developed a civilization
characterized by individual freedom and opportunity, and for the first
time in world history a premium was placed on personal and political
initiative. In time this new western spirit was challenged by the older
eastern type of civilization. Long foreseeing the danger, and in fear of
what might happen, the little Greek States had developed educational
systems in part designed to prepare their citizens for what might come.
Finally, in a series of memorable battles, the Greeks, led by Athens,
broke the dread power of the Persian name and made the future of this new
type of civilization secure. At Marathon, Salamis, and Plataea the fate of
our western civilization trembled in the balance. Now followed the great
creative period in Greek life, during which the Athenian Greeks matured
and developed a literature, philosophy, and art which were to be enjoyed
not only by themselves, but by all western peoples since their time. In
these lines of culture the world will forever remain debtor to this small
but active and creative people.

[Illustration: FIG. I. THE EARLY GREEK CONCEPTION OF THE WORLD
The World according to Hecataeus, a geographer of Miletus, Asia Minor.
Hecataeus was the first Greek traveler and geographer. The map dates from
about 500 B.C.]

The next great source of our western civilization was the work of Rome.
Like the Greeks, the Romans also occupied a peninsula jutting southward
into the Mediterranean, but in most respects they were far different in
type. Unlike the active, imaginative, artistic, and creative Greeks, the
Romans were a practical, concrete, unimaginative, and executive people.
Energy, personality, and executive power were in greatest demand among
them.

The work of Rome was political, governmental, and legal--not artistic or
intellectual. Rome was strong where Greece was weak, and weak where Greece
was strong. As a result the two peoples supplemented one another well in
laying the foundations for our western civilization. The conquests of
Greece were intellectual; those of Rome legal and governmental. Rome
absorbed and amalgamated the whole ancient world into one Empire, to which
she gave a common language, dress, manners, religion, literature, and
political and legal institutions. Adopting Greek learning and educational
practices as her own, she spread them throughout the then-known world. By
her political organization she so fixed Roman ideas as to law and
government throughout the Empire that Christianity built firmly on the
Roman foundations, and the German barbarians, who later swept over the
Empire, could neither destroy nor obliterate them. The Roman conquest of
the world thus decisively influenced the whole course of western history,
spread and perpetuated Greek ideas, and ultimately saved the world from a
great disaster.

To Rome, then, we are indebted most of all for ideas as to government, and
for the introduction of law and order into an unruly world. In all the
intervening centuries between ancient Rome and ourselves, and in spite of
many wars and repeated onslaughts of barbarism, Roman governmental law
still influences and guides our conduct, and this influence is even yet
extending to other lands and other peoples. We are also indebted to Rome
for many practical skills and for important engineering knowledge, which
was saved and passed on to Western Europe through the medium of the monks.
On the other side of the picture, the recent great World War, with all its
awful destruction of life and property, and injury to the orderly progress
of civilization, may be traced directly to the Roman idea of world empire
and the sway of one imperial government, imposing its rule and its culture
on the rest of mankind.

Into this Roman Empire, united and made one by Roman arms and government,
came the first of the modern forces in the ancient world--that of
Christianity--the third great foundation element in our western
civilization. Embracing in its early development many Greek philosophical
ideas, building securely on the Roman governmental organization, and with
its new message for a decaying world, Christianity forms the connecting
link between the ancient and modern civilizations. Taking the conception
of one God which the Jewish tribes of the East had developed, Christianity
changed and expanded this in such a way as to make it a dominant idea in
the world. Exalting the teachings of the fatherhood of God, the
brotherhood of man, the future life, and the need for preparation for a
hereafter, Christianity introduced a new type of religion and offered a
new hope to the poor and oppressed of the ancient world. In so doing a new
ethical force of first importance was added to the effective energies of
mankind, and a basis for the education of all was laid, for the first
time, in the history of the world.

Christianity came at just the right time not only to impart new energy and
hopefulness to a decadent ancient civilization, but also to meet, conquer,
and in time civilize the barbarian hordes from the North which overwhelmed
the Roman Empire. A new and youthful race of German barbarians now
appeared upon the scene, with resulting ravage and destruction, and
anarchy and ignorance, and long centuries ensued during which ancient
civilization fell prey to savage violence and superstition. Progress
ceased in the ancient world. The creative power of antiquity seemed
exhausted. The digestive and assimilative powers of the old world seemed
gone. Greek was forgotten. Latin was corrupted. Knowledge of the arts and
sciences was lost. Schools disappeared. Only the Christian Church remained
to save civilization from the wreck, and it, too, was almost submerged in
the barbaric flood. It took ten centuries partially to civilize, educate,
and mould into homogeneous units this heterogeneous horde of new peoples.
During this long period it required the strongest energies of the few who
understood to preserve the civilization of the past for the enjoyment and
use of a modern world.

Yet these barbarian Germans, great as was the havoc they wrought at first,
in time contributed much to the stream of our modern civilization. They
brought new conceptions of individual worth and freedom into a world
thoroughly impregnated with the ancient idea of the dominance of the State
over the individual. The popular assembly, an elective king, and an
independent and developing system of law were contributions of first
importance which these peoples brought. The individual man and not the
State was, with them, the important unit in society. In the hands of the
Angles and Saxons, particularly, but also among the Celts, Franks,
Helvetii, and Belgae, this idea of individual freedom and of the
subordination of the State to the individual has borne large fruit in
modern times in the self-governing States of France, Switzerland, Belgium,
England and the English self-governing dominions, and in the United States
of America. After much experimenting it now seems certain that the Anglo-
Saxon type of self-government, as developed first in England and further
expanded in the United States, seems destined to be the type of government
in future to rule the world.

It took Europe almost ten centuries to recover from the effects of the
invasion of barbarism which the last two centuries of the Roman Empire
witnessed, to save itself a little later from Mohammedan conquest, and to
pick up the lost threads of the ancient life and begin again the work of
civilization. Finally, however, this was accomplished, largely as a result
of the labor of monks and missionaries. The barbarians were in time
induced to settle down to an agricultural life, to accept Christianity in
name at least, and to yield a more or less grudging obedience to monk and
priest that they might thereby escape the torments of a world to come.
Slowly the monasteries and the churches, aided here and there by far-
sighted kings, worked at the restoration of books and learning, and
finally, first in Italy, and later in the nations evolved from the tribes
that had raided the Empire, there came a period of awakening and
rediscovery which led to the development of the early university
foundations, a wonderful revival of ancient learning, a great expansion of
men's thoughts, a great religious awakening, a wonderful period of world
exploration and discovery, the founding of new nations in new lands, the
reawakening of the spirit of scientific inquiry, the rise of the
democratic spirit, and the evolution of our modern civilization.

By the end of the eleventh century it was clear that the long battle for
the preservation of civilization had been won, but it was not until the
fourteenth century that the Revival of Learning in Italy gave clear
evidence of the rise of the modern spirit. By the year 1500 much had been
accomplished, and the new modern questioning spirit of the Italian Revival
was making progress in many directions. Most of the old learning had been
recovered; the printing-press had been invented, and was at work
multiplying books; the study of Greek and Hebrew had been revived in the
western world; trade and commerce had begun; the cities and the
universities which had arisen had become centers of a new life; a new sea
route to India had been found and was in use; Columbus had discovered a
new world; the Church was more tolerant of new ideas than it had been for
centuries; and thought was being awakened in the western world to a degree
that had not taken place since the days of ancient Rome. The world seemed
about ready for rapid advances in many directions, and great progress in
learning, education, government, art, commerce, and invention seemed
almost within its grasp. Instead, there soon opened the most bitter and
vindictive religious conflict the world has ever known; western Christian
civilization was torn asunder; a century of religious warfare ensued; and
this was followed by other centuries of hatred and intolerance and
suspicion awakened by the great conflict.

Still, out of this conflict, though it for a time checked the orderly
development of civilization, much important educational progress was
ultimately to come. In promulgating the doctrine that the authority of the
Bible in religious matters is superior to the authority of the Church, the
basis for the elementary school for the masses of the people, and in
consequence the education of all, was laid. This meant the creation of an
entirely new type of school--the elementary, for the masses, and taught in
the native tongue--to supplement the Latin secondary schools which had
been an outgrowth of the revival of ancient learning, and the still
earlier cathedral and monastery schools of the Church.

The modern elementary vernacular school may then be said to be essentially
a product of the Protestant Reformation. This is true in a special sense
among those peoples which embraced some form of the Lutheran or
Calvinistic faiths. These were the Germans, Moravians, Swedes, Norwegians,
Finns, Danes, Dutch, Walloons, Swiss, Scotch, Scotch-Irish, French
Huguenots, and the English Puritans. As the Renaissance gave a new
emphasis to the development of secondary schools by supplying them with a
large amount of new subject-matter and a new motive, so the Reformation
movement gave a new motive for the education of children not intended for
the service of the State or the Church, and the development of elementary
vernacular schools was the result. Only in England, of all the revolting
countries, did this Protestant conception as to the necessity of education
for salvation fail to take deep root, with the result that elementary
education in England awaited the new political and social and industrial
impulses of the latter half of the nineteenth century for its real
development.

The rise of the questioning and inferring spirit in the Italian
Renaissance marked the beginnings of the transition from mediaeval to
modern attitudes, and one of the most important outgrowths of this was the
rise of scientific inquiry which in time followed. This meant the
application of human reason to the investigation of the phenomena of
nature, with all that this eventually implied. This, slowly to be sure,
turned the energies of mankind in a new direction, led to the substitution
of inquiry and patient experimentation for assumption and disputation, and
in time produced a scientific and industrial revolution which has changed
the whole nature of the older problems. The scientific spirit has to-day
come to dominate all lines of human thinking, and the applications of
scientific principles have, in the past century, completely changed almost
all the conditions surrounding human life. Applied to education, this new
spirit has transformed the instruction and the methods of the schools, led
to the creation of entirely new types of educational institutions, and
introduced entirely new aims and methods and purposes into the educational
process.

From inquiry into religious matters and inquiry into the phenomena of
nature, it was but a short and a natural step to inquiry into the nature
and functions of government. This led to a critical questioning of the old
established order, the rise of new types of intellectual inquiry, the
growth of a consciousness of national problems, and the bringing to the
front of questions of political interest to a degree unknown since the
days of ancient Rome. The eighteenth century marks, in these directions, a
sharp turning-point in human thinking, and the end of mediaevalism and the
ushering in of modern forms of intellectual liberty. The eighteenth
century, too, witnessed a culmination of a long series of progressive
changes which had been under way for centuries, and the flood time of a
slowly but steadily rising tide of protest against the enslavement of the
intellect and the limitation of natural human liberties by either Church
or State. The flood of individualism which characterized the second half
of the eighteenth century demanded outlet, and, denied, it rose and swept
away ancient privileges, abuses, and barriers--religious, intellectual,
social, and political--and opened the way for the marked progress in all
lines which characterized the nineteenth century. Out of this new spirit
was to come the American and the French Revolutions, the establishment of
constitutional liberty and religious freedom, the beginnings of the
abolition of privilege, the rise of democracy, a great extension of
educational advantages, and the transfer of the control of the school from
the Church to the State that the national welfare might be better promoted
thereby.

Now arose the modern conception of the school as the great constructive
instrument of the State, and a new individual and national theory as to
both the nature and the purpose of education was advanced. Schools were
declared to be essentially civil affairs; their purpose was asserted to be
to promote the common welfare and advance the interests of the political
State; ministers of education began to be appointed by the State to take
over and exercise control; the citizen supplanted the ecclesiastic in the
organization of education and the supervision of classroom teaching; the
instruction in the school was changed in direction, and in time vastly
broadened in scope; and the education of all now came to be conceived of
as a birthright of the child of every citizen.

Since the middle of the nineteenth century a great world movement for the
realization of these new aims, through the taking-over of education from
religious bodies and the establishment of state-controlled school systems,
has taken place. This movement is still going on. Beginning in the nations
which were earliest in the front of the struggle to preserve and extend
what was so well begun by little Greece and Imperial Rome, the state-
control conception of education has, in the past three quarters of a
century, spread to every continent on the globe. For ages a Church and
private affair, of no particular concern to government and of importance
to but a relatively small number of the people, education has to-day
become, with the rise and spread of modern ideas as to human freedom,
political equality, and industrial progress, a prime essential to the
maintenance of good government and the promotion of national welfare, and
it is now so recognized by progressive nations everywhere. With the spread
of the state-control idea as to education have also gone western ideas as
to government, human rights, social obligations, political equality, pure
and applied science, trade, industry, transportation, intellectual and
moral improvement, and humanitarian influences which are rapidly
transforming and modernizing not only less progressive western nations,
but ancient civilizations as well, and along the lines so slowly and so
painfully worked out by the inheritors of the conceptions of human freedom
first thought out in little Greece, and those of political equality and
government under law so well worked out by ancient Rome, Western
civilization thus promises to become the dominant force in world
civilization and human progress, with general education as its agent and
greatest constructive force.

Such is a brief outline sketch of the history of the rise and spread and
progress of our western civilization, as expressed in the history of the
progress of education, and as we shall trace it in much more detail in the
chapters which are to follow. The road that man has traveled from the days
when might made right, and when children had no claims which the State or
parents were bound to respect, to a time when the child is regarded as of
first importance, and adults represented in the State declare by law that
the child shall be protected and shall have abundant educational
advantages, is a long road and at times a very crooked one. Its ups and
downs and forward movements have been those of the progress of the race,
and in consequence a history of educational progress must be in part a
history of the progress of civilization itself. Human civilization,
though, represents a more or less orderly evolution, and the education of
man stands as one of the highest expressions of a belief in the
improvability of the race of which mankind is capable.

It is such a development that we propose to trace, and, having now
sketched the broader outlines of the treatment, we next turn to a filling-
in of the details, and begin with the Ancient World and the first
foundation element as found in the little City-States of ancient Greece.




PART I

THE ANCIENT WORLD

THE FOUNDATION ELEMENTS OF OUR WESTERN CIVILIZATION
GREECE--ROME--CHRISTIANITY




CHAPTER I

THE OLD GREEK EDUCATION


I. GREECE AND ITS PEOPLE

THE LAND. Ancient Greece, or Hellas as the Greeks called their homeland,
was but a small country. The map given below shows the Aegean world
superimposed on the States of the old Northwest Territory, from which it
may be seen that the Greek mainland was a little less than half as large
as the State of Illinois. Greece proper was about the size of the State of
West Virginia, but it was a much more mountainous land. No spot in Greece
was over forty miles from the sea. Attica, where a most wonderful
intellectual life arose and flourished for centuries, and whose
contributions to civilization were the chief glory of Greece, was smaller
than two average-size Illinois counties, and about two thirds the size of
the little State of Rhode Island. [1] The country was sparsely populated,
except in a few of the City-States, and probably did not, at its most
prosperous period, contain much more than a million and a half of people--
citizens, foreigners, and slaves included.

[Illustration: FIG. 2. ANCIENT GREECE AND THE AEGEAN WORLD
Superimposed on the East-North-Central Group of American States, to show
relative size. Dotted lines indicate the boundaries of the American
States--Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, etc. All of Greece will be seen to be
a little less than half the size of the State of Illinois, the Aegean Sea
about the size of the State of Indiana, and Attica not quite so large as
two average-size Illinois counties.]

The land was rough and mountainous, and deeply indented by the sea. The
climate and vegetation were not greatly unlike the climate and vegetation
of Southern California. Pine and fir on the mountain-slopes, and figs,
olives, oranges, lemons, and grapes on the hillsides and plains below,
were characteristic of the land. Fishing, agriculture, and the raising of
cattle and sheep were the important industries. A temperate, bracing
climate, short, mild winters, and a long, dry summer gave an opportunity
for the development of this wonderful civilization. Like Southern
California or Florida in winter, it was essentially an out-of-doors
country. The high mountains to the rear, the sun-steeped skies, and the
brilliant sea in front were alike the beauty of the land and the
inspiration of the people. Especially was this true of Attica, which had
the seashore, the plain, the high mountains, and everywhere magnificent
views through an atmosphere of remarkable clearness. A land of
incomparable beauty and charm, it is little wonder that the Greek citizen,
and the Athenian in particular, took pride in and loved his country, and
was willing to spend much time in preparing himself to govern and defend
it.

THE GOVERNMENT. Politically, Greece was composed of a number of
independent City-States of small size. They had been settled by early
tribes, which originally held the land in common. Attica, with its
approximately seven hundred square miles of territory, was an average-size
City-State. The central city, the surrounding farming and grazing lands,
and the coastal regions all taken together, formed the State, the citizens
of which--city-residents, farmers, herdsmen, and fishermen--controlled the
government. There were in all some twenty of these City-States in mainland
Greece, the most important of which were Attica, of which Athens was the
central city; Laconia, of which Sparta was the central city; and Boeotia,
of which Thebes was the central city. Some of the States developed
democracies, of which class Athens became the most notable example, while
some were governed as oligarchies. Of all the different States but few
played any conspicuous part in the history of Greece. Of these few Attica
stands clearly above them all as the leader in thought and art and the
most progressive in government. Here, truly, was a most wonderful people,
and it is with Attica that the student of the history of education is most
concerned. The best of all Greece was there.

[Illustration: FIG. 3. THE CITY-STATE OF ATTICA]

The little City-States of Greece, as has just been said, were independent
States, just like modern nations. While all the Greeks regarded themselves
as tribes of a single family, descended from a common ancestor, Hellen,
and the bonds of a common race, language, and religion tended to unite
them into a sort of brotherhood, the different City-States were held apart
by their tribal origins, by narrow political sympathies, and by petty
laws. A citizen of one city, for example, was an alien in another, and
could not hold property or marry in a city not his own. Such attitudes and
laws were but natural, the time and age considered.

Sometimes, in case of great danger, as at the time of the Persian
invasions (492-479 B.C.), a number of the States would combine to form a
defensive league; at other times they made war on one another. The federal
principle, such as we know it in the United States in our state and
national governments, never came into play. At different times Athens,
Sparta, and Thebes aspired to the leadership of Greece and tried to unite
the little States into a Hellenic Nation, but the mutual jealousies and
the extreme individualism of the people, coupled with the isolation of the
States and the difficulties of intercommunication through the mountain
passes, stood in the way of any permanent union. [2] What Rome later
accomplished with relative ease and on a large scale, Greece was unable to
do on even a small scale. A lack of capacity to unite for coöperative
undertakings seemed to be a fatal weakness of the Greek character.

THE PEOPLE. The Greeks were among the first of the European peoples to
attain to any high degree of civilization. Their story runs back almost to
the dawn of recorded history. As early as 3500 B.C. they were in an
advanced stone age, and by 2500 B.C. had reached the age of bronze. The
destruction of Homer's Troy dates back to 1200 B.C., and the Homeric poems
to 1100 B.C., while an earlier Troy (Schliemann's second city) goes back
to 2400 B.C. This history concerns the mainland of Asia Minor. By 1000
B.C. the southern peninsula of Greece had been colonized, between 900 and
800 B.C. Attica and other portions of upper Greece had been settled, and
by 650 B.C. Greek colonization had extended to many parts of the
Mediterranean. [3]

The lower part of the Greek peninsula, known as Laconia, was settled by
the Dorian branch of the Greek family, a practical, forceful, but a wholly
unimaginative people. Sparta was their most important city. To the north
were the Ionic Greeks, a many-sided and a highly imaginative people.
Athens was their chief city. In the settlement of Laconia the Spartans
imposed themselves as an army of occupation on the original inhabitants,
whom they compelled to pay tribute to them, and established a military
monarchy in southern Greece. The people of Attica, on the other hand,
absorbed into their own body the few earlier settlers of the Attic plain.
They also established a monarchy, but, being a people more capable of
progress, this later evolved into a democracy. The people of Attica were
in consequence a somewhat mixed race, which possibly in part accounts for
their greater intellectual ability and versatility. [4]

It accounts, though, only in part. Climate, beautiful surroundings, and
contact with the outside world probably also contributed something, but
the real basis underneath was the very superior quality of the people of
Attica. In some way, just how we do not know, these people came to be
endowed with a superior genius and the rather unusual ability to make
those progressive changes in living and government which enabled them to
make the most of their surroundings and opportunities, and to advance
while others stood still. Far more than other Greeks, the people of Attica
were imaginative, original, versatile, adaptable, progressive, endowed
with rare mental ability, keenly sensitive to beauty in nature and art,
and possessed of a wonderful sense of proportion and a capacity for
moderation in all things. Only on such an assumption can we account for
their marvelous achievements in art, philosophy, literature, and science
at this very early period in the development of the civilization of the
world.

CLASSES IN THE POPULATION. Greece, as was the ancient world in general,
was built politically on the dominant power of a ruling class. In
consequence, all of course could not become citizens of the State, even
after a democracy had been evolved. Citizenship came with birth and proper
education, and, before 509 B.C., foreigners were seldom admitted to
privileges in the State. Only a male citizen might hold office, protect
himself in the courts, own land, or attend the public assemblies. Only a
citizen, too, could participate in the religious festivals and rites, for
religion was an affair of the ruling families of the State. In
consequence, family, religion, and citizenship were all bound up together,
and education and training were chiefly for citizenship and religious
(moral) ends.

Even more, citizenship everywhere in the earlier period was a degree to be
attained to only after proper education and preliminary military and
political training. This not only made some form of education necessary,
but confined educational advantages to male youths of proper birth. There
was of course no purpose in educating any others. [5] From Figure 4 it
will be seen what a small percentage of the total population this
included. Education in Greece was essentially the education of the
children of the ruling class to perpetuate the rule of that class.

Attica almost alone among the Greek States adopted anything approaching a
liberal attitude toward the foreign-born; in Sparta, and generally
elsewhere in Greece, they were looked upon with deep suspicion. As a
result most of the foreign residents of Greece were to be found in Athens,
or its neighboring port city (the Piraeus), attracted there by the
hospitality of the people and the intellectual or commercial advantages of
these cities. After Athens had become the center of world thought, many
foreigners took up their residence in the city because of the importance
of its intellectual life. Foreigners, though, they remained up to 509 B.C.
(See page 40.) Only rarely before this date, and then only for some
conspicuous act of patriotism, and by special vote of the citizens, was a
foreigner admitted to citizenship. Unlike Rome, which received those of
alien birth freely into its citizenship, and opened up to them large
opportunities of every kind, the Greeks persistently refused to assimilate
the foreign-born. Regarding themselves as a superior people, descended
from the gods, they held themselves apart rather exclusively as above
other peoples. This kept the blood pure, but, from the standpoint of world
usefulness, it was a serious defect in Greek life. [6]

Beneath both citizens and foreign residents was a great foundation mass of
working slaves, who rendered all types of menial and intellectual
services. Sailors, household servants, field workers, clerks in shops and
offices, accountants, and pedagogues were among the more common
occupations of slaves in Greece. Many of these had been citizens and
learned men of other City-States or countries, but had been carried off as
captives in some war. This was a common practice in the ancient world,
slavery being the lot of alien conquered people almost without exception.
The composition of Attica, just before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian
War (431 B.C.) is shown in Figure 4. The great number of slaves and
foreigners is clearly seen, even though the citizenship had by this time
been greatly extended. In Sparta and in other City-States somewhat similar
conditions prevailed as to numbers [7] but there the slaves (Helots)
occupied a lower status than in Athens, being in reality serfs, tied to
and being sold with the land, and having no rights which a citizen was
bound to respect.

[Illustration: FIG. 4. DISTRIBUTION OF THE POPULATION OF ATHENS AND
ATTICA, ABOUT 430 B.C. (After Gulick)]

Education, then, being only for the male children of citizens, and
citizenship a degree to be attained to on the basis of education and
training, let us next see in what that education consisted, and what were
its most prominent characteristics and results.


II. EARLY EDUCATION IN GREECE

Some form of education that would train the son of the citizen for
participation in the religious observances and duties of a citizen of the
State, and would prepare the State for defense against outward enemies,
was everywhere in Greece recognized as a public necessity, though its
provision, nature, and extent varied in the different City-States. We have
clear information only as to Sparta and Athens, and will consider only
these two as types. Sparta is interesting as representing the old Greek
tribal training, from which Sparta never progressed. Many of the other
Greek City-States probably maintained a system of training much like that
of Sparta. Such educational systems stand as undesirable examples of
extreme state socialism, contributed little to our western civilization,
and need not detain us long. It was Athens, and a few other City-States
which followed her example, which presented the best of Greece and passed
on to the modern world what was most valuable for civilization.

1. _Education in Sparta_

THE PEOPLE. The system of training which was maintained in Sparta was in
part a reflection of the character of the people, and in part a result of
its geographical location. A warlike people by nature, the Spartans were
for long regarded as the ablest fighters in Greece. Laconia, their home,
was a plain surrounded by mountains. They represented but a small
percentage of the total population, which they held in subjection to them
by their military power. [8] The slaves (Helots) were often troublesome,
and were held in check by many kinds of questionable practices. Education
for citizenship with the Spartans meant education for usefulness in an
intensely military State, where preparedness was a prerequisite to safety.
Strength, courage, endurance, cunning, patriotism, and obedience were the
virtues most highly prized, while the humane, literary, and artistic
sentiments were neglected (R. I). Aristotle well expressed it when he said
that "Sparta prepared and trained for war, and in peace rusted like a
sword in its scabbard."

THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. At birth the child was examined by a council of
elders (R. I), and if it did not appear to be a promising child it was
exposed to die in the mountains. If kept, the mother had charge of the
child until seven if a boy, and still longer if a girl. At the beginning
of the eighth year, and until the boy reached the age of eighteen, he
lived in a public barrack, where he was given little except physical drill
and instruction in the Spartan virtues. His food and clothing were scant
and his bed hard. Each older man was a teacher. Running, leaping, boxing,
wrestling, military music, military drill, ball-playing, the use of the
spear, fighting, stealing, and laconic speech and demeanor constituted the
course of study. From eighteen to twenty was spent in professional
training for war, and frequently the youth was publicly whipped to develop
his courage and endurance. For the next ten years--that is, until he was
thirty years old--he was in the army at some frontier post. At thirty the
young man was admitted to full citizenship and compelled to marry, though
continuing to live at the public barrack and spending his energies in
training boys (R. 1). Women and girls were given gymnastic training to
make them strong and capable of bearing strong children. The family was
virtually suppressed in the interests of defense and war. [9] The
intellectual training consisted chiefly in committing to memory the Laws
of Lycurgus, learning a few selections from Homer, and listening to the
conversation of the older men.

As might naturally be supposed, Sparta contributed little of anything to
art, literature, science, philosophy, or government. She left to the world
some splendid examples of heroism, as for example the sacrifice of
Leonidas and his Spartans to hold the pass at Thermopylae, and a warning
example of the brutalizing effect on a people of excessive devotion to
military training. It is a pleasure to turn from this dark picture to the
wonderful (for the time) educational system that was gradually developed
at Athens.

2. _The old Athenian education_

SCHOOLS AND TEACHERS. Athenian education divides itself naturally into two
divisions--the old Athenian training which prevailed up to about the time
of the close of the Persian Wars (479 B.C.) and was an outgrowth of
earlier tribal observances and practices, and later Athenian education,
which characterized the period of maximum greatness of Athens and
afterward. We shall describe these briefly, in order.

The state military socialism of Sparta made no headway in more democratic
Attica. The citizens were too individualistic, and did their own thinking
too well to permit the establishment of any such plan. While education was
a necessity for citizenship, and the degree could not be obtained without
it, the State nevertheless left every citizen free to make his own
arrangements for the education of his sons, or to omit such education if
he saw fit. Only instruction in reading, writing, music, and gymnastics
were required. If family pride, and the sense of obligation of a parent
and a citizen were not sufficient to force the father to educate his son,
the son was then by law freed from the necessity of supporting his father
in his old age. The State supervised education, but did not establish it.

The teachers were private teachers, and derived their livelihood from
fees. These naturally varied much with the kind of teacher and the wealth
of the parent, much as private lessons in music or dancing do to-day. As
was common in antiquity, the teachers occupied but a low social position
(R. 5), and only in the higher schools of Athens was their standing of any
importance. Greek literature contains many passages which show the low
social status of the schoolmaster. [10] Schools were open from dawn to
dark. The school discipline was severe, the rod being freely used both in
the school and in the home. There were no Saturday and Sunday holidays or
long vacations, such as we know, but about ninety festival and other state
holidays served to break the continuity of instruction (R. 3). The
schoolrooms were provided by the teachers, and were wholly lacking in
teaching equipment, in any modern sense of the term. However, but little
was needed. The instruction was largely individual instruction, the boy
coming, usually in charge of an old slave known as a _pedagogue_, to
receive or recite his lessons. The teaching process was essentially a
telling and a learning-by-heart procedure.

For the earlier years there were two schools which boys attended--the
music and literary school, and a school for physical training. Boys
probably spent part of the day at one school and part at the other, though
this is not certain. They may have attended the two schools on alternate
days. From sixteen to eighteen, if his parents were able, the boy attended
a state-supported _gymnasium_, where an advanced type of physical training
was given. As this was preparatory for the next two years of army service,
the _gymnasia_ were supported by the State more as preparedness measures
than as educational institutions, though they partook of the nature of
both.

[Illustration: FIG. 5. A GREEK BOY]

EARLY CHILDHOOD. As at Sparta the infant was examined at birth, but the
father, and not a council of citizens, decided whether or not it was to be
"exposed" or preserved. Three ceremonies, of ancient tribal origin, marked
the recognition and acceptance of the child. The first took place five
days after birth, when the child was carried around the family hearth by
the nurse, followed by the household in procession. This ceremony,
followed by a feast, was designed to place the child forever under the
care of the family gods. On the tenth day the child was named by the
father, who then formally recognized the child as his own and committed
himself to its rearing and education. The third ceremony took place at the
autumn family festival, when all children born during the preceding year
were presented to the father's clansmen, who decided, by vote, whether or
not the boy or girl was the legitimate and lawful child of Athenian
parents. If approved, the child's name was entered on the registry of the
clan, and he might then aspire to citizenship and inherit property from
his parent (R. 4).

Up to the age of seven both boys and girls grew up together in the home,
under the care of the nurse and mother, engaging in much the same games
and sports as do children anywhere. From the first they were carefully
disciplined for good behavior and for the establishment of self-control
(R. 3). After the age of seven the boy and girl parted company in the
matter of their education, the girl remaining closely secluded in the home
(women and children were usually confined to the upper floor of the house)
and being instructed in the household arts by her mother, while the boy
went to different teachers for his education. Probably many girls learned
to read and write from their mothers or nurses, and the daughters of well-
to-do citizens learned to spin, weave, sew, and embroider. Music was also
a common accomplishment of women. [11]

THE SCHOOL OF THE GRAMMATIST. A Greek boy, unlike a modern school child,
did not go to one teacher. Instead he had at least two teachers, and
sometimes three. To the _grammatist_, who was doubtless an evolution from
an earlier tribal scribe, he went to learn to read and write and count.
The grammatist represented the earliest or primary teacher. To the music
teacher, who probably at first taught reading and writing also, he went
for his instruction in music and literature. Finally, to the _palaestra_
he went for instruction in physical training (R. 3).

[Illustration: FIG. 6. AN ATHENIAN INSCRIPTION
A decree of the Council and Assembly, dating from about 450 B.C. Note the
difficulty of trying to read without any punctuation, and with only
capital letters.]

Reading was taught by first learning the letters, then syllables, and
finally words. [12] Plaques of baked earth, on which the alphabet was
written, like the more modern horn-book (see Figure 130), were frequently
used. [13] The ease with which modern children learn to read was unknown
in Greece. Reading was very difficult to learn, as accentuation,
punctuation, spacing between words, and small letters had not as yet been
introduced. As a result the study required much time, [14] and much
personal ingenuity had to be exercised in determining the meaning of a
sentence. The inscription shown in Figure 6 will illustrate the
difficulties quite well. The Athenian accent, too, was hard to acquire.

[Illustration: FIG. 7. GREEK WRITING-MATERIALS]

The pupil learned to write by first tracing, with the stylus, letters cut
in wax tablets, and later by copying exercises set for him by his teacher,
using the wax tablet and writing on his knee. Still later the pupil
learned to write with ink on papyrus or parchment, though, due to the cost
of parchment in ancient times, this was not greatly used. Slates and paper
were of course unknown in Greece.

There was little need for arithmetic, and but little was taught.
Arithmetic such as we teach would have been impossible with their cumbrous
system of notation. [15] Only the elements of counting were taught, the
Greek using his fingers or a counting-board, such as is shown in Figure 8,
to do his simple reckoning.

[Illustration: FIG. 8 A GREEK COUNTING-BOARD
Pebbles of different size or color were used for thousands, hundreds,
tens, and units. Their position on the board gave them their values. The
board now shows the total 15,379.]

GREAT IMPORTANCE OF READING AND LITERATURE. After the pupil had learned to
read, much attention was given to accentuation and articulation, in order
to secure beautiful reading. Still more, in reading or reciting, the parts
were acted out. The Greeks were a nation of actors, and the recitations in
the schools and the acting in the theaters gave plenty of opportunity for
expression. There were no schoolbooks, as we know them. The master
dictated and the pupils wrote down, or, not uncommonly, learned by heart
what the master dictated. Ink and parchment were now used, the boy making
his own schoolbooks. Homer was the first and the great reading book of the
Greeks, the _Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_ being the Bible of the Greek people.
Then followed Hesiod, Theognis, the Greek poets, and the fables of Aesop.
[16] Reading, declamation, and music were closely interrelated. To appeal
to the emotions and to stir the will along moral and civic lines was a
fundamental purpose of the instruction (R. 5). A modern writer well
characterizes the ancient instruction in literature in the following
words:

By making the works of the great poets of the Greek people the material of
their education, the Athenians attained a variety of objects difficult of
attainment by any other one means. The fact is, the ancient poetry of
Greece, with its finished form, its heroic tales and characters, its
accounts of peoples far removed in time and space, its manliness and
pathos, its directness and simplicity, its piety and wisdom, its respect
for law and order, combined with its admiration for personal initiative
and worth, furnished, in the hands of a careful and genial teacher, a
material for a complete education such as could not well be matched even
in our own day. What instruction in ethics, politics, social life, and
manly bearing could not find a fitting vehicle in the Homeric poems, not
to speak of the geography, the grammar, the literary criticism, and the
history which the comprehension of them involved? Into what a wholesome,
unsentimental, free world did these poems introduce the imaginative Greek
boy! What splendid ideals of manhood and womanhood did they hold up for
his admiration and imitation! From Hesiod he would learn all that he
needed to know about his gods and their relation to him and his people.
From the elegiac poets he would derive a fund of political and social
wisdom, and an impetus to patriotism, which would go far to make him a
good man and a good citizen. From the iambic poets he would learn to
express with energy his indignation at meanness, feebleness, wrong, and
tyranny, while from the lyric poets he would learn the language suitable
to every genial feeling and impulse of the human heart. And in reciting or
singing all these, how would his power of terse, idiomatic expression, his
sense of poetic beauty and his ear for rhythm and music be developed! With
what a treasure of examples of every virtue and vice, and with what a fund
of epigrammatic expression would his memory be furnished! How familiar he
would be with the character and ideals of his nation, how deeply in
sympathy with them! And all this was possible even before the introduction
of letters. With this event a new era in education begins. The boy now not
only learns and declaims his Homer, and sings his Simonides or Sappho; he
learns also to write down their verses from dictation, and so at once to
read and to write. This, indeed, was the way in which these two (to us)
fundamental arts were acquired. As soon as the boy could trace with his
finger in sand, or scratch with a stylus on wax, the forms of the letters,
and combine them into syllables and words, he began to write poetry from
his master's dictation. The writing-lesson of to-day was the reading,
recitation, or singing-lesson of to-morrow. Every boy made his own reading
book, and, if he found it illegible, and stumbled in reading, he had only
himself to blame. The Greeks, and especially the Athenians, laid the
greatest stress on reading well, reciting well, and singing well, and the
youth who could not do all three was looked upon as uncultured. Nor could
he hide his want of culture, since young men were continually called upon,
both at home and at more or less public gatherings, to perform their part
in the social entertainment. [17]

[Illustration: FIG. 9. AN ATHENIAN SCHOOL
From a cup discovered at Caere, signed by the painter Duris, and now in
the Museum of Berlin.

A LESSON IN MUSIC AND LANGUAGE _Explanation_: At the right is the
_paidagogos_; he is seated, and turns his head to look at his pupil, who
is standing before his master. The latter holds a writing-tablet and a
stylus; he is perhaps correcting a task. At the left a pupil is taking a
music lesson. On the wall are hung a roll of manuscript, a folded writing-
tablet, a lyre, and an unknown cross-shaped object.

A LESSON IN MUSIC AND POETRY _Explanation_: At the right sits, cross-
legged, the _paidagogos_, who has just brought in his pupil. The boy
stands before the teacher of poetry and recites his lesson. The master, in
a chair, holds in his hand a roll which he is unfolding, upon which we see
Greek letters. Above these three figures we see on the wall a cup, a lyre,
and a leather case of flutes. To the bag is attached the small box
containing mouthpieces of different kinds for the flutes. Farther on a
pupil is receiving a lesson in music. The master and pupil are both seated
on seats without backs. The master, with head erect, looks at the pupil
who, bent over his lyre, seems absorbed in his playing. Above are hanging
a basket, a lyre, and a cup. On the wall is an inscription in Greek.]

THE MUSIC SCHOOL. The teacher in this school gradually separated himself
from the grammatist, and often the two were found in adjoining rooms in
the same school. In his functions he succeeded the wandering poet or
minstrel of earlier times. Music teachers were common in all the City-
States of Greece. To this teacher the boy went at first to recite his
poetry, and after the thirteenth year for a special music course. The
teacher was known as a _citharist_, and the instrument usually used was
the seven-stringed lyre. This resembled somewhat our modern guitar. The
flute was also used somewhat, but never grew into much favor, partly
because it tended to excite rather than soothe, and partly because of the
contortions of the face to which its playing gave rise. Rhythm, melody,
and the feeling for measure and time were important in instruction, whose
office was to soothe, purge, and harmonize man within and make him fit for
moral instruction through the poetry with which their music was ever
associated. Instead of being a distinct art, as with us, and taught by
itself, music with the Greeks was always subsidiary to the expression of
the spirit of their literature, and in aim it was for moral-training ends.
[18] Both Aristotle and Plato advocate state control of school music to
insure sound moral results. Inferior as their music was to present-day
music, it exerted an influence over their lives which it is difficult for
an American teacher to appreciate.

[Illustration: FIG. 10. GREEK SCHOOL LESSONS

THE SINGING LESSON The boy is singing, to the accompaniment of a flute. On
the wall hangs a bag of flutes.

THE LITERATURE LESSON The boy is reciting, while the teacher follows him
on a roll of manuscript.]

The first lessons taught the use of the instrument, and the simple chants
of the religious services were learned. As soon as the pupil knew how to
play, the master taught him to render the works of the great lyric poets
of Greece. Poetry and music together thus formed a single art. At thirteen
a special music course began which lasted until sixteen, but which only
the sons of the more well-to-do citizens attended. Every boy, though,
learned some music, not that he might be a musician, but that he might be
musical and able to perform his part at social gatherings and participate
in the religious services of the State. Professional playing was left to
slaves and foreigners, and was deemed unworthy a free man and a citizen.
Professionalism in either music or athletics was regarded as disgraceful.
The purpose of both activities was harmonious personal development, which
the Greeks believed contributed to moral worth.

THE PALAESTRA; GYMNASTICS. Very unlike our modern education, fully one
half of a boy's school life, from eight to sixteen, was given to sports
and games in another school under different teachers, known as the
palaestra. The work began gradually, but by fifteen had taken precedence
over other studies. As in music, harmonious physical development and moral
ends were held to be of fundamental importance. The standards of success
were far from our modern standards. To win the game was of little
significance; the important thing was to do the part gracefully and, for
the person concerned, well. To attain to a graceful and dignified carriage
of the body, good physical health, perfect control of the temper, and to
develop quickness of perception, self-possession, ease, and skill in the
games were the aims--not mere strength or athletic prowess (R. 2). Only a
few were allowed to train for participation in the Olympian games.

The work began with children's games, contests in running, and ball games
of various kinds. Deportment--how to get up, walk, sit, and how to achieve
easy manners--was taught by the masters. After the pupils came to be a
little older there was a definite course of study, which included, in
succession: (1) leaping and jumping, for general bodily and lung
development; (2) running contests, for agility and endurance; (3) throwing
the discus, [19] for arm exercise; (4) casting the javelin, for bodily
poise and coördination of movement, as well as for future use in hunting;
(5) boxing and wrestling, for quickness, agility, endurance, and the
control of the temper and passions. Swimming and dancing were also
included for all, dancing being a slow and graceful movement of the body
to music, to develop grace of motion and beauty of form, and to exercise
the whole human being, body and soul. The minuet and some of our folk-
dancing are our nearest approach to the Greek type of dancing, though
still not like it. The modern partner dance was unknown in ancient Greece.

The exercises were performed in classes, or in small groups. They took
place in the open air, and on a dirt or sandy floor. They were accompanied
by music--usually the flute, played by a paid performer. A number of
teachers looked after the boys, examining them physically, supervising the
exercises, directing the work, and giving various forms of instruction.

THE GYMNASIAL TRAINING, SIXTEEN TO EIGHTEEN. Up to this point the
education provided was a private and a family affair. In the home and in
the school the boy had now been trained to be a gentleman, to revere the
gods, to be moral and upright according to Greek standards, and in
addition he had been given that training in reading, writing, music, and
athletic exercises that the State required parents to furnish. It is
certain that many boys, whose parents could ill afford further expense for
schooling, were allowed to quit the schools at from thirteen to fifteen.
Those who expected to become full citizens, however, and to be a part of
the government and hold office, were required to continue until twenty
years of age. Two years more were spent in schooling, largely athletic,
and two years additional in military service. Of this additional training,
if his parents chose and could afford it, the State now took control.

[Illustration: FIG. II. GROUND-PLAN OF THE GYMNASIUM AT EPHESOS, IN ASIA
MINOR
_Explanation:_ A, B, C, pillared corridors, or portico; D, an open space,
possibly a palaestra, evidently intended to supply the peristylium; E, a
long, narrow hall used for games of ball; F, a large hall with seats; G,
in which was suspended a sack filled with chaff for the use of boxers; H,
where the young men sprinkled themselves with dust; I, the cold bath; K,
where the wrestling-master anointed the bodies of the contestants; L, the
cooling-off room; M, the furnace-room; N, the vapor bath; 0, the dry-
sweating apartment; P, the hot bath; Q, Q', rooms for games, for the
keepers, or for other uses; R, R', covered stadia, for use in bad weather;
S, S, S, S, S, rows of seats, looking upon T, the uncovered _stadium_; U,
groves, with seats and walks among the trees; V, V', recessed seats for
the use of philosophers, rhetoricians, and others.]

For the years from sixteen to eighteen the boy attended a state
_gymnasium_, of which two were erected outside of Athens by the State, in
groves of trees, in 590 B.C. Others were erected later in other parts of
Greece. Figure 11 shows the ground plan of one of these _gymnasia_, and a
study of the explanation of the plan will reveal the nature of these
establishments. The boy now had for teachers a number of gymnasts of
ability. The old exercises of the _palaestra_ were continued, but running,
wrestling, and boxing were much emphasized. The youth learned to run in
armor, while wrestling and boxing became more severe. He also learned to
ride a horse, to drive a chariot, to sing and dance in the public
choruses, and to participate in the public state and religious
processions.

Still more, the youth now passed from the supervision of a family
pedagogue to the supervision of the State. For the first time in his life
he was now free to go where he desired about the city; to frequent the
streets, market-place, and theater; to listen to debates and jury trials,
and to witness the great games; and to mix with men in the streets and to
mingle somewhat in public affairs. He saw little of girls, except his
sisters, but formed deep friendships with other young men of his age. [20]
Aside from a requirement that he learn the laws of the State, his
education during this period was entirely physical and civic. If he abused
his liberty he was taken in hand by public officials charged with the
supervision of public morals. He was, however, still regarded as a minor,
and his father (or guardian) was held responsible for his public behavior.

THE CITIZEN-CADET YEARS, EIGHTEEN TO TWENTY. The supervision of the State
during the preceding two years had in a way been joint with that of his
father; now the State took complete control. At the age of eighteen his
father took him before the proper authorities of his district or ward in
the city, and presented him as a candidate for citizenship. He was
examined morally and physically, and if sound, and if the records showed
that he was the legitimate son of a citizen, his name was entered on the
register of his ward as a prospective member of it (R. 4). His long hair
was now cut, he donned the black garb of the citizen, was presented to the
people along with others at a public ceremony, was publicly armed with a
spear and a shield, and then, proceeding to one of the shrines of the
city, on a height overlooking it, he solemnly took the Ephebic oath:

    I will never disgrace these sacred arms, nor desert my companion in
    the ranks. I will fight for temples and public property, both alone
    and with many. I will transmit my fatherland, not only not less, but
    greater and better, than it was transmitted to me. I will obey the
    magistrates who may at any time be in power. I will observe both the
    existing laws and those which the people may unanimously hereafter
    make, and, if any person seek to annul the laws or to set them at
    naught, I will do my best to prevent him, and will defend them both
    alone and with many. I will honor the religion of my fathers. And I
    call to witness Aglauros, Enyalios, Ares, Zeus, Thallo, Auxo, and
    Hegemone.

He was now an _Ephebos_, or citizen-cadet, with still two years of severe
training ahead of him before he could take up the full duties of
citizenship. The first year he spent in and near Athens, learning to be a
soldier. He did what recruits do almost everywhere--drill, camp in the
open, learn the army methods and discipline, and march in public
processions and take part in religious festivals. This first year was much
like that of new troops in camp being worked into real soldiers. At the
end of the year there was a public drill and inspection of the cadets,
after which they were sent to the frontier. It was now his business to
come to know his country thoroughly--its topography, roads, springs,
seashores, and mountain passes. He also assisted in enforcing law and
order throughout the country districts, as a sort of a state constabulary
or rural police. At the end of this second year of practical training the
second examination was held, the cadet was now admitted to full
citizenship, and passed to the ranks of a trained citizen in the reserve
army of defense, as does a boy in Switzerland to-day (R. 4).

RESULTS UNDER THE OLD GREEK SYSTEM. Such was the educational system which
was in time evolved from the earlier tribal practices of the citizens of
old Athens. If we consider Sparta as representing the earlier tribal
education of the Greek peoples, we see how far the Athenians, due to their
wonderful ability to make progress, were able to advance beyond this
earlier type of preparation for citizenship (R. 5). Not only did Athens
surpass all Greece, but, for the first time in the history of the world,
we find here, expressing itself in the education of the young, the modern
western, individualistic and democratic spirit, as opposed to the
deadening caste and governmental systems of the East. Here first we find a
free people living under political conditions which favored liberty,
culture, and intellectual growth, and using their liberty to advance the
culture and the knowledge of the people (R. 6).

Here also we find, for the first time, the thinkers of the State deeply
concerned with the education of the youth of the State, and viewing
education as a necessity to make life worth living and secure the State
from dangers, both within and without. To prepare men by a severe but
simple and honest training to fear the gods, to do honest work, to despise
comfort and vice, to obey the laws, to respect their neighbors and
themselves, and to reverence the wisdom of their race, was the aim of this
old education. The schooling for citizenship was rigid, almost
puritanical, but it produced wonderful results, both in peace and in war.
[21] Men thus trained guided the destinies of Athens during some two
centuries, and the despotism of the East as represented by Persia could
not defeat them at Marathon, Salamis, and Plataea.

THE SIMPLE AND EFFECTIVE CURRICULUM. The simplicity of the curriculum was
one of its marked features. In a manner seldom witnessed in the world's
educational history, the Greeks used their religion, literature,
government, and the natural activities of young men to impart an education
of wonderful effectiveness. [22] The subjects we have valued so highly for
training were to them unknown. They taught no arithmetic or grammar, no
science, no drawing, no higher mathematics, and no foreign tongue. Music,
the literature and religion of their own people, careful physical
training, and instruction in the duties and practices of citizenship
constituted the entire curriculum.

It was an education by doing; not one of learning from books. That it was
an attractive type of education there is abundant testimony by the Greeks
themselves. We have not as yet come to value physical education as did the
Greeks, nor are we nearly so successful in our moral education, despite
the aid of the Christian religion which they did not know. It was, to be
sure, class education, and limited to but a small fraction of the total
population. In it girls had no share. There were many features of Greek
life, too, that are repugnant to modern conceptions. Yet, despite these
limitations, the old education of Athens still stands as one of the most
successful in its results of any system of education which has been
evolved in the history of the world. Considering its time and place in the
history of the world and that it was a development for which there were
nowhere any precedents, it represented a very wonderful evolution.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Why are imaginative ability and many-sided natures such valuable
characteristics for any people?

2. Why is the ability to make progressive changes, possessed so markedly
by the Athenian Greeks, an important personal or racial characteristic?

3. Are the Athenian characteristics, stated in the middle of page 19,
characteristics capable of development by training, or are they native, or
both?

4. How do you explain the Greek failure to achieve political unity?

5. Would education for citizenship with us to-day possess the same defects
as in ancient Greece? Why? Do we give an equivalent training?

6. Which is the better attitude for a nation to assume toward the
foreigner--the Greek, or the American? Why?

7. Why does a state military socialism, such as prevailed at Sparta, tend
to produce a people of mediocre intellectual capacity?

8. How do you account for the Athenian State leaving literary and musical
education to private initiative, but supporting state _gymnasia_?

9. Would the Athenian method of instruction have been possible had all
children in the State been given an education? Why?

10. How did the education of an Athenian girl differ from that of a girl
in the early American colonies?

11. Why did the Greek boy need three teachers, whereas the American boy is
taught all and more by one primary teacher?

12. Contrast the Greek method of instruction in music, and the purposes of
the instruction, with our own.

13. How could we incorporate into our school instruction some of the
important aspects of Greek instruction in music?

14. What do you think of the contentions of Aristotle and Plato that the
State should control school music as a means of securing sound moral
instruction?

15. Does the Greek idea that a harmonious personal development contributes
to moral worth appeal to you? Why?

16. Contrast the Greek ideal as to athletic training with the conception
of athletics held by an average American schoolboy.

17. Contrast the education of a Greek boy at sixteen with that of an
American boy at the same age.

18. Contrast the emphasis placed on expression as a method in teaching in
the schools of Athens and of the United States.

19. Do the needs of modern society and industrial life warrant the greater
emphasis we place on learning from books, as opposed to the learning by
doing of the Greeks?

20. Compare the compulsory-school period of the Greeks with our own. If we
were to add some form of compulsory military training, for all youths
between eighteen and twenty, and as a preparedness measure, would we
approach still more nearly the Greek requirements?

21. Explain how the Athenian Greeks reconciled the idea of social service
to the State with the idea of individual liberty, through a form of
education which developed personality. Compare this with our American
ideal.

22. The Greek schoolboy had no long summer vacation, as do American
children. Is there any special reason why we need it more than did they?

23. Do we believe that virtue can be taught in the way the Hellenic
peoples did? Do we carry such a belief into practice?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  1. Plutarch: Ancient Education in Sparta.
  2. Plato: An Athenian Schoolboy's Life.
  3. Lucian: An Athenian Schoolboy's Day.
  4. Aristotle: Athenian Citizenship and the Ephebic Years.
  5. Freeman: Sparta and Athens compared.
  6. Thucydides: Athenian Education summarized.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Describe and characterize the Laws which Lycurgus framed for Spartan
training (1).

2. Describe and characterize the instruction of the Ireus at Sparta.
Compare with the training given among the best of the American Indian
tribes (1).

3. Contrast the type of education given an Athenian and a Spartan boy, as
to nature and purpose and character (1 and 2).

4. What degree of State supervision of education is indicated by Plato
(2)? By Freeman (5)?

5. Compare an Athenian school day as described by Lucian (3) with a school
day in a modern Gary-type school.

6. Compare the Ephebic years of an Athenian youth (4) with those of a
Spartan youth (1).

7. What were some of the chief defects of Athenian schools (5)?

8. What was the position of the State in the matter of the education of
youth (5)?

9. What were the great merits of the Athenian educational and political
system of training (6)?

(For SUPPLEMENTAL REFERENCES, see following chapter.)




CHAPTER II

LATER GREEK EDUCATION


III. THE NEW GREEK EDUCATION

POLITICAL EVENTS: THE GOLDEN AGE OF GREECE. The Battle of Marathon (490
B.C.) has long been considered one of the "decisive battles of the world."
Had the despotism of the East triumphed here, and in the subsequent
campaign that ended in the defeat of the Persian fleet at Salamis (480
B.C.) and of the Persian army at Plataea (479 B.C.), the whole history of
our western world would have been different. The result of the war with
Persia was the triumph of this new western democratic civilization,
prepared and schooled for great national emergencies by a severe but
effective training, over the uneducated hordes led to battle by the
autocracy of the East. This was the first, but not the last, of the many
battles which western democracy and civilization has had to fight to avoid
being crushed by autocracy and despotism. Marathon broke the dread spell
of the Persian name and freed the more progressive Greeks to pursue their
intellectual and political development. Above all it revealed the strength
and power of the Athenians to themselves, and in the half-century
following the most wonderful political, literary, and artistic development
the world had ever known ensued, and the highest products of Greek
civilization were attained. Attica had braved everything for the common
cause of Greece, even to leaving Athens to be burned by the invader, and
for the next fifty years she held the position of political as well as
cultural preëminence among the Greek City-States. Athens now became the
world center of wealth and refinement and the home of art and literature
(R. 7), and her influence along cultural lines, due in part to her mastery
of the sea and her growing commerce, was now extended throughout the
Mediterranean world.

From 479 to 431 B.C. was the Golden Age of Greece, and during this short
period Athens gave birth to more great men--poets, artists, statesmen, and
philosophers--than all the world beside had produced [1] in any period of
equal length. Then, largely as a result of the growing jealousy of
military Sparta came that cruel and vindictive civil strife, known as the
Peloponnesian War, which desolated Greece, left Athens a wreck of her
former self, permanently lowered the moral tone of the Greek people, and
impaired beyond recovery the intellectual and artistic life of Hellas. For
many centuries Athens continued to be a center of intellectual
achievement, and to spread her culture throughout a new and a different
world, but her power as a State had been impaired forever by a revengeful
war between those who should have been friends and allies in the cause of
civilization.

TRANSITION FROM OLD TO THE NEW. As early as 509 B.C. a new constitution
had admitted all the free inhabitants of Attica to citizenship, and the
result was a rapid increase in the prestige, property, and culture of
Athens. Citizenship was now open to the commercial classes, and no longer
restricted to a small, properly born, and properly educated class. Wealth
now became important in giving leisure to the citizen, and was no longer
looked down upon as it had been in the earlier period. After the
Peloponnesian War the predominance of Attica among the Greek States, the
growth of commerce, the constant interchange of embassies, the travel
overseas of Athenian citizens, and the presence of many foreigners in the
State all alike led to a tolerance of new ideas and a criticism of old
ones which before had been unknown. A leisure class now arose, and
personal interest came to have a larger place than before, with a
consequent change in the earlier conceptions as to the duty of the citizen
to the State. Literature lost much of its earlier religious character, and
the religious basis of morality [2] began to be replaced by that of
reason. Philosophy was now called upon to furnish a practical guide for
life to replace the old religious basis. A new philosophy in which "man
was the measure of all things" arose, and its teachers came to have large
followings. The old search for an explanation of the world of matter [3]
was now replaced by an attempt to explain the world of ideas and emotions,
with a resulting evolution of the sciences of philosophy, ethics, and
logic. It was a period of great intellectual as well as political change
and expansion, and in consequence the old education, which had answered
well the needs of a primitive and isolated community, now found itself but
poorly adapted to meet the larger needs of the new cosmopolitan State. [4]
The result was a material change in the old education to adapt it to the
needs of the new Athens, now become the intellectual center of the
civilized world.

CHANGES IN THE OLD EDUCATION. A number of changes in the character of the
old education were now gradually introduced. The rigid drill of the
earlier period began to be replaced by an easier and a more pleasurable
type of training. Gymnastics for personal enjoyment began to replace drill
for the service of the State, and was much less rigid in type. The old
authors, who had rendered important service in the education of youth,
began to be replaced by more modern writers, with a distinct loss of the
earlier religious and moral force. New musical instruments, giving a
softer and more pleasurable effect, took the place of the seven-stringed
lyre, and complicated music replaced the simple Doric airs of the earlier
period. Education became much more individual, literary, and theoretical.
Geometry and drawing were introduced as new studies. Grammar and rhetoric
began to be studied, discussion was introduced, and a certain glibness of
speech began to be prized. The citizen-cadet years, from sixteen to
twenty, formerly devoted to rather rigorous physical training, were now
changed to school work of an intellectual type.

NEW TEACHERS; THE SOPHISTS. New teachers, known as Sophists, who professed
to be able to train men for a political career, [5] began to offer a more
practical course designed to prepare boys for the newer type of state
service. These in time drew many Ephebes into their private schools, where
the chief studies were on the content, form, and practical use of the
Greek language. Rhetoric and grammar before long became the master studies
of this new period, as they were felt to prepare boys better for the new
political and intellectual life of Hellas than did the older type of
training. In the schools of the Sophists boys now spent their time in
forming phrases, choosing words, examining grammatical structure, and
learning how to secure rhetorical effect. Many of these new teachers made
most extravagant claims for their instruction (R. 8) and drew much
ridicule from the champions of the older type of education, but within a
century they had thoroughly established themselves, and had permanently
changed the character of the earlier Greek education.

By 350 B.C. we find that Greek school education had been differentiated
into three divisions, as follows:

    1. _Primary education_, covering the years from seven or eight to
       thirteen, and embracing reading, writing, arithmetic, and chanting.
       The teacher of this school came to be known as a _grammatist_.

    2. _Secondary education_, covering the years from thirteen to
       sixteen, and embracing geometry, drawing, and a special music
       course. Later on some grammar and rhetoric were introduced into
       this school. The teacher of this school came to be known as a
       _grammaticus_.

    3. _Higher or university education_, covering the years after
       sixteen.

THE FLOOD OF INDIVIDUALISM. This period of artistic and intellectual
brilliancy of Greece following the Peloponnesian War marked the beginning
of the end of Greece politically. The war was a blow to the strength of
Greece from which the different States never recovered. Greece was bled
white by this needless civil strife. The tendencies toward individualism
in education were symptomatic of tendencies in all forms of social and
political life. The philosophers--Xenophon, Plato, and Aristotle--proposed
ideal remedies for the evils of the State, [6] but in vain. The old ideal
of citizenship died out. Service to the State became purely subordinate to
personal pleasure and advancement. Irreverence and a scoffing attitude
became ruling tendencies. Family morality decayed. The State in time
became corrupt and nerveless. Finally, in 338 B.C., Philip of Macedon
became master of Greece, and annexed it to the world empire which he and
his son Alexander created. Still later, in 146 B.C., the new world power
to the west, Rome, conquered Greece and made of it a Roman province.

Though dead politically, there now occurred the unusual spectacle of
"captive Greece taking captive her rude conqueror," and spreading Greek
art, literature, philosophy, science, and Greek ideas throughout the
Mediterranean world. It was the Greek higher learning that now became
predominant and exerted such great influence on the future of our world
civilization. It remains now to trace briefly the development and spread
of this higher learning, and to point out how thoroughly it modified the
thinking of the future.

NEW SCHOOLS; SOCRATES. In the beginning each Sophist teacher was a free
lance, and taught what he would and in the manner he thought best. Many of
them made extraordinary efforts to attract students and win popular
approval and fees. Plato represents the Sophist Protagoras as saying, with
reference to a youth ambitious for success in political life, "If he comes
to me he will learn that which he comes to learn." At first the
instruction was largely individual, but later classes were organized.
Isocrates, who lived from 436 to 338 B.C., organized the instruction for
the first time into a well-graded sequence of studies, with definite aims
and work (R. 8). He shifted the emphasis in instruction from training for
success in argumentation, to training to think clearly and to express
ideas properly. His pupils were unusually successful, and his school did
much to add to the fame of Athens as an intellectual center. From his work
sprang a large number of so called Rhetorical Schools, much like our
better private schools and academies, offering to those Ephebes who could
afford to attend a very good preparation for participation in the public
life of the period.

In contrast with the Sophists, a series of schools of philosophy also
arose in Athens. These in a way were the outgrowth of the work of
Socrates. Accepting the Sophists' dictum that "man is the measure of all
things," he tried to turn youths from the baser individualism of the
Sophists of his day to the larger general truths which measure the life of
a true man. In particular he tried to show that the greatest of all arts--
the art of living a good life--called for correct individual thinking and
a knowledge of the right. "Know thyself" was his great guiding principle.
His emphasis was on the problems of everyday morality. Frankly accepting
the change from the old education as a change that could not be avoided,
he sought to formulate a new basis for education in personal morality and
virtue, and as a substitute for the old training for service to the State.
He taught by conversation, engaging men in argument as he met them in the
street, and showing to them their ignorance (R. 9). Even in Athens, where
free speech was enjoyed more than anywhere else in the world at that time,
such a shrewd questioner would naturally make enemies, and in 399 B.C. at
the age of seventy-one, he was condemned to death by the Athenian populace
on the charge of impiety and corrupting the youth of Athens.

[Illustration: FIG. 12 SOCRATES (469-399 B.C.)
(After a marble bust in the Vatican Gallery, at Rome)]

Socrates' greatest disciple was a citizen of wealth by the name of Plato,
who had abandoned a political career for the charms of philosophy, and to
him we owe our chief information as to the work and aims of Socrates. In
386 B.C. he founded the Academy, where he passed almost forty years in
lecturing and writing. His school, which formed a model for others,
consisted of a union of teachers and students who possessed in common a
chapel, library, lecture-rooms, and living-rooms. Philosophy, mathematics,
and science were taught, and women as well as men were admitted.

Other schools of importance in Athens were the Lyceum, founded in 335 B.C.
by a foreign-born pupil of Plato's by the name of Aristotle, who did a
remarkable work in organizing the known knowledge of his time; [7] the
school of the Stoics, founded by Zeno in 308 B.C.; and the school of the
Epicureans, founded by Epicurus in 306 B.C. Each of these schools offered
a philosophical solution of the problem of life, and Plato and Aristotle
wrote treatises on education as well. Each school evolved into a form of
religious brotherhood which perpetuated the organization after the death
of the master. In time these became largely schools for expounding the
philosophy of the founder.

[Illustration: FIG. 13. EVOLUTION OF THE GREEK UNIVERSITY]

THE UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS. Coincident with the founding of these schools
and the political events we have previously recorded, certain further
changes in Athenian education were taking place. The character of the
changes in the education before the age of sixteen we have described. As a
result in part of the development of the schools of the Sophists, which
were in themselves only attempts to meet fundamental changes in Athenian
life, the education of youths after sixteen tended to become literary,
rather than physical and military. The Ephebic period of service (from
eighteen to twenty) was at first reduced from two years to one, and after
the Macedonian conquest, in 338 B.C., when there was no longer an Athenian
State to serve or protect, the entire period of training was made
optional. The Ephebic corps was now opened to foreigners, and in time
became merely a fashionable semi-military group. Instead of the military
training, attendance at the lectures of the philosophical schools was now
required, and attendance at the rhetorical schools was optional. Later the
philosophical schools were granted public support by the Athenian
Assembly, professorships were created over which the Assembly exercised
supervision, the rhetorical and philosophical schools were gradually
merged, the study years were extended from two to six, or seven, a form of
university life as regards both students and professors was developed, and
what has since been termed "The University of Athens" was evolved. Figure
13 shows how this evolution took place.

As Athens lost in political power her citizens turned their attention to
making their city a center of world learning. This may be said to have
been accomplished by 200 B.C. Though Greece had long since become a
Macedonian province, and was soon to pass under the control of Rome, the
so-called University of Athens was widely known and much frequented for
the next three hundred years, and continued in existence until finally
closed, as a center of pagan thought, by the edict of the Roman-Christian
Emperor, Justinian, in 529 A.D. Though reduced to the rank of a Roman
provincial town, Athens long continued to be a city of letters and a
center of philosophic and scientific instruction.

SPREAD AND INFLUENCE OF GREEK HIGHER EDUCATION. Alexander the Great
rendered a very important service in uniting the western Orient and the
eastern Mediterranean into a common world empire, and in establishing
therein a common language, literature, philosophy, a common interest, and
a common body of scientific knowledge and law. It was his hope to create a
new empire, in which the distinction between European and Asiatic should
pass away. No less than seventy cities were established with a view to
holding his empire together. These served to spread Hellenic culture.
Greek schools, Greek theaters, Greek baths, and Greek institutions of
every type were to be found in practically all of them, and the Greek
tongue was heard in them all. With Alexander the Great the history of
Greek life, culture, and learning merges into that of the history of the
ancient world. Everywhere throughout the new empire Greek philosophers and
scientists, architects and artists, merchants and colonists, followed
behind the Macedonian armies, spreading Greek civilization and becoming
the teachers of an enlarged world. [8] "Greek cities stretched from the
Nile to the Indus, and dotted the shores of the Black and the Caspian
seas. The Greek language, once the tongue of a petty people, grew to be a
universal language of culture, spoken even by barbarian lips, and the art,
the science, the literature, the principles of politics and philosophy,
developed in isolation by the Greek mind, henceforth became the heritage
of many nations." [9]

Greek universities were established at Pergamum and Tarsus in Asia Minor;
at Rhodes on the island of that name in the Aegean; and at the newly
founded city of Alexandria in Egypt. Antioch, in Syria, became another
important center of Greek influence and learning. A large library was
developed at Pergamum, and it was here that writing on prepared skins of
animals [10] was begun, from which the term "parchment" (originally "per-
gament") comes. It was also at Pergamum that Galen (born c. 130 A.D.)
organized what was then known of medical science, and his work remained
the standard treatise for more than a thousand years. Rhodes became a
famous center for instruction in oratory. During Roman days many eminent
men, among whom were Cassius, Caesar, and Cicero, studied oratory here.

[Illustration:  FIG. 14 THE GREEK UNIVERSITY WORLD]

MINGLING OF ORIENT AND OCCIDENT AT ALEXANDRIA. The most famous of all
these Greek institutions, however, was the University of Alexandria, which
gradually sapped Athens as a center of learning and became the
intellectual capital of the world. The greatest library of manuscripts the
world had ever known was collected together here. [11] It is said to have
numbered over 700,000 volumes. These included Greek, Jewish, Egyptian, and
Oriental works. In connection with the library was the museum, where men
of letters and investigators were supported at royal expense. These two
constituted an institution so like a university that it has been given
that name. Alexandria became not only a great center of learning, but,
still more important, the chief mingling place for Greek, Jew, Egyptian,
Roman, and Oriental, and here Greek philosophy, Hebrew and Christian
religion, and Oriental faith and philosophy met and mixed. It was this
mingled civilization and culture, all tinged through and through with the
Greek, with which the Romans came in contact as they pushed their
conquering armies into the eastern Mediterranean (R. 10).

[Illustration: FIG. 15. THE KNOWN WORLD ABOUT 150 A.D.
A map by Ptolemy, geographer and astronomer at Alexandria. Compare this
with the map on page 4, and note the progress in geographical discovery
which had been made during the intervening centuries.]

CHARACTER OF ALEXANDRIAN LEARNING. The great advances in knowledge made at
Alexandria were in mathematics, geography, and science. The method of
scientific investigation worked out by Aristotle at Athens was introduced
and used. Instead of speculating as to phenomena and causes, as had been
the earlier Greek practice, observation and experiment now became the
rule. Euclid (c. 323-283 B.C.) opened a school at Alexandria as early as
300 B.C., and there worked out the geometry which is still used in our
schools. Archimedes (287-212 B.C.), who studied under Euclid, made many
important discoveries and advances in mechanics and physics. Eratosthenes
(226-196 B.C.), librarian at Alexandria, is famous as a geographer [12]
and astronomer, and made some studies in geology as well. Ptolemy (b.?; d.
168 A.D.) here completed his Mechanism of the Heavens (_Syntaxis_) in 138
A.D., and this became the standard astronomy in Europe for nearly fifteen
hundred years, while his geography was used in the schools until well into
the fifteenth century. The map of the known world, shown in Figure 15, was
made by him. Hipparcus, the Newton of the Greeks, studied the heavens both
at Alexandria and Rhodes, and counted the stars and arranged them in
constellations. Many advances also were made in the study of medicine, the
Alexandrian schools having charts, models, and dissecting rooms for the
study of the human body, The functions of the brain, nerves, and heart
were worked out there.

Except in science and mathematics, though, the creative ability of the
earlier Greeks was now largely absent. Research, organization, and comment
upon what had previously been done rather was the rule. Still much
important work was done here. Books were collected, copied, and preserved,
and texts were edited and purified from errors. Here grammar, criticism,
prosody, and mythology were first developed into sciences. The study of
archaeology was begun, and the first dictionaries were made. The
translation of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek was begun for the benefit
of the Alexandrian Jews who had forgotten their Mother tongue, this being
the origin of the famous _Septuagint_ [13] version of the Old Testament.
It is owing to these Alexandrian scholars, also, that we now possess the
theory of Greek accents, and have good texts of Homer and other Greek
writers.

ALEXANDRIA SAPPED IN TURN. In 30 B.C. Alexandria, too, came under Roman
rule and was, in turn, gradually sapped by Rome. Greek influence
continued, but the interest became largely philosophical. Ultimately
Alexandria became the seat of a metaphysical school of Christian theology,
and the scene of bitter religious controversies. In 330 A.D.,
Constantinople was founded on the site of the earlier Byzantium, and soon
thereafter Greek scholars transferred their interest to it and made it a
new center of Greek learning. There Greek science, literature, and
philosophy were preserved for ten centuries, and later handed back to a
Europe just awakening from the long intellectual night of the Middle Ages.
In 640 A.D. Alexandria was taken by the Mohammedans, and the university
ceased to exist. The great library was destroyed, furnishing, it is said,
"fuel sufficient for four thousand public baths for a period of six
months," and Greek learning was extinguished in the western world.

OUR DEBT TO HELLAS. As a political power the Greek States left the world
nothing of importance. As a people they were too individualistic, and
seemed to have a strange inability to unite for political purposes. To the
new power slowly forming to the westward--Rome--was left the important
task, which the Greek people were never able to accomplish, of uniting
civilization into one political whole. The world conquest that Greece made
was intellectual. As a result, her contribution to civilization was
artistic, literary, philosophical, and scientific, but not political. The
Athenian Greeks were a highly artistic and imaginative rather than a
practical people. They spent their energy on other matters than government
and conquest. As a result the world will be forever indebted to them for
an art and a literature of incomparable beauty and richness which still
charms mankind; a philosophy which deeply influenced the early Christian
religion, and has ever since tinged the thinking of the western world; and
for many important beginnings in scientific knowledge which were lost for
ages to a world that had no interest in or use for science. So deeply has
our whole western civilization been tinctured by Greek thought that one
enthusiastic writer has exclaimed,--"Except the blind forces of Nature,
nothing moves in this world which is not Greek in its origin." [14] (R.
11)

In education proper the old Athenian education offers us many lessons of
importance that we of to-day may well heed. In the emphasis they placed on
moral worth, education of the body as well as the mind, and moderation in
all things, they were much ahead of us. Their schools became a type for
the cities of the entire Mediterranean world, being found from the Black
Sea south to the Persian Gulf and westward to Spain. When Rome became a
world empire the Greek school system was adopted, and in modified form
became dominant in Rome and throughout the provinces, while the
universities of the Greek cities for long furnished the highest form of
education for ambitious Roman youths. In this way Greek influence was
spread throughout the Mediterranean world. The higher learning of the
Greeks, preserved first at Athens and Alexandria, and later at
Constantinople, was finally handed back to the western world at the time
of the Italian Revival of Learning, after Europe had in part recovered
from the effects of the barbarian deluge which followed the downfall of
Rome.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Try to picture what might have been the result for western civilization
had the small and newly-developed democratic civilization of Greece been
crushed by the Persians at the time they overran the Greek peninsula.

2. Do periods of great political, commercial, and intellectual expansion
usually subject old systems of morality and education to severe strain?
Illustrate.

3. Why was the change in the type of Athenian education during the Ephebic
years a natural and even a necessary one for the new Athens?

4. Do you understand that the system of training before the Ephebic years
was also seriously changed, or was the change largely a re-shaping and
extension of the education of youths after sixteen?

5. Were the Sophists a good addition to the Athenian instructing force, or
not? Why?

6. How may a State establish a corrective for such a flood of
individualism as overwhelmed Greece, and still allow individual
educational initiative and progress?

7. Do we as a nation face danger from the flood of individualism we have
encouraged in the past? How is our problem like and unlike that of Athens
after the Peloponnesian War?

8. What is the place in Greek life and thought of the ideal treatises on
education written by Xenophon, Plato, and Aristotle, after the flood of
individualism had set in?

9. In what ways was the conquest of Alexander good for world civilization?

10. Of what importance is it, in the history of our western civilization,
that Greek thought had so thoroughly permeated the eastern Mediterranean
world before Roman armies conquered the region?

11. Picture for yourself the great intellectual advances of the Greeks by
contrasting the tribal preparedness-type of education of the early Greek
States and the learning possessed by the scholars of the University at
Alexandria.

12. Compare the spread of Greek language and knowledge throughout the
eastern Mediterranean world, following the conquests of Alexander, with
the spread of the English language and ideas as to government throughout
the modern world.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  7. Wilkins: Athens in the Time of Pericles.
  8. Isocrates: The Instruction of the Sophists.
  9. Xenophon: An Example of Socratic Teaching.
 10. Draper: The Schools of Alexandria.
 11. Butcher: What we Owe to Greece.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Characterize the many educational influences of Athens, as pictured by
Wilkins (7).

2. Were the evils of the Sophist teachers, which Isocrates points out (8),
natural ones? Compare with teachers of vocal training to-day.

3. What would be necessary for the proper training of one for eloquence?
Could any Sophist teacher have trained anyone?

4. Would it be possible to-day for any one city to become such a center of
the world's intellectual life as did Alexandria (10)? Why?

5. Could the Socratic method (9) be applied to instruction in psychology,
ethics, history, and science equally well? Why? To what class of subjects
is the Socratic quiz applicable?

6. How do you account for the fact that the wonderful promise of
Alexandrian science was not fulfilled?

7. State our debt to the Greeks (11).


SUPPLEMENTAL REFERENCES

_The most important references are indicated by an *_

* Bevan, J. O. _University Life in Olden Time_.
* Butcher, S. H. _Some Aspects of the Greek Genius_.
* Davidson, Thos. _Aristotle, and Ancient Educational Ideals_.
* Freeman, K. J. _Schools of Hellas_.
  Gulick, C. B. _The Life of the Ancient Greeks_.
* Kingsley, Chas. _Alexandria and her Schools_.
  Laurie, S. S. _Historical Survey of Pre-Christian Education_.
* Mahaffy, J. P. _Old Greek Education_.
  Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. I.
  Walden, John W. H. _The Universities of Ancient Greece_.
  Wilkins, A. S. _National Education in Greece in the Fourth
    Century_, B.C.




CHAPTER III

THE EDUCATION AND WORK OF ROME


I. THE ROMANS AND THEIR MISSION

DEVELOPMENT OF THE ROMAN STATE. About the time that the Hellenes, in the
City-States of the Greek peninsula, had brought their civilization to its
Golden Age, another branch of the great Aryan race, which had previously
settled in the Italian peninsula, had begun the creation of a new
civilization there which was destined to become extended and powerful. At
the beginning of recorded history we find a number of tribes of this
branch of the Aryan race settled in different parts of Italy, as is shown
in Figure 16. Slowly, but gradually, the smallest of these divisions, the
Latins, extended its rule over the other tribes, and finally over the
Greek settlements to the south and the Gauls to the north, so that by 201
B.C. the entire Italian peninsula had become subject to the City-State
government at Rome.

[Illustration: FIG. 16. THE EARLY PEOPLES OF ITALY, AND THE EXTENSION OF
THE ROMAN POWER
In 509 B.C. Attica opened her citizenship to all free inhabitants, and
half a century later the Golden Age of Greece was in full swing. By 338
B.C. Greece's glory had departed. Philip of Macedon had become master, and
its political freedom was over. By 264 B.C. the center of Greek life and
thought had been transferred to Alexandria, and Rome's great expansion had
begun.]

[Illustration: FIG. 17. THE PRINCIPAL ROMAN ROADS]

By a wise policy of tolerance, patience, conciliation, and assimilation
the Latins gradually became the masters of all Italy. Unlike the Greek
City-States, Rome seemed to possess a natural genius for the art of
government. Upon the people she conquered she bestowed the great gift of
Roman citizenship, and she attached them to her by granting local
government to their towns and by interfering as little as possible with
their local manners, speech, habits, and institutions. By founding
colonies among them and by building excellent military roads to them, she
insured her rule, and by kindly and generous treatment she bound the
different Italian peoples ever closer and closer to the central government
at Rome. By a most wonderful understanding of the psychology of other
peoples, new in the world before the work of Rome, and not seen again
until the work of the English in the nineteenth century, Rome gradually
assimilated the peoples of the Italian peninsula and in time amalgamated
them into a single Roman race. In speech, customs, manners, and finally in
blood she Romanized the different tribes and brought them under her
leadership. Later this same process was extended to Spain, Gaul, and even
to far-off Britain.

A CONCRETE, PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The Roman people were a concrete, practical,
constructive nation of farmers and herdsmen (R. 14), merchants and
soldiers, governors and executives. The whole of the early struggle of the
Latins to extend their rule and absorb the other tribes of the peninsula
called for practical rulers--warriors who were at the same time
constructive statesmen and executives who possessed power and insight,
energy, and personality. The long struggle for political and social
rights, [1] carried on by the common people (_plebeians_) with the ruling
class (_patricians_), tended early to shape their government along rough
but practical lines, [2] and to elevate law and orderly procedure among
the people. The later extension of the Empire to include many distant
lands--how vast the Roman Empire finally became may be seen from the map
on the following page--called still more for a combination of force,
leadership, tolerance, patience, executive power, and insight into the
psychology of subject people to hold such a vast empire together. Only a
great, creative people, working along very practical lines, could have
used and used so well the opportunity which came to Rome [3]

[Illustration: FIG. 18. THE GREAT EXTENT OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
The map shows the Roman Empire as it was by the end of the first century
A.D., and the tribes shown beyond the frontier are as they were at the
beginning of the fourth century A.D. It was 2500 miles, air line, from the
eastern end of the Black Sea to the western coasts of Spain, 1400 miles
from Rome to Palestine, and 1100 miles from Rome to northern Britain. To
maintain order in this vast area Rome depended on the loyalty of her
subjects, the strength of her armies, her military roads, and a messenger
service by horse, yet throughout this vast area she imposed her law and a
unified government for centuries.]

THE GREAT MISSION OF ROME. Had Rome tried to impose her rule and her ways
and her mode of thought on her subject people, and to reduce them to
complete subjection to her, as the modern German and Austrian Empires, for
example, tried to do with the peoples who came under their control, the
Roman Empire could never have been created, and what would have saved
civilization from complete destruction during the period of the barbarian
invasions is hard to see. Instead, Rome treated her subjects as her
friends, and not as conquered peoples; led them to see that their
interests were identical with hers; gave them large local independence and
freedom in government, under her strong control of general affairs; opened
up her citizenship [4] and the line of promotion in the State to her
provincials; [5] and won them to the peace and good order which she
everywhere imposed by the advantages she offered through a common
language, common law, common coinage, common commercial arrangements,
common state service, and the common treatment of all citizens of every
race. [6] In consequence, the provincial was willingly absorbed into the
common Roman race [7]--absorbed in dress, manners, religion, political and
legal institutions, family names, and, most important of all, in language.
As a result, race pride and the native tongues very largely disappeared,
and Latin became the spoken language of all except the lower classes
throughout the whole of the Western Empire. Only in the eastern
Mediterranean, where the Hellenic tongue and the Hellenic civilization
still dominated, did the Latin language make but little headway, and here
Rome had the good sense not to try to impose her speech or her culture.
Instead she absorbed the culture of the East, while the East accepted in
return the Roman government and Roman law, and Latin in time became the
language of the courts and of government.

Having stated thus briefly the most prominent characteristics of the Roman
people, and indicated their great work for civilization, let us turn back
and trace the development of such educational system as existed among
them, see in what it consisted, how it modified the life and habits of
thinking of the Roman people, and what educational organization or
traditions Rome passed on to western civilization.


II. THE PERIOD OF HOME EDUCATION

THE EARLY ROMANS AND THEIR TRAINING. In the early history of the Romans
there were no schools, and it was not until about 300 B.C. that even
primary schools began to develop. What education was needed was imparted
in the home or in the field and in the camp, and was of a very simple
type. Certain virtues were demanded--modesty, firmness, prudence, piety,
courage, seriousness, and regard for duty--and these were instilled both
by precept and example. Each home was a center of the religious life, and
of civic virtue and authority. In it the father was a high priest, with
power of life and death over wife and children. He alone conversed with
the gods and prepared the sacrifices. The wife and mother, however, held a
high place in the home and in the training of the children, the marriage
tie being regarded as very sacred. She also occupied a respected position
in society, and was complete mistress of the house (R. 17).

The religion of the city was an outgrowth of that of the home. Virtue,
courage, duty, justice--these became the great civic virtues. Their
religion, both family and state, lacked the beauty and stately ceremonial
of the Greeks, lacked that lofty faith and aspiration after virtue that
characterized the Hebrew and the later Christian faith, was singularly
wanting in awe and mystery, and was formal and mechanical and practical
[8] in character, but it exercised a great influence on these early
peoples and on their conceptions of their duty to the State.

The father trained the son for the practical duties of a man and a
citizen; the mother trained the daughter to become a good housekeeper,
wife, and mother. Morality, character, obedience to parents and to the
State, and whole-hearted service were emphasized. The boy's father taught
him to read, write, and count. Stories of those who had done great deeds
for the State were told, and martial songs were learned and sung. After
450 B.C. every boy had to learn the Laws of the Twelve Tables (R. 12), and
be able to explain their meaning (R. 13). As the boy grew older he
followed his father in the fields and in the public place and listened to
the conversation of men. [9] If the son of a patrician he naturally
learned much more from his father, by reason of his larger knowledge and
larger contact with men of affairs and public business, than if he were
the son of a plebeian. Through games as a boy, and later in the exercises
of the fields and the camps, the boy gained what physical training he
received. [10]

[Illustration: FIG. 19. A ROMAN FATHER INSTRUCTING HIS SON
(From a Roman Sarcophagus)]

EDUCATION BY DOING. It was largely an education by doing, as was that of
the old Greek period, though entirely different in character. Either by
apprenticeship to the soldier, farmer, or statesman, or by participation
in the activities of a citizen, was the training needed imparted. Its
purpose was to produce good fathers, citizens, and soldiers. [11] Its
ideals were found in the real and practical needs of a small State, where
the ability to care for one's self was a necessary virtue. To be healthy
and strong, to reverence the gods and the institutions of the State, to
obey his parents and the laws, to be proud of his family connections and
his ancestors, to be brave and efficient in war, to know how to farm or to
manage a business, were the aims and ends of this early training. It
produced a nation of citizens who willingly subordinated themselves to the
interests of the State, [12] a nation of warriors who brought all Italy
under their rule, a calculating, practical people who believed themselves
destined to become the conquerors and rulers of the world, and a reserved
and proud race, trained to govern and to do business, but not possessed of
lofty ideals or large enthusiasms in life (Rs. 15, 16).


III. THE TRANSITION TO SCHOOL EDUCATION

BEGINNINGS OF SCHOOL EDUCATION. Up to about 300 B.C. education had been
entirely in the home, and in the activities of the fields and the State.
It was a period of personal valor and stern civic virtue, in a rather
primitive type of society, as yet but little in contact with the outside
world, and little need of any other type of training had been felt. By the
end of the third century B.C., the influence of contact with the Greek
cities of southern Italy and Sicily (_Magna Graecia_), and the influence
of the extensive conquests of Alexander the Great in the eastern
Mediterranean (334-323 B.C.), had begun to be felt in Italy. By that time
Greek had become the language of commerce and diplomacy throughout the
Mediterranean, and Greek scholars and tradesmen had begun to frequent
Rome. By 303 B.C. it seems certain that a few private teachers had set up
primary schools at Rome to supplement the home training, and had begun the
introduction of the pedagogue as a fashionable adjunct to attract
attention to their schools. These schools, however, were only a fad at
first, and were patronized only by a few of the wealthy citizens. Up to
about 250 B.C., at least, Roman education remained substantially as it had
been in the preceding centuries. Reading, writing, declamation, chanting,
and the Laws of the Twelve Tables still constituted the subject-matter of
instruction, and the old virtues continued to be emphasized.

By the middle of the third century B.C. Rome had expanded its rule to
include nearly all the Italian peninsula (see Figure 16), and was
transforming itself politically from a little rural City-State into an
Empire, with large world relationships. A knowledge of Greek now came to
be demanded both for diplomatic and for business reasons, and the need of
a larger culture, to correspond with the increased importance of the
State, began to be felt by the wealthier and better-educated classes.
Greek scholars, brought in as captured slaves from the Greek colonies of
southern Italy, soon began to be extensively employed as teachers and as
secretaries.

About 233 B.C., Livius Andronicus, who had been brought to Rome as a slave
when Tarentum, one of the Greek cities of southern Italy, was captured,
[13] and who later had obtained his freedom, made a translation of the
Odyssey into Latin, and became a teacher of Latin and Greek at Rome. This
had a wonderful effect in developing schools and a literary atmosphere at
Rome. The _Odyssey_ at once became the great school textbook, in time
supplanting the Twelve Tables, and literary and school education now
rapidly developed. The Latin language became crystallized in form, and
other Greek works were soon translated. The beginnings of a native Latin
literature were now made. Greek higher schools were opened, many Greek
teachers and slaves offered instruction, and the Hellenic scheme of
culture, as it had previously developed in Attica, soon became the fashion
at Rome.

CHANGES IN NATIONAL IDEALS. The second century B.C. was even more a period
of rapid change in all phases and aspects of Roman life. During this
century Rome became a world empire, annexing Spain, Carthage, Illyria, and
Greece, and during the century that followed she subjugated northern
Africa, Egypt, Asia Minor, and Gaul to the Elbe and the Danube (see Figure
18). Rome soon became mistress of the whole Mediterranean world. Her ships
plied the seas, her armies and governors ruled the land. The introduction
of wealth, luxuries, and slaves from the new provinces, which followed
their capture, soon had a very demoralizing influence upon the people.
Private and public religion and morality rapidly declined; religion came
to be an empty ceremonial; divorce became common; wealth and influence
ruled the State; slaves became very cheap and abundant, and were used for
almost every type of service. From a land of farmers of small farms,
sturdy and self-supporting, who lived simply, reared large families,
feared the gods, respected the State, and made an honest living, it became
a land of great estates and wealthy men, and the self-respecting peasantry
were transformed into soldiers for foreign wars, or joined the rabble in
the streets of Rome. [14] Wealth became the great desideratum, and the
great avenue to this was through the public service, either as army
commanders and governors, or as public men who could sway the multitude
and command votes and influence. Manifestly the old type of education was
not intended to meet such needs, and now in Rome, as previously in Athens,
a complete transformation in the system of training for the young took
place. The imaginative and creative Athenians, when confronted by a great
change in national ideals, evolved a new type of education adapted to the
new needs of the time; the unimaginative and practical Romans merely
adopted that which the Athenians had created.

THE HELLENIZATION OF ROME. The result was the Hellenization of the
intellectual life of Rome, making complete the Hellenization of the
Mediterranean world. After the fall of Greece, in 146 B.C., a great influx
of educated Greeks took place. As the Latin poet Horace expressed it:

  Captive Greece took captive her rude conqueror,
  And brought the arts to Latium.

So completely did the Greek educational system seem to meet the needs of
the changed Roman State that at first the Greek schools were adopted
bodily--Greek language, pedagogue, higher schools of rhetoric and
philosophy, and all--and the schools were in reality Greek schools but
slightly modified to meet the needs of Rome. _Gymnasia_ were erected, and
wealthy Romans, as well as youths, began to spend their leisure in
studying Greek and in trying to learn gymnastic exercises.

In time the national pride and practical sense of the Romans led them to
open so-called "culture schools" of their own, modeled after the Greek.
The Latin language then replaced the Greek as the vehicle of instruction,
though Greek was still studied extensively, and Rome began the development
of a system of private-school instruction possessing some elements that
were native to Roman life and Roman needs.

[Illustration: FIG. 20. CATO THE ELDER (234-149 B.C.)]

STRUGGLE AGAINST, AND FINAL VICTORY. That this great change in national
ideals and in educational practice was accepted without protest should not
be imagined. Plutarch and other writers appealed to the family as the
center for all true education. Cato the elder, who died in 149 B.C.,
labored hard to stem the Hellenic tide. He wrote the first Roman book on
education, in part to show what education a good citizen needed as an
orator, husbandman, jurist, and warrior, and in part as a protest against
Hellenic innovations. In 167 B.C., the first library was founded in Rome,
with books brought from Greece by the conqueror Paulus Emilius. In 161
B.C., the Roman Senate directed the Praetor to see "that no philosophers
or rhetoricians be suffered in Rome" (R. 20 a), but the edict could not be
enforced. In 92 B.C., the Censors issued an edict expressing their
disapproval of such schools (R. 20 b). By 100 B.C., the Hellenic victory
was complete, and the Graeco-Roman school system had taken form. In 27
B.C., Rome ceased to be a Republic and became an Empire, and under the
Emperors the professors of the new learning were encouraged and protected,
higher schools were established in the provinces, literature and
philosophy were opened as possible careers, and the Greek language,
literature, and learning were spread, under Roman imperial protection, to
every corner of the then civilized world. This victory of Hellenic thought
and learning at Rome, viewed in the light of the future history of the
civilization of the world, was an event of large importance.


IV. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM AS FINALLY ESTABLISHED

THE LUDUS, OR PRIMARY SCHOOL. The elementary school, known as the _ludus_,
or _ludus literarum_, the teacher of which was known as a _ludi magister_,
was the beginning or primary school of the scheme as finally evolved. This
corresponded to the school of the Athenian _grammatist_, and like it the
instruction consisted of reading, writing, and counting. These schools
were open to both sexes, but were chiefly frequented by boys. They were
entered at the age of seven, sometimes six, and covered the period up to
twelve. Reading and writing were taught by much the same methods as in the
Greek schools, and approximately the same writing materials were used.
Something of the same difficulty was experienced also in mastering the
reading art (R. 21). Dionysius of Halicarnassus, a Greek historian who
lived in Rome for twenty-two years, during the first century B.C., has
left us a clear description of the Roman method of teaching reading:

    When we learned to read was it not necessary at first to know the name
    of the letters, their shape, their value in syllables, their
    differences, then the words and their case, their quantity long or
    short, their accent, and the rest?

    Arrived at this point we began to read and write, slowly at first and
    syllable by syllable. Some time afterwards, the forms being
    sufficiently engraved on our memory, we read more cursorily, in the
    elementary book, then in all sorts of books, finally with incredible
    quickness and without making any mistake.

[Illustration: FIG. 21. ROMAN WRITING-MATERIALS.
Inkstand, pen, letter, box of manuscripts, wax tablets, stylus.]

Writing seems rather to have followed reading, and, as in the Greek
schools, the pupils copied down from dictation and made their own books
(_dictata_). Literature received no such emphasis in the elementary
schools of Rome as in those of the Greeks, and the _palaestra_ of the
Greeks was not reproduced at Rome.

Due in part to the practical character of the Roman people, to the
established habit of keeping careful household accounts, to the
difficulties of their system of calculation, [15] to the practice of
finger reckoning, and to the vast commercial and financial interests that
the Romans formed throughout the world which they conquered, arithmetic
became a subject of fundamental importance in their schools, and much time
was given to securing perfection in calculation and finger reckoning. [16]
Hence it occupied a place of large importance in the primary school. An
abacus or counting-board was used, similar to the one shown in Figure 22,
and Horace mentions a bag of stones (_calculi_) as a part of a schoolboy's
equipment.

[Illustration: FIG. 22. A ROMAN COUNTING-BOARD.
Pebbles were used, those nearest the numbered dividing partition being
counted. Each pebble above when moved downward counted five of those in
the same division below. The board now shows 8,760,254.]

THE _LUDI MAGISTER_. The _ludi magister_ at Rome held a position even less
enviable than that held by the _grammatist_ at Athens. "The starveling
Greek," who was glad to barter his knowledge for the certainty of a good
dinner, was sneered at by many Roman writers. Many slaves were engaged in
this type of instruction, bringing in fees for their owners. It was not
regarded as of importance that the teachers of these schools be of high
grade. The establishment of and attendance at these primary schools was
wholly voluntary, and the children in them probably represented but a
small percentage of those of school age in the total population. These
schools became quite common in the Italian cities, and in time were found
in the provincial cities of the Empire as well. They remained, however,
entirely private-adventure undertakings, the State doing nothing toward
encouraging their establishment, supervising the instruction in them, or
requiring attendance at them. They were in no sense free schools, nor were
the prices for instruction fixed, as in our private schools of to-day.
Instead, the pupil made a present to the master, usually at some
understood rate, though some masters left the size of the fee to the
liberality of their pupils. [17] The pedagogue, copied from Greece, was
nearly always an old or infirm slave of the family.

[Illustration: FIG. 23. A ROMAN PRIMARY SCHOOL(_Ludus_)
(From a fresco found at Herculaneum). This shows a school held in a
portico of a house.]

The schools were held anywhere--in a portico (see Figure 23), in a shed or
booth in front of a house, in a store, or in a recessed corner shut in by
curtains. A chair for the master, benches for the pupils, an outer room
for cloaks and for the pedagogues to wait in, and a bundle of rods
(_ferula_) constituted the necessary equipment. The pupils brought with
them boxes containing writing-materials, book-rolls, and reckoning-stones.
Schools began early in the morning, pupils in winter going with lanterns
to their tasks. There was much flogging of children, and in Martial we
find an angry epigram which he addressed to a schoolmaster who disturbed
his sleep (R. 23 a).

THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS. Secondary or Latin grammar schools, under a
_grammaticus_, and covering instruction from the age of twelve to sixteen,
had become clearly differentiated from the primary schools under a _ludi
magister_ by the time of the death of Cato, 149 B.C. At first this higher
instruction began in the form of private tutors, probably in the homes of
the wealthy, and Greek was the language taught. By the beginning of the
first century B.C., however, Latin secondary schools began to arise, and
in time these too spread to all the important cities of the Empire.
Attendance at them was wholly voluntary, and was confined entirely to the
children of the well-to-do classes. The teachers were Greeks, or Latins
who had been trained by the Greeks. Each teacher taught as he wished, but
the schools throughout the Empire came to be much the same in character.
The course of study consisted chiefly of instruction in grammar and
literature, the purpose being to secure such a mastery of the Latin
language and Greek and Latin literatures as might be most helpful in
giving that broader culture now recognized as the mark of an educated man,
and in preparing the young Roman to take up the life of an orator and
public official (R. 24). Both Greek and Latin secondary schools were in
existence, and Quintilian, the foremost Roman writer on educational
practice, recommends attendance at the Greek school first.

Grammar was studied first, and was intended to develop correctness in the
use of speech. With its careful study of words, phonetic changes, drill on
inflections, and practice in composing and paragraphing, this made a
strong appeal to the practical Roman and became a favorite study.
Literature followed, and was intended to develop an appreciation for
literary style, elevate thought, expand one's knowledge, and, by
memorization and repetition, to train the powers of expression. The method
practiced was much as follows: The selection was carefully read first by
the teacher, and then by the pupils. [18] After the reading the selection
was gone over again and the historical, geographical, and mythological
allusions were carefully explained by the teacher. [19] The text was next
critically examined, to point out where and how it might be improved and
its expressions strengthened, and much paraphrasing of it was engaged in.
Finally the study of the selection was rounded out by _a judgment_--that
is, a critical estimate of the work, a characterization of the author's
style, and a resume of his chief merits and defects. The foundations were
here laid for Grammar and Rhetoric as the great studies of the Middle
Ages.

Homer and Menander were the favorite authors in Greek, and Vergil, Horace,
Sallust, and Livy in Latin, with much use of _Aesop's Fables_ for work in
composition. The pupils made their own books from dictation, though in
later years educated slave labor became so cheap that the copying and sale
of books was organized into a business at Rome, and it was possible for
the children of wealthy parents to own their own books. Grammar,
composition, elocution, ethics, history, mythology, and geography were all
comprehended in the instruction in grammar and literature in the secondary
schools. A little music was added at times, to help the pupil intone his
reading and declamation. A little geometry and astronomy were also
included, for their practical applications. The athletic exercises of the
Greeks were rejected, as contributing to immorality and being a waste of
time and strength. In a sense these schools were finishing schools for
Roman youths who went to any school at all, much as are our high schools
of to-day for the great bulk of American children. The schools were better
housed than those of the _ludi_, and the masters were of a better quality
and received larger fees. Like the elementary schools, the State exercised
no supervision or control over these schools or the teachers or pupils in
them.

THE SCHOOLS OF RHETORIC. Up to this point the schools established had been
for practical and useful information (the primary schools) or cultural
(the grammar or secondary schools). On top of these a higher and
professional type of school was next developed, to train youths in
rhetoric and oratory, preparatory to the great professions of law and
public life at Rome. [20] These schools were direct descendants of the
Greek rhetorical schools, which evolved from the schools of the Sophists.
Suetonius [21] tells us that:

    Rhetoric, also, as well as grammar, was not introduced amongst us
    till a late period, and with still more difficulty, inasmuch as we
    find that, at times, the practice of it was even prohibited. [22] ...
    However, by slow degrees, rhetoric manifested itself to be a useful
    and honorable study, and many persons devoted themselves to it both as
    a means of defense and of acquiring a reputation. In consequence,
    public favor was so much attracted to the study of rhetoric that a
    vast number of professional and learned men devoted themselves to it;
    and it flourished to such a degree that some of them raised themselves
    by it to the rank of senators and to the highest offices.

These schools, the teachers of which were known as _rhetors_, furnished a
type of education representing a sort of collegiate education for the
period. They were oratorical in purpose, because the orator had become the
Roman ideal of a well-educated man (R. 24). During the life of the
Republic the orator found many opportunities for the constructive use of
his ability, and all young men ambitious to enter law or politics found
the training of these schools a necessary prerequisite. They were attended
for two or three years by boys over sixteen, but only the wealthier and
more aristocratic families could afford to send their boys to them.

In addition to oratorical and some legal training, these schools included
a further linguistic and literary training, some mathematical and
scientific knowledge, and even some philosophy. The famous "Seven Liberal
Arts" of the Middle Ages--Grammar, Rhetoric, and Dialectic; Music,
Arithmetic, Geometry, and Astronomy--all seem to have been included in the
instruction of these schools. [23] The great studies, though, were the
first three and some Law, Music being studied largely to help with
gestures and to train the voice, Geometry to aid in settling lawsuits
relating to land, Dialectic (logic) to aid in detecting fallacies, and
Astronomy to understand the movements of the heavenly bodies and the
references of literary writers. [24] There was much work in debate and in
the declamation of ethical and political material the fine distinctions in
Roman Law and Ethics were brought out, [25] and there was much drill in
preparing and delivering speeches and much attention given to the factors
involved in the preparation and delivery of a successful oration (R. 25).

[Illustration: FIG. 24. A ROMAN SCHOOL OF RHETORIC.
This picture, which has been drawn from a description, shows a much better
type of school than that of the _ludi_.]

These schools became very popular as institutions of higher learning, and
continued so even after the later Emperors, by seizing the power of the
State, had taken away the inspiration that comes from a love of freedom
and had thus deprived the rhetorical art of practical value. The work of
the schools then became highly stilted and artificial in character, and
oratory then came to be cultivated largely as a fine art. [26] Men
educated in these schools came to boast that they could speak with equal
effectiveness on either side of any question, and the art came to depend
on the use of many and big words and on the manners of the stage. Such
ideals naturally destroyed the value of these schools, and stopped
intellectual progress so far as they contributed to it.

Much was done by the later Emperors to encourage these schools, and they
too came to exist in almost every provincial city in the Empire. Often
they were supported by the cities in which they were located. The Emperor
Vespasian, about 75 A.D. began the practice of paying, from the Imperial
Treasury, the salaries of grammarians and rhetoricians [27] at Rome.
Antoninus Pius, who ruled as Emperor from 138 to 161 A.D., extended
payment to the provinces, gave to these teachers the privileges of the
senatorial class, and a certain number in each city were exempted from
payment of taxes, support of soldiers, and obligations to military
service. Other Emperors extended these special privileges (R. 26) which
became the basis for the special rights afterwards granted to the
Christian clergy (R. 38) and, still later, to teachers in the universities
(Rs. 101-04).

UNIVERSITY LEARNING. Roman youths desiring still further training could
now journey to the eastward and attend the Greek universities (see Figure
14). A few did so, much as American students in the middle of the
nineteenth century went to Germany for higher study. Athens and Rhodes
were most favored. Brutus, Horace, and Cicero, among others, studied at
Athens; Caesar, Cicero, and Cassius at Rhodes. Later Alexandria was in
favor. In a library founded in the Temple of Peace by Vespasian (ruled 69
to 79 A.D.) the University at Rome had its origin, and in time this
developed into an institution with professors in law, medicine,
architecture, mathematics and mechanics, and grammar and rhetoric in both
the Latin and Greek languages. In this many youths from provincial cities
came to study. The lines of instruction represented nothing, however, in
the way of scientific investigation or creative thought; the instruction
was formal and dogmatic, being largely a further elaboration of what had
previously been well done by the Greeks.

NATURE OF THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM DEVELOPED. Such was the educational
system which was finally evolved to meet the new cultural needs of the
Roman Empire. In all its foundation elements it was Greek. Having
borrowed--conquered one might almost say--Greek religion, philosophy,
literature, and learning, the Romans naturally borrowed also the school
system that had been evolved to impart this culture. Never before or since
has any people adapted so completely to their own needs the system of
educational training evolved by another. To the Greek basis some
distinctively Roman elements were added to adapt it better to the peculiar
needs of their own people, while on the other hand many of the finer Greek
characteristics were omitted entirely. Having once adopted the Greek plan,
the constructive Roman mind organized it into a system superior to the
original, but in so doing formalized it more than the Greeks had ever done
(R. 19).

[Illustration: FIG. 25. THE ROMAN VOLUNTARY EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM, AS FINALLY
EVOLVED]

That the system afforded an opportunity to wealthy Romans to obtain for
their children some understanding and appreciation of the culture of the
Greek world with which their Empire was now in contact, and answered
fairly well the preparatory needs along political and governmental lines
of those Romans who could afford to educate their boys for such careers,
can hardly be doubted (R. 22). Roman writers on education, especially
Cicero (R. 24) and Quintilian (R. 25), give us abundant testimony as to
the value and usefulness of the system evolved in the training of orators
and men for the public service. In the provinces, too, we know that the
schools were very useful in inculcating Roman traditions and in helping
the Romans to assimilate the sons of local princes and leaders. [28]
During the days of the Republic the schools were naturally more useful
than after the establishment of the Empire, and especially after the later
Emperors had stamped out many of the political and civic liberties for the
enjoyment of which the schools prepared. On the other hand, the schools
reached but a small, selected class of youths, trained for only the
political career, and cannot be considered as ever having been general or
as having educated any more than a small percentage of the future citizens
of the State. Many of the important lines of activity in which the Romans
engaged, and which to-day are regarded as monuments to their constructive
skill and practical genius, such as architectural achievements, the
building of roads and aqueducts, the many skilled trades, and the large
commercial undertakings, these schools did nothing to prepare youths for.
The State, unlike Athens, never required education of any one, did not
make what was offered a preparation for citizenship, and made no attempt
to regulate either teachers or instruction until late in the history of
the Empire. Education at Rome was from the first purely a private-
adventure affair, most nearly analogous with us to instruction in music
and dancing. Those who found the education offered of any value could take
it and pay for it; those who did not could let it alone. A few did the
former, the great mass of the Romans the latter. For the great slave class
that developed at Rome there was, of course, no education at all.

RESULTS ON ROMAN LIFE AND GOVERNMENT. Still, out of this private and
tuition system of schools many capable political leaders and executives
came--men who exercised great influence on the history of the State,
fought out her political battles, organized and directed her government at
home and in the provinces, and helped build up that great scheme of
government and law and order which was Rome's most significant
contribution to future civilization. [29] It was in this direction, and in
practical and constructive work along engineering and architectural lines,
that Rome excelled. The Roman genius for government and law and order and
constructive undertakings must be classed, in importance for the future of
civilization in the world, along with the ability of Greece in literature
and philosophy and art. "If," says Professor Adams, "as is sometimes said,
that in the course of history there is no literature which rivals the
Greek except the English, it is perhaps even more true that the Anglo-
Saxon is the only race which can be placed beside the Romans in creative
power and in politics." The conquest of the known world by this practical
and constructive people could not have otherwise than decisively
influenced the whole course of human history, and, coming at the time in
world affairs that it did, the influence on all future civilization of the
work of Rome has been profound. The great political fact which dominated
all the Middle Ages, and shaped the religion and government and
civilization of the time, was the fact that the Roman Empire had been and
had done its work so well.


V. ROME'S CONTRIBUTION TO CIVILIZATION

GREECE AND ROME CONTRASTED. The contrast between the Greeks and the Romans
is marked in almost every particular. The Greeks were an imaginative,
subjective, artistic, and idealistic people, with little administrative
ability and few practical tendencies. The Romans, on the other hand, were
an unimaginative, concrete, practical, and constructive nation. Greece
made its great contribution to world civilization in literature and
philosophy and art; Rome in law and order and government. The Greeks lived
a life of aesthetic enjoyment of the beautiful in nature and art, and
their basis for estimating the worth of a thing was intellectual and
artistic; to the Romans the aesthetic and the beautiful made little
appeal, and their basis for estimating the worth of a thing was
utilitarian. The Greeks worshiped "the beautiful and the good," and tried
to enjoy life rationally and nobly, while the Romans worshiped force and
effectiveness, and lived by rule and authority. The Greeks thought in
personal terms of government and virtue and happiness, while the Romans
thought in general terms of law and duty, and their happiness was rather
in present denial for future gain than in any immediate enjoyment.

As a result the Romans developed no great scholarly or literary
atmosphere, as the Greeks had done at Athens, They built up no great
speculative philosophies, and framed no great theories of government. Even
their literature was, in part, an imitation of the Greek, though
possessing many elements of native strength and beauty. They were a people
who knew how to accomplish results rather than to speculate about means
and ends. Usefulness and effectiveness were with them the criteria of the
worth of any idea or project. They subdued and annexed an empire, they
gave law and order to a primitive world, they civilized and Romanized
barbarian tribes, they built roads connecting all parts of their Empire
that were the best the world had ever known, their aqueducts and bridges
were wonders of engineering skill, their public buildings and monuments
still excite admiration and envy, in many of the skilled trades they
developed tools and processes of large future usefulness, and their
agriculture was the best the world had known up to that time. They were
strong where the Greeks were weak, and weak where the Greeks were strong.

By reason of this difference the two peoples supplemented one another well
in the work of laying the foundations upon which our modern civilization
has been built. Greece created the intellectual and aesthetic ideals and
the culture for our life, while Rome developed the political institutions
under which ideals may be realized and culture may be enjoyed. From the
Greeks and Hebrews our modern life has drawn its great inspirations and
its ideals for life, while from the Romans we have derived our ideals as
to government and obedience to law. One may say that the Romans as a
people specialized in government, law, order, and constructive practical
undertakings, and bequeathed to posterity a wonderful inheritance in
governmental forms, legal codes, commercial processes, and engineering
undertakings, while the Greeks left to us a philosophy, literature, art,
and a world culture which the civilized world will never cease to enjoy.
The Greeks were an imaginative, impulsive, and a joyous people; the Romans
sedate, severe, and superior to the Greeks in persistence and moral force.
The Greeks were ever young; the Romans were always grown and serious men.

ROME'S GREAT CONTRIBUTION. Rome's great contribution, then, was along the
lines just indicated. To this, the school system which became established
in the Roman State contributed only indirectly and but little. The
unification of the ancient world into one Empire, with a common body of
traditions, practices, coinage, speech, and law, which made the triumph of
Christianity possible; the formulation of a body of law [30] which
barbarian tribes accepted, which was studied throughout the Middle Ages,
which formed the basis of the legal system of the mediaeval Church, and
which has largely influenced modern practice; the development of a
language from which many modern tongues have been derived, and which has
modified all western languages; and the perfection of an alphabet which
has become the common property of all nations whose civilization has been
derived from the Greek and Roman--these constitute the chief contributions
of Rome to modern civilization.

Roman city government, too, had been established throughout all the
provincial cities, and this remained after the Empire had passed away. The
municipal corporation, with its charter of rights, has ever since been a
fixed idea in the western world. Roman law, organized into a compact code,
and studied in the law schools of the Middle Ages, has modified our modern
ideas and practices to a degree we scarcely realize. It was accepted by
the German rulers as a permanent thing after they had overrun the Empire,
and it remained as the law of the courts wherever Roman subjects were
tried. Preserved and codified at Constantinople under Justinian in the
sixth century, and re-introduced into western Europe when the study of law
was revived in the newly founded universities in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, Roman law has greatly modified all modern legal
practices and has become the basis of the legal systems of a number of
modern states. [31]

[Illustration: FIG. 26. ORIGIN OF OUR ALPHABET
The German type, like the so-called Old English (see Fig. 45), illustrates
the corruption of letter forms through the copying of manuscripts during
the Middle Ages.]

Of all the Roman contributions to modern civilization perhaps the one that
most completely permeates all our modern life is their alphabet and
speech. Figure 26 shows how our modern alphabet goes back to the old
Roman, which they obtained from the Greek colonies in southern Italy, and
which the Greeks obtained from the still earlier Phoenicians. This
alphabet has become the common property of almost all the civilized world.
[32] In speech, the French, Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian tongues go
back directly to the Latin, and these are the tongues of Mexico and South
America as well. The English language, which is spoken throughout a large
part of the civilized world, and by one third of its inhabitants, has also
received so many additions from Romanic sources that we to-day scarcely
utter a sentence without using some word once used by the citizens of
ancient Rome.

Among the smaller but nevertheless important contributions which we owe to
Rome, and which were passed on to mediaeval and modern Europe, should be
mentioned certain practical knowledge in agriculture and the mechanic
arts; many inventions and acquired skills in the arts and trades; an
organized sea and land trade and commerce; cleared and improved lands,
good houses, roads and bridges; great architectural and engineering
remains, scattered all through the provinces; the beginnings of the
transformation of the slave into the serf, from which the great body of
freemen of modern Europe later were evolved; and certain educational
conceptions and practices which later profoundly influenced educational
methods and procedure.

How large these contributions were we shall appreciate better as we
proceed with our history. Of the negative contributions, the most
dangerous has been the idea of the rule of one imperial government, which
has inspired the autocratic governments of modern Europe to try to imitate
the world-wide rule of Imperial Rome.

THE WAY PAVED FOR CHRISTIANITY. It was the great civilizing and unifying
work of the Roman State that paved the way for the next great contribution
to the foundations of the structure of our modern civilization--the
contribution of Christianity. Had Italy never been consolidated; had the
barbarian tribes to the north never been conquered and Romanized; had
Spain and Africa and the eastern Mediterranean never known the rule of
Rome; had the Latin language never become the speech of the then civilized
peoples; had Roman armies never imposed law and order throughout an unruly
world; had Roman governors and courts never established common rights and
security; had Roman municipal government never come to be the common type
in the cities of the provinces; had Roman schools in the provincial cities
never trained the foreign citizen in Roman ways and to think Roman
thoughts; had Rome never established free trade and intercourse throughout
her Empire; had Rome never developed processes and skills in agriculture
and the creative arts; had there been no Roman roads and common coinage;
and had Rome not done dozens of other important things to unify and
civilize Europe and reduce it to law and order, it is hard to imagine the
chaos that would have resulted when the Empire gave way to the barbarian
hordes which finally overwhelmed it. Where we should have been to-day in
the upward march of civilization, without the work of Rome, it is
impossible to say.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Contrast the Romans as a colonizing power with the modern Germans. The
English. The French.

2. At what period in our national development did home education with us
occupy substantially the same place as it did in Rome before 300 B.C.? In
what respects was the education given boys and girls similar? Different?

3. What was the most marked advance over the Greeks in the early Roman
training?

4. Contrast the education of the Athenian, Spartan, and Roman boy, during
the early period in each State.

5. To what extent does early Roman education indicate the importance of
the parent and of study of biography in the education of the young?

6. Was the change in character of the education of Roman youths, after the
expansion of the Roman State and the establishment of world contacts,
preventable, or was it a necessary evolution? Why? Have we ever
experienced similar changes?

7. As a State increases in importance and enlarges its world contacts, is
a correspondingly longer training and enlarged culture necessary at home?

8. What idea do you get as to the extent to which the Latinized Odyssey
was read from the fact that the Latin language was crystallized in form
shortly after the translation was made?

9. What does the rapid adoption of the Greek educational system, and the
later evolution of a native educational system out of it, indicate as to
the nature of Roman expansion?

10. Was the introduction of the Greek pedagogue as a fashionable adjunct
natural? Why?

11. Why is a period of very rapid expansion in a State likely to be
demoralizing? How may the demoralization incident to such expansion be
anticipated and minimized?

12. Why does the coming of large landed estates introduce important social
problems? Have we the beginnings of a social problem of this type? What
correctives have we that Rome did not have?

13. State the economic changes which hastened the introduction of a new
type of higher training at Rome.

14. Was the Hellenization of Rome which ensued a good thing? Why?

15. How do you account for Rome not developing a state school system in
the period of great national need and change, instead of leaving the
matter to private initiative? Do you understand that any large percentage
of youths in the Roman State ever attended any school?

16. Why do older people usually oppose changes in school work manifestly
needed to meet changing national demands?

17. Compare the difficulties met with in learning to read Greek and Latin.
Either and English.

18. How do you account for the much smaller emphasis on literature and
music in the elementary instruction at Rome than at Athens? How for the
much larger emphasis on formal grammar in the secondary schools at Rome?

19. What subjects of study as we now know them were included in the Roman
study of grammar and rhetoric?

20. How do you explain the greater emphasis placed by the Romans on
secondary education than on elementary education?

21. What particular Roman need did the higher schools of oratory and
rhetoric supply?

22. What does the exclusive devotion of these schools to such studies
indicate as to professional opportunities at Rome?

23. How do you account for the continuance of these schools in favor, and
for the aid and encouragement they received from the later Emperors, when
the very nature of the Empire in large part destroyed the careers for
which they trained?

24. Compare Rome and the United States in their attitudes toward foreign-
born peoples.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  12. The Laws of the Twelve Tables.
  13. Cicero: Importance of the Twelve Tables in Education.
  14. Schreiber: A Roman Farmer's Calendar.
  15. Polybius: The Roman Character.
  16. Mommsen: The Grave and Severe Character of the Earlier Romans.
  17. Epitaph: The Education of Girls.
  18. Marcus Aurelius: The Old Roman Education described.
  19. Tacitus: The Old and the New Education contrasted.
  20. Suetonius: Attempts to Prohibit the Introduction of Greek Higher
      Learning.
      (a) Decree of the Roman Senate, 161 B.C.
      (b) Decree of the Censor, 92 B.C.
  21. Vergil: Difficulty experienced in Learning to Read.
  22. Horace: The Education given by a Father.
  23. Martial: The Ludi Magister.
     (a) To the Master of a Noisy School.
     (b) To a Schoolmaster.
  24. Cicero: Oratory the Aim of Education.
  25. Quintilian: On Oratory.
  26. Constantine: Privileges granted to Physicians and Teachers.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Give reasons why the Laws of the Twelve Tables (12) were considered of
such fundamental importance (13) in the education of the early Roman boy?
How do you explain their being supplanted later by the Latinized
_Odyssey_?

2. What does the Farmer's Calendar (14) reveal as to the character of
Roman life?

3. Contrast the Roman character (15, 16) with that of the Athenian.

4. Compare the education of a Roman matron, as revealed by the epitaph
(17), with that of a girl in later American colonial times.

5. After reading Marcus Aurelius (18) and Tacitus (19), what is your
judgment as to the relative merits of the old and the new education: (_a_)
as a means of training youths? (_b_) as adapted to the changed conditions
of Imperial Rome?

6. How do you account for the attempts of the conservative officials of
the State to prohibit the introduction of Greek higher schools (20 a-b)
proving so unsuccessful?

7. Compare the difficulties involved in learning to read Greek (Fig. 6)
and Latin (21). Either and English.

8. What type of higher educational advantages does the selection from
Horace (22) indicate as prevailing in Roman cities? Compare with present-
day advanced education.

9. What do Martial's Epigrams to the Roman schoolmasters (23 a-b) indicate
as to the nature of the schools, school discipline, and social status of
the Roman primary teacher?

10. Do the selections from Cicero (24) and Quintilian (25) satisfy you
that oratory was a sufficiently broad idea for the higher education of
youths under the Empire? Why?

11. What does the decree of Constantine (26) indicate as to the social
status of the higher teachers under the Empire?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Abbott, F. F. _Society and Politics in Ancient Rome_.
* Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_.
  Anderson, L. F. "Some Facts regarding Vocational Education among the
    Greeks and Romans"; in _School Review_, vol. 20, pp. 191-201.
* Clarke, Geo. _Education of Children at Rome_.
* Dill, Sam'l. _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western
    Empire_.
* Laurie, S. S. _Historical Survey of Pre-Christian Education_.
  Mahaffy, J. P. _The Silver Age of the Greek World_.
  Ross, C. F. "The Strength and Weakness of Roman Education"; in
    _School and Society_, vol. 6, pp. 457-63.
  Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. i.
  Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_.
  Westermann, W. L. Vocational Training in Antiquity; in _School
    Review_,  vol. 22, pp. 601-10.




CHAPTER IV

THE RISE AND CONTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIANITY


I. THE RISE AND VICTORY OF CHRISTIANITY

RELIGIONS IN THE ROMAN WORLD. As was stated in the preceding chapter (p.
58), the Roman state religion was an outgrowth of the religion of the
home. Just as there had been a number of fireside deities, who were
supposed to preside over the different activities of the home, so there
were many state deities who were supposed to preside over the different
activities of the State. In addition, the Romans exhibited toward the
religions of all other peoples that same tolerance and willingness to
borrow which they exhibited in so many other matters. Certain Greek
deities were taken over and temples erected to them in Rome, and new
deities, to guard over such functions as health, fortune, peace, concord,
sowing, reaping, etc., were established. [1] Extreme tolerance also was
shown toward the special religions of other peoples who had been brought
within the Empire, and certain oriental divinities had even been admitted
and given their place in Rome.

Like many other features of Roman life, their religion was essentially of
a practical nature, dealing with the affairs of everyday life, and having
little or no relation to personal morality. [2] It promised no rewards or
punishments or hopes for a future life, but rather, by uniting all
citizens in a common reverence and fear of certain deities, helped to
unify the Empire and hold it together. After the death of Augustus (14
A.D.), the Roman Senate deified the Emperor and enrolled his name among
the gods, and Emperor worship was added to their ceremonies. This
naturally spread rapidly throughout the Empire, tended to unite all
classes in allegiance to the central government at Rome, and seemed to
form the basis for a universal religion for a universal empire.

FEELING THE NEED FOR SOMETHING MORE. As an educated class arose in Rome,
this mixture of diverse divinities failed to satisfy; the Roman religion,
made up as it was of state and parental duties and precautions, lost with
them its force; and the religious ceremonies of the home and the State
lost for them their meaning. The mechanical repetition of prayers and
sacrifices made no appeal to the emotions or to the moral nature of
individuals, and offered no spiritual joy or consolation as to a life
beyond. The educated Greeks before had had this same feeling, and had
indulged in much speculation as to the moral nature of man. Many educated
Romans now turned to the Greek philosophers for some more philosophical
explanation of the great mystery of life and death.

Of all the philosophies developed in the philosophical schools of Athens,
the one that made the deepest appeal to the practical Roman mind was that
of the Stoics, founded by Zeno, 308 B.C. Virtue, claimed the Stoics,
consists in so living that one's life is in accordance with that Universal
Reason which rules the world. Riches, position, fame, success--these count
for but little. He who trains himself to be above grief, hope, joy, fear,
and the ills of life--be he slave or peasant or king--may be happy because
he is virtuous. Reason, rather than the feelings, is the proper rule of
life. The Stoics also preached the brotherhood of man, and to a degree
expressed a humble reliance on a providence which controlled affairs. This
philosophy in a way met the need for a religion among the better-educated
Romans, and made considerable headway during the early days of the Empire.
[3] While serving as a sort of religion for those capable of embracing it,
it was too intellectual to reach more than a few, and was not adapted to
become a universal religion for all sorts and conditions of men. What was
needed was a new moral philosophy or religion that would touch all
mankind. To do this it must appeal to the emotions more than to the
intellect. Such a religion was at this time taking shape and gathering
force and strength in a remote corner of the Empire.

WHERE THIS NEW RELIGION AROSE. Far to the eastern end of the Mediterranean
there had long lived a branch of the Semitic race, which had developed a
national character and made a contribution of first importance to the
religious thought of the world. These were the Hebrew people who, leaving
Egypt about 1500 B.C., in the Exodus, had come to inhabit the land of
Canaan, south of Phoenicia and east and north of Egypt. From a wandering,
pastoral people they had gradually changed to a settled, agricultural
people, and had begun the development of a regular State. Unwilling,
however, to bear the burdens of a political State, and objecting to
taxation, a standing army, and forced labor for the State, the nationality
which promised at one time fell to pieces, and the land was overrun by
hostile neighbors and the people put under the yoke. After a sad and
tempestuous history, which culminated in the destruction of Jerusalem by
the Romans in 70 A.D., the inhabitants were sold into slavery and
dispersed throughout the Roman Empire.

These people developed no great State, and made no contributions to
government or science or art. Their contribution was along religious
lines, and so magnificent and uplifting is their religious literature that
it is certain to last for all time. Alone among all eastern people they
early evolved the idea of one omnipotent God. The religion that they
developed declared man to be the child of God, erected personal morality
and service to God as the rule of life, and asserted a life beyond the
grave. It was about these ideas that the whole energy of the people
concentrated, and religion became the central thought of their lives. This
religion, unlike the other religions of the Mediterranean world,
emphasized duty to God, service, personal morality, chastity, honesty, and
truth as its essential elements. The Law of Moses became the law of the
land. Woman was elevated to a new place in the life of the ancient world.
[4] Children became sacred in the eyes of the people. Their literary
contribution, the Old Testament--written by a series of patriarchs,
lawgivers, prophets, and priests--pictures, often in sublime language, the
various migrations, deliverances, calamities, and religious hopes,
aspirations, and experiences of this Chosen People.

THE UNITY OF THIS PEOPLE. Just before their country was overrun and they
were carried captive to Babylon, in 588 B.C., the Pentateuch [5] had been
reduced to writing and made an authoritative code of laws for the people.
This served as a bond of union among them during the exile, and after
their return to Palestine, in 538 B.C., the study and observance of this
law became the most important duty of their lives. The synagogue was
established in every village for its exposition, where twice on every
Sabbath day the people were to gather to hear the law expounded. A race of
_Scribes_, or scripture scholars, also arose to teach the law, as well as
means for educating additional scribes. They were to interpret the law,
and to apply it to the daily lives of the people. As the law was a
combination of religious, ceremonial, civil, and sanitary law, these
scribes became both teachers and judges for the people. In time they
became the depositaries of all learning, superseded the priesthood, and
became the leaders (_rabbins_, whence _rabbi_) of the people. "The voice
of the rabbi is the voice of God," says the Talmud, a collection of Hebrew
customs and traditions, with comments and interpretations, written by the
rabbis after 70 B.C. By most Jews this is held to be next in sacredness to
the Old Testament (R. 27).

Realizing, after the return from captivity, that the future existence of
the Hebrew people would depend, not upon their military strength, but upon
their moral unity, and that this must be based upon the careful training
of each child in the traditions of his fathers, the leaders of the people
began the evolution of a religious school system to meet the national
need. Realizing, too, that parents could not be depended upon in all cases
to provide this instruction, the leaders provided it and made it
compulsory. Great open-air Bible classes were organized at first, and
these were gradually extended to all the villages of the country.
Elementary schools were developed later and attached to the synagogues,
and finally, in 64 A.D., the high priest, Joshua ben Gamala, ordered the
establishment of an elementary school in every village, made attendance
compulsory for all male children, and provided for a combined type of
religious and household instruction at home for all girls. Reading,
writing, counting, the history of the Chosen People, the poetry of the
Psalms, the Law of the Pentateuch, and a part of the Talmud constituted
the subject-matter of instruction. The instruction was largely oral, and
learning by heart was the common teaching plan. The child was taught the
Law of his fathers, trained to make holiness a rule of his life and to
subordinate his will to that of the one God, and commanded to revere his
teachers (R. 27) and uphold the traditions of his people.

After the destruction of Jerusalem (70 A.D.) and the scatterment of the
people, the school instruction was naturally more or less disrupted, but
in one way or another the Hebrew people have ever since managed to keep up
the training of rabbis and the instruction of the young in the Law and the
traditions of their people, and as a consequence of this instruction we
have to-day the interesting result of a homogeneous people who, for over
eighteen centuries, have had no national existence, and who have been
scattered and persecuted as have no other people. History offers us no
better example of the salvation of a people by means of the compulsory
education of all.

THE NEW CHRISTIAN FAITH. It was into this Hebrew race that Jesus was born,
[6] and there he lived, learned, taught, made his disciples, and was
crucified. Building on the old Hebrew moral law and the importance of the
personal life, Jesus made his appeal to the individual, and sought the
moral regeneration of society through the moral regeneration of individual
men and women. This idea of individuality and of personal souls worth
saving was a new idea in a world where the submergence of the individual
in the State had everywhere up to that time been the rule. Even the
Hebrews, in their great desire to perpetuate their race and faith, had
suppressed and absorbed the individual in their religious State. The
teachings of Jesus, on the other hand, with their emphasis on charity,
sympathy, self-sacrifice, and the brotherhood of all men, tended to
obliterate nationality, while the emphasis they gave to the future life,
for which life here was but a preparation, tended to subordinate the
interests of the State and withdraw the concern of men from worldly
affairs. In a series of simple sermons, Jesus set forth the basis of this
new faith which he, and after him his disciples, offered to the world.

At the time of his crucifixion his disciples numbered scarcely one hundred
persons. For some years after his death his disciples remained in
Jerusalem, preaching that he was the Messiah or Christ, whom the Hebrew
people had long expected, and making converts to the idea. Later in
Samaria, Damascus, and Antioch they made additional converts among the
Jews. Up to this point the Christians had been careful to keep up all the
old Jewish customs, and it was even doubted at first whether any but Jews
could properly be admitted to the new faith. A new convert, Saul of
Tarsus, a Jew who had studied in the Greek university there and who
afterwards became the Apostle Paul, did much to open the new faith to the
Gentiles, as the men of other nations were known. Speaking Greek, and
being versed in Greek philosophy, and especially Stoicism, he gave thirty
years of most effective service to the establishment of Christian churches
[7] in Asia Minor, Macedonia, Greece (R. 29), and Italy (R. 28). His work
was so important that he has often been called the second founder of the
Christian Church.

THE CHALLENGE OF CHRISTIANITY. Into a Roman world that had already passed
the zenith of its greatness came this new Christian faith, challenging
almost everything for which the Roman world had stood. In place of Roman
citizenship and service to the State as the purpose of life, the
Christians set up the importance of the life to come. Instead of pleasure
and happiness and the satisfaction of the senses as personal ends, the
Christians preached denial of all these things for the greater joy of a
future life. In a society built on a huge basis of slavery and filled with
social classes, the Christians proclaimed the equality of all men before
God. To a nation in which family life had become corrupt, infidelity and
divorce common, and infanticide a prevailing practice, the Christians
proclaimed the sacredness of the marriage tie and the family life, and the
exposure of infants as simple murder. In place of the subjection of the
individual to the State, the Christians demanded the subjection of the
individual only to God. In place of a union of State and religion, the
Christians demanded the complete separation of the two and the
subordination of the State to the Church. Unlike all other religions that
Rome had absorbed, the Christians refused to be accepted on any other than
exclusive terms. The worship of all other gods the Christians held to be
sinful idol-worship, a deadly sin in the eyes of God, and they were
willing to give up their lives rather than perform the simplest rite of
what they termed pagan worship (R. 28). To the deified Emperor the
Christians naturally could not bend the knee (Rs. 30 b, 31 a-b, 34).

At first the new faith attracted but little attention from anybody of
education or influence. Its converts were few during the first century,
and these largely from among the lowest social classes in the Empire.
Workmen and slaves, and women rather than men, constituted the large
majority of the early converts to the new faith. The character of its
missionaries [8] also was against it, and its challenge of almost all that
characterized the higher social and governmental life of Rome was certain
to make its progress difficult, and in time to awaken powerful opposition
[9] to it. Yet, notwithstanding all these obstacles, its progress was
relatively rapid.

THE VICTORY OF CHRISTIANITY. By the close of the first century there were
Christian churches throughout most of Judea and Asia Minor, and in parts
of Greece and Macedonia. During the second century other churches were
established in Asia Minor, in Greece, and along the Black Sea, and at a
few places in Italy and France; and before four centuries had elapsed from
the crucifixion Christian churches had been established throughout almost
all the Roman world. This is well shown by the map on the opposite page.
The message of hope that Christianity had to offer to all; the simplicity
of its organization and teachings; the great appeal which it made to the
emotional side of human life; the hope of a future life of reward for the
burdens of this which it extended to all who were weary and heavy laden;
the positiveness of conviction of its apostles and followers; and the
completeness with which it satisfied the religious need and longings of
the time, first among the poor and among women and later among educated
men--all helped the new faith to win its way. The unity in that Rome had
everywhere established; [10] the Roman peace (_pax Romana_) that Rome had
everywhere imposed; the spread of the Greek and Latin languages and ideas
throughout the Mediterranean world; the right of freedom of travel and
speech enjoyed by a Roman citizen, and of which Saint Paul and others on
their travels took advantage; [11] the scatterment of Jews throughout the
Empire, after the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 A.D.--all these elements
also helped.

[ILLUSTRATION: FIG. 27. THE GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE END OF THE
FOURTH CENTURY]

That Christianity made its headway unmolested must not be supposed. While
at first the tendency of educated Romans and of the government was to
ignore or tolerate it, its challenge was so direct and provocative that
this attitude could not long continue. Under the Emperor Claudius (41-54
A.D.) "all the Jews who were continually making disturbances at the
instigation of one Chrestus" were unsuccessfully ordered banished from
Rome. In the reign of the Emperor Nero, in 64 A.D., many horrible tortures
were inflicted on this as yet small sect. It was not, however, till later,
when the continued refusal of the Christians to offer sacrifices to the
Emperor brought them under the law as disloyal (R. 30 a) subjects, that
they began to be much punished for their faith (R. 31 a-b). The times were
bad and were going from bad to worse, and the feelings of many were that
the adverse conditions in the Empire--war, famine, floods, pestilence, and
barbarian inroads--were due to the neglect of the old state religion and
to the tolerance extended the vast organized defiance of the law by the
Christians. In the first century they had been largely ignored. In the
second, in some places, they were punished. In the third century, impelled
by the calamities of the State and the urging of those who would restore
the national religion to its earlier position, the Emperors were gradually
driven to a series of heavy persecutions of the sect (R. 30 a). But it had
now become too late. The blood of the martyrs proved to be the seed of the
Church (R. 35). The last great persecution under the Emperor Diocletian,
in 303 (R. 33), ended in virtual failure. In 311 the Emperor Galerius
placed Christianity on a plane of equality with other forms of worship (R.
36). In 313 Constantine made it in part the official religion of the State
[12] and ordered freedom of worship for all. He and succeeding Emperors
gradually extended to the Christian clergy a long list of important
privileges (R. 38) and exemptions, [13] analogous to those formerly
enjoyed by the teachers of rhetoric under the Empire (R. 26), and likewise
began the policy, so liberally followed later, of endowing the Church. In
391 the Emperor Theodosius forbade all pagan worship, thus making the
victory of Christianity complete. In less than four centuries from the
birth of its founder the Christian faith had won control of the great
Empire in which it originated. In 529 the Emperor Justinian ordered the
closing of all pagan schools, and the University of Athens, which had
remained the center of pagan thought after the success of Christianity,
closed its doors. The victory was now complete.

THE CONTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIANITY. We have now before us the third great
contribution upon which our modern civilization has been built. To the
great contributions of Greece and Rome, which we have previously studied,
there now was added, and added at a most opportune time, the contribution
of Christianity. In taking the Jewish idea of one God and freeing it from
the narrow tribal limitations to which it had before been subject,
Christianity made possible its general acceptance, first in the Roman
world, and later in the Mohammedan world. [14] With this was introduced
the doctrine of the fatherhood of God and his love for man, the equality
before God of all men and of the two sexes, and the sacredness of each
individual in the eyes of the Father. An entirely new conception of the
individual was proclaimed to the world, and an entirely new ethical code
was promulgated. The duty of all to make their lives conform to these new
conceptions was asserted. These ideas imparted to ancient society a new
hopefulness and a new energy which were not only of great importance in
dealing with the downfall of civilization and the deluge of barbarism
which were impending, but which have been of prime importance during all
succeeding centuries. In time the church organization which was developed
gradually absorbed all other forms of government, and became virtually the
State during the long period of darkness known as the Middle Ages.

It remains now to sketch briefly how the Church organized itself and
became powerful enough to perform its great task during the Middle Ages,
what educational agencies it developed, and to what extent these were
useful.


II. EDUCATIONAL AND GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH

SCHOOLING OF THE EARLY CHURCH; CATECHUMENAL INSTRUCTION. The early
churches were bound together by no formal bond of union, and felt little
need for such. It was the belief of many that Christ would soon return and
the world would end, hence there was little necessity for organization.
There was also almost no system of belief. An acknowledgment of God as the
Father, a repentance for past sins, a godly life, and a desire to be saved
were about all that was expected of any one. [15] The chief concern was
the moral regeneration of society through the moral regeneration of
converts. To accomplish this, in face of the practices of Roman society, a
process of instruction and a period of probation for those wishing to join
the faith soon became necessary. Jews, pagans, and the children of
believers were thereafter alike subjected to this before full acceptance
into the Church. At stated times during the week the probationers met for
instruction in morality and in the psalmody of the Church (R. 39). These
two subjects constituted almost the entire instruction, the period of
probation covering two or three years. The teachers were merely the older
and abler members of the congregation.

This personal instruction became common everywhere in the early Church,
and the training was known as _catechumenal_, that is, rudimentary,
instruction. Two sets of catechumenal lectures have survived, which give
an idea as to the nature of the instruction. They cover the essentials of
church practice and the religious life (RS. 39, 40). It was dropped
entirely in the conversion of the barbarian tribes. This instruction, and
the preaching of the elders (presbyters, who later evolved into priests),
constituted the formal schooling of the early converts to Christianity in
Italy and the East. Such instruction was never known in England, and but
little in Gaul.

The life in the Church made a moral and emotional, rather than an
intellectual appeal. In fact the early Christians felt but little need for
the type of intellectual education provided by the Roman schools, and the
character of the educated society about them, as they saw it, did not make
them wish for the so-called pagan learning. Even if the parents of
converts wished to provide additional educational advantages for their
children, what could they do? A modern author states well the predicament
of such Christian parents, when he says:

    All the schools were pagan. Not only were all the ceremonies of the
    official faith--and more especially the festivals of Minerva, who was
    the patroness of masters and pupils--celebrated at regular intervals
    in the schools, but the children were taught reading out of books
    saturated with the old mythology. There the Christian child made his
    first acquaintance with the deities of Olympus. He ran the danger of
    imbibing ideas entirely contrary to those which he had received at
    home. The fables he had learned to detest in his own home were
    explained, elucidated, and held up to his admiration every day by his
    masters. Was it right to put him thus into two schools of thought?
    What could be done that he might be educated, like every one else,
    and yet not run the risk of losing his faith? [16]

CATECHETICAL SCHOOLS. After Christianity had begun to make converts among
the more serious-minded and better-educated citizens of the Roman Empire,
the need for more than rudimentary instruction in the principles of the
church life began to be felt. Especially was this the case in the places
where Christian workers came in contact with the best scholars of the
Hellenic learning, and particularly at Alexandria, Athens, and the cities
of Asia Minor. The speculative Greek would not be satisfied with the
simple, unorganized faith of the early Christians. He wanted to understand
it as a system of thought, and asked many questions that were hard to
answer. To meet the critical inquiry of learned Greeks, it became
desirable that the clergy of the Church, in the East at least, should be
equipped with a training similar to that of their critics. As a result
there was finally evolved, first at Alexandria, and later at other places
in the Empire, training schools for the leaders of the Church.

These came to be known as _catechetical_ schools, from their oral
questioning method of instruction, and this term was later applied to
elementary religious instruction (whence _catechism_) throughout western
Europe. Pantaenus, a converted Greek Stoic, who became head of the
catechumenal instruction at Alexandria, in 179 A.D., brought to the
training of future Christian leaders the strength of Greek learning and
Greek philosophic thought. He and his successors, Clement and Origen,
developed here an important school of Christian theology where Greek
learning was used to interpret the Scriptures and train leaders for the
service of the Church. Similar schools were opened at Antioch, Edessa,
Nisibis, and Caesarea (See Map, p. 89), and these developed into a
rudimentary form of theological schools for the education of the eastern
Christian clergy. In these schools Christian faith and doctrine were
formulated into a sort of system, the whole being tinctured through and
through with Greek philosophic thought. Out of these schools came some of
the great Fathers of the early Church; men who strove to uphold the pagan
learning and reconcile Christianity and Greek philosophic thinking. [17]

REJECTION OF PAGAN LEARNING IN THE WEST. In the West, where the leaders of
the Church came from the less philosophic and more practical Roman stock,
and where the contact with a decadent society wakened a greater reaction,
the tendency was to reject the Hellenic learning, and to depend more upon
emotional faith and the enforcement of a moral life. By the close of the
third century the hostility to the pagan schools and to the Hellenic
learning had here become pronounced (R. 41). Even the Fathers of the Latin
Church, the greatest of whom had been teachers of oratory or rhetoric in
Roman schools before their conversion, [18] gradually came to reject the
pagan learning as undesirable for Christians and in a large degree as a
robbery from God. Saint Augustine, in his _Confessions_, hopes that God
may forgive him for having enjoyed Vergil. Jerome's dream [19] was known
and quoted throughout the Middle Ages. Tertullian, in his _Prescription
against Heresies_, exclaims:

    What indeed has Athens to do with Jerusalem? What concord is there
    between the Academy and the Church? What between heretics and
    Christians?... Away with all attempts to produce a mottled
    Christianity of Stoic, Platonic, and dialectic composition.

Gregory the Great, Pope of the Church from 590 to 604, and who had been
well educated as a youth in the surviving Roman-type schools, turned
bitterly against the whole of pagan learning. "I am strongly of the
opinion," he says, "that it is an indignity that the words of the oracle
of Heaven should be restrained by the rules of Donatus" (grammar). In a
letter to the Bishop of Vienne he berates him for giving instruction in
grammar, concluding with--"the praise of Christ cannot lie in one mouth
with the praise of Jupiter. Consider yourself what a crime it is for
bishops to recite what would be improper for religiously-minded laymen."

As a result Hellenic learning declined rapidly in importance in the West
as the Church attained supremacy, and finally, in 401, the Council of
Carthage, largely at the instigation of Saint Augustine, forbade the
clergy to read any pagan author. In time Greek learning largely died out
in the West, and was for a time almost entirely lost. Even the Greek
language was forgotten, and was not known again in the West for nearly a
thousand years. [20]

THE CHURCH PERFECTS A STRONG ORGANIZATION. As was previously stated (p.
92), but little need was felt during the first two centuries for a system
of belief or church government. As the expected return of Christ did not
take place, and as the need for a formulation of belief and a system of
government began to be felt, the next step was the development of these
features. The system of belief and the ceremonials of worship finally
evolved are more the products of Greek thought and practices of the East,
while the form of organization and government is derived more from Roman
sources. In the second century the Old Testament was translated into Greek
at Alexandria, and the "Apostles' Creed" was formulated. During the third
century the writings deemed sacred were organized into the New Testament,
also in Greek. In 325 the first General Council of the Church was held at
Nicaea, in Asia Minor. It formulated the Nicene Creed (R. 42), and twenty
canons or laws for the government of the Church. A second General Council,
held at Constantinople in 381, revised the Nicene Creed and adopted
additional canons.

[Illustration: FIG. 28. A BISHOP
Seventh Century (Santo Venanzio, Rome)]

The great organizing genius of the western branch of the Church was Saint
Augustine (354-430). He gave to the Western or Latin Church, then
beginning to take on its separate existence, the body of doctrine needed
to enable it to put into shape the things for which it stood. The system
of theology evolved before the separation of the eastern and western
branches of the Church was not so finished and so finely speculative as
that of the Greek branch, but was more practical, more clearly legal, and
more systematically organized.

The influence of Rome was strong also in the organization of the system of
government finally adopted for the Church. There being no other model, the
Roman governmental system was copied. The bishop of a city corresponded to
the Roman municipal officials; the archbishop of a territory to the
governor of a province; and the patriarch to the ruler of a division of
the Empire. As Rome had been a universal Empire, and as the city of Rome
had been the chief governing city, [21] the idea of a universal Church was
natural and the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome was gradually asserted and
determined. [22]

A STATE WITHIN A STATE. There was thus developed in the West, as it were a
State within a State. That is, within the Roman Empire, with its Emperor,
provincial governors, and municipal officials, governing the people and
drawing their power from the Roman Senate and imperial authority, there
was also gradually developed another State, consisting of those who had
accepted the Christian faith, and who rendered their chief allegiance,
through priest, bishop, and archbishop, to a central head of the Church
who owed allegiance to no earthly ruler. That Christianity, viewed from
the governmental point of view, was a serious element of weakness in the
Roman State and helped its downfall, there can be no question. In the
eastern part of the Empire the Church was always much more closely
identified with the State. Fortunately for civilization, before the Roman
Empire had fallen and the impending barbarian deluge had descended, the
Christian Church had succeeded in formulating a unifying belief and a form
of government capable of commanding respect and of enforcing authority,
and was fast taking over the power of the State itself.

THE CATHEDRAL OR EPISCOPAL SCHOOLS. The first churches throughout the
Empire were in the cities, and made their early converts there. [23]
Gradually these important cities evolved into the residences of a
supervising priest or bishop, the territory became known as a _bishopric_,
and the church as a _cathedral church_. In time, also, some of the
outlying territory was organized into parishes, and churches were
established in these. These were made tributary to and placed under the
direction of the bishop of the large central city. To supply clergy for
these outlying parishes came to be one of the functions of the bishop,
and, to insure properly trained clergy and to provide for promotions in
the clerical ranks, schools of a rudimentary type were established in
connection with the cathedral churches. These came to be known as
_cathedral_, or _episcopal schools_. At first they were probably under the
immediate charge of the bishop, but later, as his functions increased, the
school was placed under a special teacher, known as a _Scholasticus_, or
_Magister Scholarum_, who directed the cathedral school, assisted the
bishop, and trained the future clergy. As the pagan secondary schools died
out, these cathedral schools, together with the monastic schools which
were later founded, gradually replaced the pagan schools as the important
educational institutions of the western world. In these two types of
schools the religious leaders of the early Middle Ages were trained.

THE MONASTIC ORGANIZATION. In the early days of Christianity, it will be
remembered (p. 87), the Christian convert held himself apart from the
wicked world all about him, and had little to do with the society or the
government of his time. He regarded the Church as having no relationship
to the State. As the Church grew stronger, however, and became a State
within a State, the Christian took a larger and larger part in the world
around him, and in time came to be distinguished from other men by his
profession of the Christian religion rather than by any other mark. Many
of the early bishops were men of great political sagacity, fully capable
of realizing to the full the political opportunities, afforded by their
position, to strengthen the power of the Church. It was the work of men of
this type that created the temporal power of the Church, and made of it an
institution capable of commanding respect and enforcing its decisions.

To some of the early Christians this life did not appeal. To them holiness
was associated with a complete withdrawal from contact with this sinful
world and all its activities. Some betook themselves to the desert, others
to the forests or mountains, and others shut themselves up alone that they
might be undisturbed in their religious meditations. To such devoted souls
monasticism, a scheme of living brought into the Christian world from the
East, made a strong appeal. It provided that such men should live together
in brotherhoods, renouncing the world, taking vows of poverty, chastity,
and obedience, and devoting their lives to hard labor and the
mortification of the flesh that the soul might be exalted and made
beautiful. The members lived alone in individual cells, but came together
for meals, prayer, and religious service.

As early as 330 a monastery had been organized on the island of Tebernae,
in the Nile. About 350 Saint Basil introduced monasticism into Asia Minor,
where it flourished greatly. In 370 the Basilian order was founded. The
monastic idea was soon transferred to the West, a monastery being
established at Rome probably as early as 340. The monastery of Saint
Victor, at Marseilles, was founded by Cassian in 404, and this type of
monastery and monastic rule was introduced into Gaul, about 415. The
monastery of Lerins (off Cannes, in southern France) was established in
405. During the fifth century a rapid extension of monastic foundations
took place in western Europe, particularly along the valleys of the Rhone
and the Loire in Gaul.

[Illustration: FIG. 29. A BENEDICTINE MONK, ABBOT, AND ABBESS
(From a thirteenth-century manuscript)]

In 529 Saint Benedict, a Roman of wealth who fled from the corruption of
his city, founded the monastery of Monte Cassino, south of Rome, and
established a form of government, or rule of daily life, which was
gradually adopted by nearly all the monasteries of the West. In time
Europe came to be dotted with thousands of these establishments, many of
which were large and expensive institutions both to found and to maintain.
[24] By the time the barbarian invasions were in full swing monasticism
had become an established institution of the Christian Church. Nunneries
for women also were established early. A letter from Saint Jerome to
Marcella, a Roman matron, in 382, in which he says that "no high-born lady
at Rome had made profession of the monastic life ... or had ventured ...
publicly to call herself a nun," would seem to imply that such
institutions had already been established in Rome.

MONASTIC SCHOOLS. Poverty, chastity, obedience, labor, and religious
devotion were the essential features of a monastic life. The Rule of Saint
Benedict (R. 43) organized in a practical way the efforts of those who
took the vows. In a series of seventy-three rules which he laid down,
covering all phases of monastic life, the most important from the
standpoint of posterity was the forty-eighth, prescribing at least seven
hours of daily labor and two hours of reading "for all able to bear the
load." From that part of the rule requiring regular manual labor the monks
became the most expert farmers and craftsmen of the early Middle Ages,
while to the requirement of daily reading we owe in large part the
development of the school and the preservation of learning in the West
during the long intellectual night of the mediaeval period (R. 44).

Into these monastic institutions the _oblati_, that is, those who wished
to become monks, were received as early as the age of twelve, and
occasionally earlier (R. 53 a). The final vows (R. 53 b) could not be
taken until eighteen, so during this period the novice was taught to work
and to read and write, given instruction in church music, and taught to
calculate the church festivals and to do simple reckoning. In time some
condensed and carefully edited compendium of the elements of classical
learning was also studied, and still later a more elaborate type of
instruction was developed in some of the monasteries. This, however,
belongs to a later division of this history, and further description of
church and monastic education will be deferred until we study the
intellectual life of the Middle Ages.

THE EDUCATION OF GIRLS. Aside from the general instruction in the
practices of the church and home instruction in the work of a woman, there
was but little provision made for the education of girls not desiring to
join a convent or nunnery. A few, however, obtained a limited amount of
intellectual training. The letter of Saint Jerome to the Roman lady Paula
(R. 45), regarding the education of her daughter, is a very important
document in the history of early Christian education for girls. Dating
from 403, it outlines the type of training a young girl should be given
who was to be properly educated in Christian faith and properly
consecrated to God. What he outlined was education for nunneries, a number
of which had been founded in the East and a few in the West. In the West
these institutions later experienced an extensive development, and offered
the chief opportunity for any intellectual education for women during the
whole of the Middle Ages.


III. WHAT THE MIDDLE AGES STARTED WITH

WHAT THE CHURCH BROUGHT TO THE MIDDLE AGES. From a small and purely
spiritual organization, devoting its energies to exhortation and to the
moral regeneration of mankind, and without creed or form of government, as
the Christian Church was in the first two centuries of its development, we
have traced the organization of a body of doctrine, the perfection of a
strong system of church government, and the development of a very limited
educational system designed merely to train leaders for its service. We
have also shown how it added to its early ecclesiastical organization a
strong governmental organization, became a State within a State, and
gradually came to direct the State itself. It was thus ready, when the
virtual separation of the Roman Empire into an eastern and western
division took place, in 395, and when the western division finally fell
before the barbarian onslaughts, to take up in a way the work of the
State, force the barbarian hordes to acknowledge its power, and begin the
process of civilizing these new tribes and building up once more a
civilization in the western world. In addition to its spiritual and
political power, the Church also had developed, in its catechumenal
instruction and in the cathedral and monastic schools, a very meager form
of an educational system for the training of its future leaders and
servants. A great change had now taken place in the nature of education as
a preparation for life, and intellectual education, in the sense that it
was known and understood in Greece and Rome, was not to be known again in
the western world for almost a thousand years. The distinguishing
characteristic of the centuries which follow, up to the Revival of
Learning, are, first, a struggle against very adverse odds to prevent
civilization from disappearing entirely, and later a struggle to build up
new foundations upon which world civilization might begin once more where
it had left off in Greece and Rome.

THE THREE GREAT CONTRIBUTIONS FROM THE ANCIENT WORLD. Thus, before the
Middle Ages began, the three great contributions of the ancient world
which were to form the foundations of our future western civilization had
been made. Greece gave the world an art and a philosophy and a literature
of great charm and beauty, the most advanced intellectual and aesthetic
ideas that civilization has inherited, and developed an educational system
of wonderful effectiveness--one that in its higher development in time
took captive the entire Mediterranean world and profoundly modified all
later thinking. Rome was the organizing and legal genius of the ancient
world, as Greece was the literary and philosophical. To Rome we are
especially indebted for out conceptions of law, order, and government, and
for the ability to make practical and carry into effect the ideals of
other peoples. To the Hebrews we are indebted for the world's loftiest
conceptions of God, religious faith, and moral responsibility, and to
Christianity and the Church we are indebted for making these ideas
universal in the Roman Empire and forcing them on a barbaric world.

All these great foundations of our western civilization have not come down
to us directly. The hostility to pagan learning that developed on the part
of the Latin Fathers; the establishment of an eastern capital for the
Empire at Constantinople, in 328; the virtual division of the Empire into
an East and West, in 395; and the final division of the Christian Church
into a Western Latin and an Eastern Greek Church, which was gradually
effected, finally drove Greek philosophy and learning and the Greek
language from the western world. Greek was not to be known again in the
West for hundreds of years. Fortunately the Eastern Church was more
tolerant of pagan learning than was the Western, and was better able to
withstand conquest by barbarian tribes. In consequence what the Greeks had
done was preserved at Constantinople until Europe had once more become
sufficiently civilized and tolerant to understand and appreciate it.
Hellenic learning was then handed back to western Europe, first through
the medium of the Saracens, and then in that great Revival of Learning
which we know as the _Renaissance_. Of the Latin literature and learning
much was lost, and much was preserved almost by accident in the
monasteries of mediaeval Europe. Even the Church itself was seriously
deflected from its earlier purpose and teachings during the long period of
barbarism and general ignorance through which it passed, and only in
modern times has it tried to come back to the spirit of the teachings of
its founder.

[Illustration: FIG. 30. SHOWING THE FINAL DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE AND THE
CHURCH

The map also shows conditions as they were in Europe at the end of the
fourth century A.D. Syria, Egypt, Africa, and a portion of Asia Minor were
overwhelmed by the Saracens in the seventh century and became Mohammedan,
but Constantinople held out until 1453. The eastern division eventually
gave rise to the Greek Catholic Church of Greece, the Balkans, and Russia,
while the western division became the Roman Catholic Church of western
Europe. At Constantinople Greek learning was preserved until the West was
again ready to receive it. The Eastern Empire for a time retained control
of Sicily and southern Italy (the old _Magna Graecia_), but eventually
these were absorbed by western or Latin Christianity.]

THE FUTURE STORY. For the long period of intellectual stagnation which now
followed, the educational story is briefly told. But little formal
education was needed, and that of but one main type. It was only after the
Church had won its victory over the barbarian hordes, and had built up the
foundations upon which a new civilization could be developed, that
education in any broad and liberal sense was again needed. This required
nearly a thousand years of laborious and painful effort. Then, when
schools again became possible and learning again began to be demanded,
education had to begin again with the few at the top, and the
contributions of Greece and Rome had to be recovered and put into usable
form as a basis upon which to build. It is only very recently that it has
become possible to extend education to all.

In Part II we shall next trace briefly the intellectual life of the Middle
Ages, and the reawakening, and in Part III we shall, among other things,
point out the deep and lasting influence of the work of these ancient
civilizations on our modern educational thoughts and practices.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Point out the many advantages of a universal religion for such a
universal Empire as Rome developed, and the advantages of Emperor worship
for such an Empire.

2. What do modern nations have that is much akin to Emperor worship?

3. Explain why Stoicism made such an appeal to the better-educated classes
at Rome.

4. Why is an emotional faith better adapted to the mass of people than an
intellectual one?

5. Explain how the Hebrew scribes, administering such a mixed body of
laws, naturally came to be both teachers and judges for the people.

6. Illustrate how the Hebrew tradition that the moral and spiritual unity
of a people is stronger than armed force has been shown to be true in
history.

7. What great lessons may we draw from the work of the Hebrews in
maintaining a national unity through compulsory education?

8. Why was Jesus' idea as to the importance of the individual destined to
make such slow headway in the world? What is the status of the idea to-day
(a) in China? (b) in Germany? (c) in England? (d) in the United States? Is
the idea necessarily opposed to nationality or even to a strong state
government?

9. Show how the political Church, itself the State, was the natural
outcome during the Middle Ages of the teachings of the early Christians as
to the relationship of Church and State.

10. Is it to be wondered that the Romans were finally led to persecute
"the vast organized defiance of law by the Christians"?

11. Show how the Christian idea of the equality and responsibility of all
gave the citizen a new place in the State.

12. State the reasons for the gradually increasing lack of sympathy and
understanding between the eastern and western Fathers of the Church, and
which finally led to the division of the Church.

13. Explain what is meant by "a State within a State" as applied to the
Church of the third and fourth centuries. Did this prove to be a good
thing for the future of civilization? Why?

14. Would Rome probably have been better able to withstand the barbarian
invasions if Christianity had not arisen, or not? Why?

15. Show how the Christian attitude toward pagan learning tended to stop
schools and destroy the accumulated learning.

16. What was the effect of the Christian attitude toward the care of the
body, on scientific and medical knowledge, and on education? Was the
Christian or the pagan attitude more nearly like that of modern times?

17. Why did the emphasis on form of belief, in the third and fourth
centuries, come to supersede the emphasis on personal virtues and simple
faith of the first and second centuries?

18. Compare the work of the Sunday School of to-day with the catechumenal
instruction of the early Christians.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  27. The Talmud: Educational Maxims from.
  28. Saint Paul: Epistle to the Romans.
  29. Saint Paul: To the Athenians.
  30. The Crimes of the Christians.
      (a) Minucius Felix: The Roman Point of View.
      (b) Tertullian: The Christian Point of View.
  31. Persecution of the Christians as Disloyal Subjects of the Empire.
      (a) Pliny to Trajan.
      (b) Trajan to Pliny.
  32. Tertullian: Effect of the Persecutions.
  33. Eusebius: Edicts of Diocletian against the Christians.
  34. Workman: Certificate of having Sacrificed to the Pagan Gods.
  35. Kingsley: The Empire and Christianity in Conflict.
  36. Lactantius: The Edict of Toleration by Galerius.
  37. Theodosian Code: The Faith of Catholic Christians.
  38. Theodosian Code: Privileges and Immunities granted the Clergy.
  39. Apostolic Constitutions: How the Catechumens are to be instructed.
  40. Leach: Catechumenal Schools of the Early Church.
  41. Apostolic Constitutions: Christians should abstain from all Heathen
      Books.
  42. The Nicene Creed of 325 A.D.
  43. Saint Benedict: Extracts from the Rule of.
  44. Lanfranc: Enforcing Lenten Reading in the Monasteries.
  45. Saint Jerome: Letter on the Education of Girls.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Characterize the type of education to be provided and the status of the
teacher, as shown in the selections from the Talmud (27). Compare with
Rome. With Athens.

2. Characterize the attitude of Saint Paul toward the Romans (28). Does
his description of Athens (29) tally with the description of the Athenians
given in the text?

3. Was it possible for the Roman and the Christian to understand one
another, thinking as they did in such different terms (30 a-b)?

4. Considering Pliny and Trajan (31 a-b) as Roman officials, with the
Roman point of view, and taking into account the time in the history of
world civilization, would you say that they were quite tolerant of rebels
within the State?

5. Compare the privileges and immunities granted the clergy (38) with the
privileges previously given by Constantine to physicians and teachers
(26).

6. Characterize the irrepressible conflict as pictured by Kingsley (35).
Name a few other somewhat similar conflicts in world history.

7. Outline the type of instruction for catechumens as directed in the
Apostolic Constitutions (39).

8. What would have been the effect of the continued rejection of secular
books called for in the Apostolic Constitutions (41)?

9. What was the governmental advantage of the adoption of the Nicene Creed
(42)?

10. Why did the rule of Saint Benedict (43) requiring readings and study
lead to the copying and preservation of manuscripts?

11. What does the selection from Lanfranc (44) indicate as to the state of
monastic learning?

12. Was there anything pedagogically sound about the letter of Saint
Jerome (45) on the education of girls? Discuss.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Dill, Sam'l. _Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western
    Empire_.
  Fisher, Geo. P. _Beginnings of Christianity_.
* Fisher, Geo. P. _History of the Christian Church_.
* Hatch, Edw. _Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon the Christian
    Church_. (Hibbert Lectures, 1888.)
  Hodgson, Geraldine. _Primitive Church Education_.
  Kretzmann, P. E. _Education among the Jews_.
  MacCabe, Joseph. _Saint Augustine_.
* Monro, D. C. and Sellery, G. E. _Mediaeval Civilization_.
* Swift, F. H. _Education in Ancient Israel to 70 A.D._
  Taylor, H. O. _Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages_.
  Wishart, A. W. _Short History of Monks and Monasticism_.




PART II

THE MEDIAEVAL WORLD

THE DELUGE OF BARBARISM
THE MEDIAEVAL STRUGGLE TO PRESERVE AND REËSTABLISH CIVILIZATION




CHAPTER V

NEW PEOPLES IN THE EMPIRE


THE WEAKENED EMPIRE. Though the first and second centuries A.D. have often
been called one of the happiest ages in all human history, due to a
succession of good Emperors and peace and quiet throughout the Roman
world, [1] the reign of the last of the good Emperors, Marcus Aurelius
(161-180 A.D.), may be regarded as clearly marking a turning-point in the
history of Roman society. Before his reign Rome was ascendant, prosperous,
powerful; during his reign the Empire was beset by many difficulties--
pestilence, floods, famine, troubles with the Christians, and heavy German
inroads--to which it had not before been accustomed; and after his reign
the Empire was distinctly on the defensive and the decline. Though the
elements contributing to this change in national destiny had their origin
in the changes in the character of the national life at least two
centuries earlier, it was not until now that the Empire began to feel
seriously the effects of these changes in a lowered vitality and a
weakened power of resistance.

The virtues of the citizens of the early days of the Republic, trained
according to the old ideas, had gradually given way in the face of the
vices and corruption which beset and sapped the life of the upper and
ruling classes in the later Empire. The failure of Rome to put its
provincial government on any honest and efficient civil-service basis, the
failure of the State to establish and direct an educational system capable
of serving as a corrective of dangerous national tendencies, the lack of a
guiding national faith, the gradual admission of so many Germans into the
Empire, the great extent and demoralizing influence of slavery [2]--all
contributed to that loss of national strength and resisting power which
was now becoming increasingly evident. Other contributing elements of
importance were the almost complete obliteration of the peasantry by the
creation of great landed estates and cattle ranches worked by slaves, in
place of the small farms of earlier days; the increase of the poor in the
cities, and the declining birth-rate; the introduction of large numbers of
barbarians as farmers and soldiers; and the demoralization of the city
rabble by political leaders in need of votes. Captured slaves performed
almost every service, and a lavish display of wealth on the part of a few
came to be a characteristic feature of city life. [3] The great middle,
commercial, and professional classes were still prosperous and contented,
but luxury, imported vices, slavery, political corruption, and new ideals
[4] had gradually sapped the old national vitality and destroyed the
resisting power of the State in the face of a great national calamity.
Rome now stood, much like the shell of a fine old tree, apparently in good
condition, but in reality ready to fall before the blast because it had
been allowed to become rotten at the heart. Sooner or later the boundaries
of the Empire, which had held against the pressure from without for so
long, were destined to be broken and the barbarian deluge from the north
and east would pour over the Empire.

[Illustration: FIG. 31. A BODYGUARD OF GERMANS
A relief from the Column of Marcus Aurelius, at Rome, erected to celebrate
his victories over the Marcomanni, and other German tribes.]

THE BOUNDARIES OF THE EMPIRE ARE BROKEN. While temporary extensions of
territory had at times been made beyond the Rhine and the Danube, these
rivers had finally come to be the established boundaries of the Empire on
the north, and behind these rivers the Teutonic barbarians, or _Germani_,
as the Romans called them, had by force been kept. To do even this the
Romans had been obliged to admit bands of Germans into the Empire, and had
taken them into the Roman army as "allies," making use of their great love
for fighting to hold other German tribes in check. In 166 A.D. the plague,
brought back by soldiers returning from the East, carried off
approximately half the population of Italy. This same year the Marcomanni
(see Figure 18), a former friendly tribe, invaded the Empire as far as the
head of the Adriatic Sea, and it required thirteen years of warfare to put
them back behind the Danube. Even this was accomplished only by the aid of
friendly German tribes. From this time on the Empire was more or less on
the defensive, with the barbarian tribes to the north casting increasingly
longing eyes toward "a place in the sun" and the rich plunder that lay to
the south, and frequently breaking over the boundaries. Rome, though, was
still strong enough to put them back again.

In 275 A.D., after a five years' struggle, the Eastern Emperor gave the
province of Dacia, to the south of the Danube, to the Visigoths, in an
effort to buy them off from further invasion and warfare. This eased the
pressure for another century. In 378 A.D., now pressed on by the terrible
Huns from behind, the Visigoths, as a body, invaded the Eastern Empire,
and in the Battle of Adrianople, near Constantinople, defeated the Roman
army, slew the Roman Emperor, definitely broke the boundaries of the
Empire, and they and the Ostrogoths now moved southward and settled in
Moesia and Thrace. The Germans at Adrianople learned that they could beat
the Roman legions, and from this time on it was they, and not the Romans,
who named the terms of ransom and the price of peace. A few years later,
under Alaric, the Visigoths invaded Greece, then turned westward through
Illyria to the valley of the Po, in northern Italy, which they reached in
the year 400. In 410 the great calamity came when they captured and sacked
Rome. The effect produced on the Roman world by the fall of the Eternal
City, as the news of the almost incredible disaster penetrated to the
remote provinces, was profound (R. 48). For eight hundred years Rome had
not been touched by foreign hands, and now it had been captured and
plundered by barbarian hordes. It seemed to many as though the end of the
world were approaching. The Visigoths now turned west once more, carrying
with them the beautiful sister of the Emperor as a captive bride of the
chief, and finally settled in Spain and southern Gaul, which provinces
were thenceforth lost to Rome. This was the first of the great permanent
inroads into the Empire, and from now on Roman resistance seemed powerless
to stop the flood.

[Illustration: FIG. 32. THE GERMAN MIGRATIONS
The barriers of the Empire along the Rhine and the Danube now are broken
down. Take a pencil and trace the route followed by each of these
peoples.]

A PERIOD OF TRIBAL MOVEMENTS. The Hunnish pressure also started the
Vandals and Suevi, and within fifty years they had been able to move
across Germany, France, and Spain, plundering the cities on their way.
Finally they crossed to the northern coast of Africa, where they became
noted as the great sea pirates of the Mediterranean. In 455 they crossed
back to Italy, and Rome was sacked for the second time by barbarian
hordes. The Huns, under the leadership of Attila, the so-called "Scourge
of God," now moved in and ravaged Gaul (451) and northern Italy (452), and
then, at the intercession of the Roman Pope Leo, were induced by a ransom
price to return to the lower Danube, where they have since remained. In
476 the barbarian soldiers of the Empire, tired of camp life and demanding
land on which they too might settle, rose in revolt, displaced the last of
the Western Emperors, and elevated Odovacar, a tribesman from the north,
as ruler in his stead. The Western Roman Empire was now at an end. In 493
Theodoric, King of the Ostrogoths, became king of Italy.

Between 443 and 485 the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes left their earlier homes
in what is now Denmark and northwestern Germany, and overran eastern and
southern Britain. In 486 the Franks, a great nation living along the lower
Rhine, began to move, and within two generations had overrun almost all of
Gaul. In 586 the Lombards invaded and settled the valleys of northern
Italy, displacing the Ostrogoths there. Slavic tribes now moved into the
Eastern Empire--Serbs and Bulgars--and settled in Moesia and Thrace.
Southeastern Europe thus became Slavic-Greek, as western Europe had become
Teutonic-Latin. Figure 32 shows the results of these different migrations
up to about 500 A.D.

EUROPE TO BE TEUTONIC-LATIN. In the seventh century another great wave of
people, of a different racial stock and religion--Semitic and Mohammedan--
starting from Arabia and along the shores of the Red Sea, swept rapidly
through Egypt and Africa and across into Spain and France. For a time it
looked as though they might overrun all western Europe and bring the
German tribes under subjection. Fortunately they were definitely stopped
and decisively defeated by the Franks, in the great Battle of Tours, in
732. They also overran Syria and Persia, but were held in check in Asia
Minor by the Eastern Empire, which did not completely succumb to barbarian
inroads until Constantinople was taken by the Turks, in 1453.

The importance of the result, to the future of our western civilization,
of this battle in the West can hardly be overestimated. The future of
European government, law, education, and civilization was settled on that
Saturday afternoon in October, on the battle plains of Tours. [5] It was a
struggle for mastery and dominion between the Aryan and Semitic races,
between the Christian and Mohammedan religions, between the forces
representing order on the one side and destruction on the other, and
between races destined to succeed to the civilization of Greece and Rome
and a race representing oriental despotism and static conditions.

[Illustration: FIG. 33. THE KNOWN WORLD IN 800
This map shows the great extent of the Mohammedan conquests. The part
marked as "European Heathen" was added to Christianity within the next few
centuries, and became a part of our Latin-Teutonic or western
civilization.]

Driven back across the Pyrenees by the Franks, these people settled in
Spain; later developed there, for a short period, a for-the-time
remarkable civilization, but one that only slightly influenced the current
of European development; and then disappeared as a force in our western
development and progress. We shall meet them again a little later, but
only for a little while, and then they concern our western development no
more.

Our interest from now on lies with the Teutonic-Latin peoples of western
Europe, for it is through them that our western civilization has been
worked out and has come down to us.

WHO THESE INVADERS WERE. A long-continued series of tribal migrations,
unsurpassed before in history, had brought a large number of new peoples
within the boundaries of the old Empire. They finally came so fast that
they could not have been assimilated even in the best days of Rome, and
now the assimilative and digestive powers of Rome were gone. Tall, huge of
limb, white-skinned, flaxen-haired, with fierce blue eyes, and clad in
skins and rude cloths, they seemed like giants to the short, small, dark-
skinned people of the Italian peninsula. Quarrelsome; delighting in
fighting and gambling; given to drunkenness and gluttonous eating;
possessed of a rude polytheistic religion in which _Woden_, the war god,
held the first place, and Valhalla was a heaven for those killed in
battle; living in rude villages in the forest, and maintaining themselves
by hunting and fishing--it is not to be wondered that Rome dreaded the
coming of these forest barbarians (R. 46).

[Illustration: FIG 34. A GERMAN WAR CHIEF
Restored, and rather idealized (From the Musée d'Artillerie at Paris)]

The tribes nearest the Rhine and the Danube had taken on a little
civilization from long contact with the Romans, but those farther away
were savage and unorganized (Rs. 46, 47). In general they represented a
degree of civilization not particularly different from that of the better
American Indians in our colonial period, [6] though possessing a much
larger ability to learn. The "two terrible centuries" which brought these
new peoples into the Empire were marked by unspeakable disorder and
frightful destruction. It was the most complete catastrophe that had ever
befallen civilized society.

[Illustration: FIG. 35. ROMANS DESTROYING A GERMAN VILLAGE
(From the Column of Marcus Aurelius, at Rome) Note the circular huts of
reeds, without windows, and with but a single door.]

THEY SETTLE DOWN WITHIN THE EMPIRE. Finally, after a period of wandering
and plundering, each of these new peoples settled down within the Empire
as rulers over the numerically larger native Roman population, and slowly
began to turn from hunting to a rude type of farming. For three or four
centuries after the invasions ceased, though, Europe presented a dreary
spectacle of ignorance, lawlessness, and violence. Force reigned where law
and order had once been supreme. Work largely ceased, because there was no
security for the results of labor. The Roman schools gradually died out,
in part because of pagan hostility (all pagan schools were closed by
imperial edict in 529 A.D.), and in part because they no longer ministered
to any real need. The church and the monastery schools alone remained, the
instruction in these was meager indeed, and they served almost entirely
the special needs of the priestly and monastic classes. The Latin language
was corrupted and modified into spoken dialects, and the written language
died out except with the monks and the clergy. Even here it became greatly
corrupted. Art perished, and science disappeared. The former Roman skill
in handicrafts was largely lost. Roads and bridges were left without
repair. Commerce and intercourse almost ceased. The cities decayed, and
many were entirely destroyed (R. 49).

The new ruling class was ignorant--few could read or write their names--
and they cared little for the learning of Greece and Rome. Much of what
was excellent in the ancient civilizations died out because these new
peoples were as yet too ignorant to understand or use it, and what was
preserved was due to the work of others than themselves. It was with such
people and on such a basis that it was necessary for whatever constructive
forces still remained to begin again the task of building up new
foundations for a future European civilization. This was the work of
centuries, and during the period the lamp of learning almost went out.

BARBARIAN AND ROMAN IN CONTACT. Civilization was saved from almost
complete destruction chiefly by reason of the long and substantial work
which Rome had done in organizing and governing and unifying the Empire;
by the relatively slow and gradual coming of the different tribes; and by
the thorough organization of the governing side of the Christian Church,
which had been effected before the Empire was finally overrun and Roman
government ceased. In unifying the government of the Empire and
establishing a common law, language, and traditions, and in early
beginning the process of receiving barbarians into the Empire and
educating them in her ways and her schools, [7] Rome rendered the western
world a service of inestimable importance and one which did much to
prepare the way for the reception and assimilation of the invaders. [8] In
the cities, which remained Roman in spirit even after their rulers had
changed, and where the Roman population greatly preponderated even after
the invaders had come, some of the old culture and handicrafts were kept
up, and in the cities of southern Europe the municipal form of city
government was retained. Roman law still applied to trials of Roman
citizens, and many Roman governmental forms passed over to the invader
chiefly because he knew no other. The old Roman population for long
continued to furnish the clergy, and these, because of their ability to
read and write, also became the secretaries and advisers of their rude
Teutonic overlords. In one capacity or another they persuaded the leaders
of the tribes to adopt, not only Christianity, but many of the customs and
practices of the old civilization as well. These various influences helped
to assimilate and educate the newcomers, and to save something of the old
civilization for the future. Being strong, sturdy, and full of youthful
energy, and with a large capacity for learning, the civilizing process,
though long and difficult, was easier than it might otherwise have been,
and because of their strength and vigor these new races in time infused
new life and energy into every land from Spain to eastern Europe (R. 50).

The most powerful force with which the barbarians came in contact, though,
and the one which did most to reduce them to civilization, was the
Christian Church. Organized, as we have seen, after the Roman governmental
model, and as a State within a State, the Church gained in strength as the
Roman government grew weaker, and was ready to assume governmental
authority when Rome could no longer exert it. The barbarians here
encountered an organization stronger than force and greater than kings,
[9] which they must either accept and make terms with or absolutely
destroy. As all the tribes, though heathen, possessed some form of spirit
or nature worship or heathen gods, which served as a basis for
understanding the appeal of the Church, the result was the ultimate
victory, and the Christianizing, in name at least, of all the barbarian
tribes. This was the first step in the long process of civilizing and
educating them.

THE IMPRESS OF CHRISTIANITY UPON THEM. The importance of the services
rendered by bishops, priests, and monks during what are known as the _Dark
Ages_ can hardly be overestimated. In the face of might they upheld the
right of the Church and its representatives to command obedience and
respect. [10] The Christian priest gradually forced the barbarian chief to
do his will, though at times he refused to be awed into submission,
murdered the priest, and sacked the sacred edifice. That the Church lost
much of its early purity of worship, and adopted many practices fitted to
the needs of the time, but not consistent with real religion, there can be
no question. In time the Church gained much from the mixture of these new
peoples among the old, as they infused new vigor and energy into the blood
of the old races, but the immediate effect was quite otherwise. The Church
itself was paganized, but the barbarians were in time Christianized.

Priests and missionaries went among the heathen tribes and labored for
their conversion. Of course the leaders were sought out first, and often
the conversion of a chieftain was made by first converting his wife. After
the chieftain had been won the minor leaders in time followed. The lesson
of the cross was proclaimed, and the softening and restraining influences
of the Christian faith were exerted on the barbarian. It was, however, a
long and weary road to restore even a semblance of the order and respect
for life and property which had prevailed under Roman rule.

One of the most interesting of all the conversions was that made by the
Bishop Ulphilas (c. 313-383) among the Visigoths, before they moved
westward from their original home north of the Danube, in what is now
southwestern Russia. Ulphilas was made bishop and sent among them in 343,
and spent the remainder of his life in laboring with them. He devised an
alphabet for them, based on the Greek, and gave them a written language
into which he translated for them the Bible, or rather large portions of
it. In the translation he omitted the two books of Kings and the two
Samuels, that the people might not find in them a further stimulus to
their great warlike activity.

[Illustration: FIG. 36. A PAGE OF THE GOTHIC GOSPELS (_reduced_)
One of the treasures of the library of the University or Upsala, in
Sweden, is a manuscript of this translation by Bishop Ulphilas. Greek
letters, with a few Runic signs were used to represent Gothic sounds. The
word "rune" comes from a Gothic word meaning "mystery." To the primitive
Germans it seemed a mysterious thing that a series of marks could express
thought.]

Christianity had been carried early to Great Britain by Roman
missionaries, and in 440 Saint Patrick converted the Irish. In 563 Saint
Columba crossed to Scotland, founded the monastery at Iona, and began the
conversion of the Scots. After the Angles and Saxons and Jutes had overrun
eastern and southern Britain there was a period of several generations
during which this portion of the island was given over to Teutonic
heathenism. In 597 Saint Augustine, "the Apostle to the English," landed
in Kent and began the conversion of the people, that year succeeding in
converting Ethelbert, King of Kent. In 626 Edwin, King of Northumbria, was
converted, and in 635 the English of Wessex accepted Christianity. The
English at once became strong supporters of the Christian faith, and in
878 they forced the invading Danes to accept Christianity as one of the
conditions of the Peace of Wedmore. (See Map, Figure 42.)

In 496 Clovis, King of the Franks, and three thousand of his followers
were baptized, following a vow and a victory in battle; [11] in 587
Recarred, King of the Goths in Spain, was won over; and in 681 the South
Saxons accepted Christianity. The Germans of Bavaria and Thuringia were
finally won over by about 740. Charlemagne repeatedly forced the northern
Saxons to accept Christianity, between 772 and 804, when the final
submission of this German tribe took place. Finally, in the tenth century,
Rollo, Duke of the Normans, was won (912); Boleslav II, King of the
Bohemians, in 967; and the Hungarians in 972. In the tenth century the
Slavs were converted to the Eastern or Greek type of Christianity, and
Poland, Norway, and Sweden to the Western or Roman type. The last people
to be converted were the Prussians, a half-Slavic tribe inhabiting East
Prussia and Lithuania, along the eastern Baltic, who were not brought to
accept Christianity, in name, until near the middle of the thirteenth
century, though efforts were begun with them as early as 900. As late as
1230 they were still offering human sacrifices to their heathen gods to
secure their favor, but soon after this date they were forced to a nominal
acceptance of Christianity as a result of conquest by the "Teutonic
Knights." It was thus a thousand years after its foundation before Europe
had accepted in name the Christian faith. To change a nominal acceptance
to some semblance of a reality has been the work of the succeeding
centuries.

WORK OF THE CHURCH DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. Everywhere throughout the old
Empire, and far into the forest depths of barbarian lands, went bishops,
priests, and missionaries, and there parishes were organized, rude
churches arose, and the process of educating the fighting tribesmen in the
ways of civilized life was carried out. It was not by schools of learning,
but by faith and ceremonial that the Church educated and guided her
children into the type she approved. Schools for other than monks and
clergy for a time were not needed, and such practically died out. The
Church and its offices took the place of education and exercised a
wholesome and restraining influence over both young and old throughout the
long period of the Middle Ages. These the Church in time taught the
barbarian to respect. The great educational work of the Church during this
period of insecurity and ignorance has seldom been better stated than in
the following words by Draper:

    Of the great ecclesiastics, many had risen from the humblest ranks
    of society, and these men, true to their democratic instincts, were
    often found to be the inflexible supporters of right against might.
    Eventually coming to be the depositaries of the knowledge that then
    existed, they opposed intellect to brute force, in many instances
    successfully, and by the example of the organization of the Church,
    which was essentially republican, they showed how representative
    systems may be introduced into the State. Nor was it over communities
    and nations that the Church displayed her chief power. Never in the
    world before was there such a system. From her central seat at Rome,
    her all-seeing eye, like that of Providence itself, could equally take
    in a hemisphere at a glance, or examine the private life of any
    individual. Her boundless influences enveloped kings in their palaces,
    and relieved the beggar at the monastery gate. In all Europe there was
    not a man too obscure, too insignificant, or too desolate for her.
    Surrounded by her solemnities, every one received his name at her
    altar; her bells chimed at his marriage, her knell tolled at his
    funeral. She extorted from him the secrets of his life at her
    confessionals, and punished his faults by her penances. In his hour of
    sickness and trouble her servants sought him out, teaching him, by her
    exquisite litanies and prayers, to place his reliance on God, or
    strengthening him for the trials of life by the example of the holy
    and just. Her prayers had an efficacy to give repose to the souls of
    his dead. When, even to his friends, his lifeless body had become an
    offense, in the name of God she received it into her consecrated
    ground, and under her shadow he rested till the great reckoning-day.
    From little better than a slave she raised his wife to be his equal,
    and, forbidding him to have more than one, met her recompense for
    those noble deeds in a firm friend at every fireside. Discountenancing
    all impure love, she put round that fireside the children of one
    mother, and made that mother little less than sacred in their eyes. In
    ages of lawlessness and rapine, among people but a step above savages,
    she vindicated the inviolability of her precincts against the hand of
    power, and made her temples a refuge and sanctuary for the despairing
    and oppressed. Truly she was the shadow of a great rock in many a
    weary land. [12.]

THE CIVILIZING WORK OF THE MONASTERIES. No less important than the Church
and its clergy was the work of the monasteries and their monks in building
up a basis for a new civilization. These, too, were founded all over
Europe. To make a map of western Europe showing the monasteries
established by 800 A.D. would be to cover the map with a series of dots.
[13] The importance of their work is better understood when we remember
that the Germans had never lived in cities, and did not settle in them on
entering the Empire. The monasteries, too, were seldom established in
towns. Their sites were in the river valleys and in the forests (R. 69),
and the monks became the pioneers in clearing the land and preparing the
way for agriculture and civilization. Not infrequently a swamp was taken
and drained. The Middle-Age period was essentially a period of settlement
of the land and of agricultural development, and the monks lived on the
land and among a people just passing through the earliest stages of
settled and civilized life. In a way the inheritors of the agricultural
and handicraft knowledge of the Romans, the monks became the most skillful
artisans and farmers to be found, and from them these arts in time reached
the developing peasantry around them. Their work and services have been
well summed up by the same author just quoted, as follows:

    It was mainly by the monasteries that to the peasant class of Europe
    was pointed out the way of civilization. The devotions and charities;
    the austerities of the brethren; their abstemious meal; their meager
    clothing, the cheapest of the country in which they lived; their
    shaven heads, or the cowl which shut out the sight of sinful objects;
    the long staff in their hands; their naked feet and legs; their
    passing forth on their journeys by twos, each a watch on his brother;
    the prohibitions against eating outside of the wall of the monastery,
    which had its own mill, its own bakehouse, and whatever was needed in
    an abstemious domestic economy (Figure 38); their silent hospitality
    to the wayfarer, who was refreshed in a separate apartment; the lands
    around their buildings turned from a wilderness into a garden, and,
    above all, labor exalted and ennobled by their holy hands, and
    celibacy, forever, in the eye of the vulgar, a proof of separation
    from the world and a sacrifice to heaven--these were the things that
    arrested the attention of the barbarians of Europe, and led them on to
    civilization. [14]

THE PROBLEM FACED BY THE MIDDLE AGES. That the lamp of learning burned low
during this period of assimilation is no cause for wonder. Recovery from
such a deluge of barbarism on a weakened society is not easy. In fact the
recovery was a long and slow process, occupying nearly the whole of a
thousand years. The problem which faced the Church, as the sole surviving
force capable of exerting any constructive influence, was that of changing
the barbarism and anarchy of the sixth century, with its low standards of
living and lack of humane ideals, into the intelligent, progressive
civilization of the fifteenth century. This was the work of the Middle
Ages, and largely the work of the Christian Church. It was not a period of
progress, but one of assimilation, so that a common western civilization
might in time be developed out of the diverse and hostile elements mixed
together by the rude force of circumstances. The enfeebled Roman race was
to be reinvigorated by mixture with the youthful and vigorous Germans (R.
50); to the institutions of ancient society were to be added certain
social and political institutions of the Germanic peoples; all were to be
brought under the rule of a common Christian Church; and finally, when
these people had become sufficiently civilized and educated to enable them
to understand and appreciate, "nearly every achievement of the Greeks and
the Romans in thought, science, law, and the practical arts" was to be
recovered and made a part of our western civilization.

In this chapter we have dealt largely with the great fundamental movements
which have so deeply influenced the course of human history. In the
chapters which immediately follow we shall tell how learning was preserved
during the period and what facilities for education actually existed;
trace the more important efforts made to reëstablish schools and learning;
and finally describe the culmination of the process of absorbing and
educating the Germans in the civilization they had conquered that came in
the great period of recovery of the ancient learning and civilization--the
age of the Renaissance.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Do the peculiar problems of assimilation of the foreign-born, revealed
to us by the World War, put us in a somewhat similar position to Rome
under the Empire as relates to the need of a guiding national faith?

2. Outline how Rome might have been helped and strengthened by a national
school system under state control.

3. Outline how our state school systems could be made much more effective
as national instruments by the infusion into their instruction of a strong
national faith.

4. Try to picture the results upon our civilization had western Europe
become Mohammedan.

5. The movement of new peoples into the Roman Empire was much slower than
has been the immigration of foreign peoples into the United States, since
1840. Why the difference in assimilative power?

6. How do you think the Roman provinces and Italy, after the tribes from
the North had settled down within the Empire, compared with Mexico after
the years of revolution with peons and brigands in control? With Russia,
after the destruction wrought by the Bolshevists?

7. Explain the importance of the long civilizing and educating work of
Rome among the German tribes, in preparing the means for the preservation
of Roman institutions after the downfall of the Roman government.

8. What does the fact that Roman institutions and Roman thinking continued
and profoundly modified mediaeval life indicate as to the nature of Roman
government and the Roman power of assimilation?

9. Though Rome never instituted a state school system, was there not after
all large educational work done by the government through its intelligent
administration?

10. Show how the breakdown of Roman government and Roman institutions was
naturally more complete in Gaul than in northern Italy, and more complete
in northern than in central or southern Italy, and hence how Roman
civilization was naturally preserved in larger measure in the cities of
Italy than elsewhere.

11. Show how the Christian Church, too, could not have completely
dispensed with Roman letters and Roman civilization, had it desired to do
so, but was forced of necessity to preserve and pass on important portions
of the civilization of Rome.

12. What do you think would have been the effect on the future of
civilization had the barbarian tribes overrun Spain, Italy, and Greece
during the Age of Pericles?

13. What modern analogies do we have to the civilizing work of the monks
and clergy during the Middle Ages?

14. Picture the work of the monasteries in handing on to western Europe
the arts and handicrafts and skilled occupations of Rome. Cite some
examples.

15. What civilizing problem, somewhat comparable to that of barbarian
Europe, have we faced in our national history? Why have we been able to
obtain results so much more rapidly?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  46. Caesar: The Hunting Germans and their Fighting Ways.
  47. Tacitus: The Germans and their Domestic Habits.
  48. Dill: Effect on the Roman World of the News of the Sacking of Rome
      by Alaric.
  49. Giry and Reville: Fate of the Old Roman Towns.
  50. Kingsley: The Invaders, and what they brought.
  51. General Form for a Grant of Immunity to a Bishop.
  52. Charlemagne: Powers and Immunities granted to the Monastery of Saint
      Marcellus.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. State the differences in character Caesar observes (46) between the
Gauls to the west of the Rhine and the Germans to the east.

2. What German characteristics that Tacitus describes (47) would prove
good additions to Roman life?

3. Do the emotions of Saint Jerome on hearing of the sacking of Rome (48)
reveal anything as to the extent to which the Roman had become a Churchman
and the Churchman a Roman? Illustrate.

4. Is it probable that a quarter-century of Bolsheviki rule in Russia
would produce results comparable to those described by Giry and Réville
(49)?

5. Is Kingsley right in stating (50) that the best elements of all the
modern European peoples came from the barbarian invaders? State what seem
to you to be the important contributions of barbarian invader, Roman, and
Churchman.

6. Do the grants of privileges and immunities shown in the general form
(51)and the specific form (52) seem to follow naturally from the earlier
grants to physicians and teachers (26) and to the clergy (38)? Point out
the relationship.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_.
  Church, R. W. _The Beginnings of the Middle Ages_.
  Kingsley, Chas. _The Roman and Teuton_.
* Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_.




CHAPTER VI

EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES [1]


I. CONDITION AND PRESERVATION OF LEARNING

THE LOW INTELLECTUAL LEVEL. As was stated in the preceding chapter, the
lamp of learning burned low throughout the most of western Europe during
the period of assimilation and partial civilization of the barbarian
tribes. The western portion of the Roman Empire had been overrun, and rude
Germanic chieftains were establishing, by the law of might, new kingdoms
on the ruins of the old. The Germanic tribes had no intellectual life of
their own to contribute, and no intellectual tastes to be ministered unto.
With the destruction of cities and towns and country villas, with their
artistic and literary collections, much that represented the old culture
was obliterated, [2] and books became more and more scarce. [3] The
destruction was gradual, but by the beginning of the seventh century the
loss had become great. The Roman schools also gradually died out as the
need for an education which prepared for government and gave a knowledge
of Roman law passed away, and the type of education approved by the Church
was left in complete control of the field. As the security and leisure
needed for study disappeared, and as the only use for learning was now in
the service of the Church, education became limited to the narrow lines
which offered such preparation and to the few who needed it. Amid the
ruins of the ancient civilization the Church stood as the only
conservative and regenerative force, and naturally what learning remained
passed into its hands and under its control.

The result of all these influences and happenings was that by the
beginning of the seventh century Christian Europe had reached a very low
intellectual level, and during the seventh and eighth centuries conditions
grew worse instead of better. Only in England and Ireland, as will be
pointed out a little later, and in a few Italian cities, was there
anything of consequence of the old Roman learning preserved. On the
Continent there was little general learning, even among the clergy (R. 64
a). Many of the priests were woefully ignorant, [4] and the Latin writings
of the time contain many inaccuracies and corruptions which reveal the low
standard of learning even among the better educated of the clerical class.
The Church itself was seriously affected by the prevailing ignorance of
the period, and incorporated into its system of government and worship
many barbarous customs and practices of which it was a long time in
ridding itself. So great had become the ignorance and superstition of the
time, among priests, monks, and the people; so much had religion taken on
the worship of saints and relics and shrines; and so much had the Church
developed the sensuous and symbolic, that religion had in reality become a
crude polytheism instead of the simple monotheistic faith of the early
Church. Along scientific lines especially the loss was very great.
Scientific ideas as to natural phenomena disappeared, and crude and
childish ideas as to natural forces came to prevail. As if barbarian
chiefs and robber bands were not enough, popular imagination peopled the
world with demons, goblins, and dragons, and all sorts of superstitions
and supernatural happenings were recorded. Intercommunication largely
ceased; trade and commerce died out; the accumulated wealth of the past
was destroyed; and the old knowledge of the known world became badly
distorted, as is evidenced by the many crude mediaeval maps. (See Figure
46.) The only scholarship of the time, if such it might be called, was the
little needed by the Church to provide for and maintain its government and
worship. Almost everything that we to-day mean by civilization in that age
was found within the protecting walls of monastery or church, and these
institutions were at first too busy building up the foundations upon which
a future culture might rest to spend much time in preserving learning,
much less in advancing it.

[Illustration: FIG. 37. A TYPICAL MONASTERY of SOUTHERN EUROPE]

THE MONASTERIES DEVELOP SCHOOLS. In this age of perpetual lawlessness and
disorder the one opportunity for a life of repose and scholarly
contemplation lay in the monasteries. Here the rule of might and force was
absent (R. 52), and the timid, the devout, and the studiously inclined
here found a refuge from the turbulence and brutality of a rude
civilization. The early monasteries, and especially the monastery of Saint
Victor, at Marseilles, founded by Cassian in 404, had represented a
culmination of the western feeling of antagonism to all ancient learning,
but with the founding of Monte Cassino by Saint Benedict, in 529 A.D., and
the promulgation of the Benedictine rule (R. 43), a more liberal attitude
was shown. [5] This rule was adopted generally by the monasteries
throughout what is now Italy, Spain, France, Germany, and England, and the
Benedictine became the type for the monks of the early Middle Ages. To
this order we are largely indebted for the copying of books and the
preservation of learning throughout the mediaeval period.

The 48th rule of Saint Benedict, it will be remembered (R. 43), had
imposed reading and study as a part of the daily duty of every monk, but
had said nothing about schools. Subsequent regulations issued by superiors
had aimed at the better enforcement of this rule (R. 44), that the monks
might lead devout lives and know the Bible and the sacred writings of the
Church. Imposed at first as a matter of education and discipline for the
monks, this rule ultimately led to the establishment of schools and the
development of a system of monastic instruction. As youths were received
at an early age [6] into the monasteries to prepare for a monastic life,
it was necessary that they be taught to read if they were later to use the
sacred books. This led to the duty of instructing novices, which marks the
beginning of monastic instruction for those within the walls. As books
were scarce and at the same time necessary, and the only way to get new
ones was to copy from old ones, the monasteries were soon led to take up
the work once carried on by the publishing houses of ancient Rome, and in
much the same way. This made writing necessary, and the novices had to be
instructed carefully in this, as well as in reading. [7] The chants and
music of the Church called for instruction of the novices in music, and
the celebration of Easter and the fast and festival days of the Church
called for some rudimentary instruction in numbers and calculation.

Out of these needs rose the monastery school, the copying of manuscripts,
and the preservation of books. Due to their greater security and quiet the
monasteries became the leading teaching institutions of the early part of
the Middle-Age period, and those who wished their children trained for the
service of the Church gave them to the monasteries (R. 53 a). The
development of the monastic schools was largely voluntary, though from an
early date bishops and rulers began urging the monasteries to open schools
for boys in connection with their houses, and schools became in time a
regular feature of the monastic organization. From schools only for those
intending to take the vows (_oblati_), the instruction was gradually
opened, after the ninth century, to others (_externi_) not intending to
take the vows, and what came to be known as "outer" monastic schools were
in time developed.

[Illustration: FIG. 38. BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF A MEDIAEVAL MONASTERY
(From an engraving by Viollet-le-Duc, dated 1718, of the Cistercian Abbey
of Cîteaux, in France) This monastery was founded in the forests of what
is now northeastern France, in 1198 A.D., and was the first of a reformed
Benedictine order, known as Cistercians. For an explanation of the
monastery, see the opposite page. (Note: explanation follows.)

_Explanation of the Monastery opposite_: The cross, by the roadside,
indicates the entrance gate. Passing through the orchards and fields, the
traveler reached the outer gate-house. At the almonry (_C_) food and drink
were given out; on the second floor rooms for the night could be had; in
the little chapel (_D_) prayers could be said; and in the stable (_F_) the
traveler's horse could be cared for for the night. An inner gate through
(_E_) opened into an inner court, around which were the barns, chicken-
yards, cow-sheds, etc. The Abbot lived at _H_. _G_ was a dormitory for the
lay brothers who did the heavy work of the monastery, and who entered the
church (_N_) at the rear through a special doorway (_S_). All of these
buildings were considered as outside the monastery proper.

Inside were the great church (_N_), with the library (_P_) in the rear.
Seven _scriptoria_ are shown on the side of the library building. _M_ was
the large dormitory for the monks, and _R_ the infirmary for old and sick
brothers. _I_ was the kitchen, _K_ was the dining-hall (refectory), and
_L_ the stairs to the upper dormitory rooms. _C_ and _E_ are two cloisters
with corridors on the four sides, somewhat similar to the cloisters shown
for the monastery on Plate I. The copying of books often took place in
these cloisters, though a _scriptorium_ was usually found under the
library, the library proper, as in Plate 2, being on the second floor
(_P_) and reached by a winding stair. A wall surrounded the monastery
grounds, and a stream of running water passed through them.]

The monasteries became the preservers of learning. Another need developed
the copying of pagan books, and incidentally the preservation of some of
the best of Roman literature. The language of the Church very naturally
was Latin, as it was a direct descendant of Roman life, governmental
organization, citizenship, and education. The writings of the Fathers of
the Western Church had all been in Latin, and in the fourth century the
Bible had been translated from the Greek into the Latin. This edition,
known as the _Vulgate_ [8] _Bible_, became the standard for western Europe
for ten centuries to come. The German tribes which had invaded the Empire
had no written languages of their own, and their spoken dialects differed
much from the Latin speech of those whom they had conquered. Latin was
thus the language of all those of education, and naturally continued as
the language of the Church and the monastery for both speech and writing.
All books were, of course, written in Latin.

Under the rude influences and the general ignorance of the period, though,
the language was easily and rapidly corrupted, and it became necessary for
the monasteries and the churches to have good models of Latin prose and
verse to refer to. These were best found in the old Latin literary
authors--particularly Caesar, Cicero, and Vergil. To have these, due to
the great destruction of old books which had taken place during the
intervening centuries, it was necessary to copy these authors, [9] as well
as the Psalter, the Missal, [10] the sacred books, and the writings of the
Fathers of the Church (Rs. 55, 56). It thus happened that the monasteries
unintentionally began to preserve and use the ancient Roman books, and
from using them at first as models for style, an interest in their
contents was later awakened. While many of the monasteries remained as
farming, charitable, and ascetic institutions almost exclusively, and were
never noted for their educational work, a small but increasing number
gradually accumulated libraries and became celebrated for their literary
activity and for the character of their instruction. The monasteries thus
in time became the storehouses of learning, the publishing houses of the
Middle Ages (Rs. 54, 55, 56), teaching institutions of first importance,
and centers of literary activity and religious thought, as well as centers
for agricultural development, work in the arts and crafts, and Christian
hospitality. Many developed into large and important institutions (R. 69).

THE COPYING OF MANUSCRIPTS. [11] The work of the more important
monasteries and the monastic churches in copying books was a service to
learning of large future significance. While many of the books copied were
for the promotion of the religious service, such as Missals and Psalters
(R. 55), and many others were tales of saints and wearisome comments on
the sacred writings, a few were old classical texts representing the best
of Roman literary work. A few monastic chronicles and histories of
importance were composed by the brothers, and also preserved for us by the
copying process.

The production of a single book was a task of large proportions, and
explains in part the small number of volumes the monasteries accumulated.
After the raids of the Mohammedans across Egypt, in the seventh century,
the supply of Egyptian papyrus stopped because of the interruption of
communications, and the only writing material during the Middle Ages was
the skin of sheep or goats or calves. Sheepskins were chiefly used, and a
book of size might require a hundred or more skins. These were first
soaked in limewater to loosen the hair, then scraped clean of hair and
flesh, and then carefully stretched on board frames to dry. After they had
dried they were again scraped with sharp knives to secure an even
thickness, and then rubbed smooth with pumice and chalk. When finished,
the clean, shining, cream-colored skin was known as vellum, [12] or
parchment. This was next cut into pages of the desired size and arranged
ready for writing. The larger pieces were used for large books, such as
are shown in Plate 2, and the remnants to produce small books. The inks,
too, had to be prepared, and the pages ruled.

The main writing was done with black, but the page was frequently bordered
with red, gold, or some other bright color, while many beautiful
illustrations were inserted by artistic monks. Sometimes an initial letter
was beautifully embellished, as is shown in Figure 39; sometimes
illustrations were introduced in the body of the page, of which Figures 39
and 40 are types; and sometimes a colored illustration was painted on a
sheet of vellum and inserted in the book. Figure 44 represents such an
illustrated page in an old manuscript. Finally, when completed, the
lettered and illustrated parchment sheets were arranged in order, sewed
together with a deerskin or pigskin string, bound together between oaken
boards and covered with pigskin, properly lettered in gold, fitted with
metal corners and clasps (R. 57), as shown in Plate 2, and often chained
to their bookrack in the library with heavy iron chains as well. (See
Figure 71 and Plate 2.) Still further to protect the volume from theft, an
anathema against the thief was usually lettered in the volume (R. 58).

[Illustration: FIG. 39. INITIAL LETTER FROM AN OLD MANUSCRIPT
This shows the beautiful work done by some of the nuns and monks in
"illuminating" the books they copied. This was done in colors by a nun,
who pictured her own work in this initial letter L.]

Such was the painfully slow method of producing and multiplying books
before the advent of printing, and in days when skill in copying
manuscripts was not particularly common, even among the monks. It required
from a few months to a year or more to produce a few copies, depending on
the size and nature of the work, whereas to-day, with printing-presses,
five thousand copies of such a book as this can be printed and bound in a
few days.

[Illustration: FIG. 40. A MONK IN A SCRIPTORIUM
(From an illuminated picture in a manuscript in the Royal Library at
Brussels) This picture shows the beautiful work done in "illuminating"
manuscript books by mediaeval writers. Each copy was a work of art. This
represents a better type of _scriptorium_ than is usually shown.]

THE SCRIPTORIUM. An important part of the material equipment of many
monasteries, in consequence, came to be a _scriptorium_, or writing-room,
where the copying of manuscripts could take place undisturbed. In some
monasteries one general room was provided, though it was customary to have
a number of small rooms at the side of the library. In the monastery shown
in Figure 38, seven small rooms for this purpose are shown built out on
one side of the library. Sometimes individual cells along a corridor were
provided. The advantage of the single room in which a number of monks
worked came when an edition of eight or ten copies of a book was to be
prepared. One monk could then dictate, while eight or ten others carefully
printed on the skins before them what was dictated by the reader. [13]
Figure 40 shows a monk at work, though here he is copying from a book
before him. After an edition of eight or ten copies of a book had been
prepared and bound the extra copies were sent to neighboring and sometimes
distant monasteries, sometimes in exchange for other books, and sometimes
as gifts to brothers who had longed to read the work  (R. 55). New
monasteries were provided with the beginnings of a library in this way,
and churches were supplied with Missals, Psalters, and other books needed
for their services.

The writing-room, or rooms, came to be a very important place in those
monasteries noted for their literary activity. West gives an interesting
description of the _scriptorium_ at Tours, where the learned English monk,
Alcuin, was Abbot from 796 to 804, and which at the time was the principal
book-writing monastery in Frankland. Describing Alcuin's labors to secure
books to send to other monasteries in Charlemagne's kingdom, he says:

We can almost reconstruct the scene. In the intervals between the hours of
prayer and the observance of the round of cloister life, come hours for
the copying of books under the presiding genius of Alcuin. The young monks
file into the _scriptorium_, and one of them is given the precious
parchment volume containing a work of Bede or Isidore or Augustine, or
else some portion of the Latin Scriptures, or even a heathen author. He
reads slowly and clearly at a measured rate while all the others seated at
their desks take down his words, and thus perhaps a score of copies are
made at once. Alcuin's observant eye watches each in turn, and his
correcting hand points out the mistakes in orthography and punctuation.
The master of Charles the Great, in that true humility that is the charm
of his whole behavior, makes himself the writing-master of his monks,
stooping to the drudgery of faithfully and gently correcting their many
puerile mistakes, and all for the love of studies and the love of Christ.
Under such guidance, and deeply impressed by the fact that in the copying
of a few books they were saving learning and knowledge from perishing, and
thereby offering a service most acceptable to God, the copying in the
_scriptorium_ went on in sobriety from day to day. Thus were produced
those improved copies of books which mark the beginning of a new age in
the conserving and transmission of learning. Alcuin's anxiety in this
regard was not undue, for the few monasteries where books could be
accurately transcribed were as necessary for publication in that time as
are the great publishing houses to-day. [14]

[Illustration: FIG. 41. CHARLEMAGNE'S EMPIRE, AND THE IMPORTANT
MONASTERIES OF THE TIME
Charlemagne's empire at his death is shaded darker than other parts of the
map.]

MONASTIC COLLECTION. Despite the important work done by a few of the
monasteries in preserving and advancing learning, large collections of
books were unknown before the Revival of Learning, in the fourteenth
century. The process of book production in itself was very slow, and many
of the volumes produced were later lost through fire, or pillage by new
invaders. During the early days of wood construction a number of monastic
and church libraries were burned by accident. In the pillaging of the
Danes and Northmen on the coasts of England and northern France, in the
ninth and tenth centuries, a number of important monastic collections
there were lost. In Italy the Lombards destroyed some collections in their
sixth-century invasion, and the Saracens burned some in southern Italy in
the ninth. Monte Cassino, among other monasteries, was destroyed by both
the Lombards and the Saracens. From a number of extant catalogues of old
monastic libraries we know that, even as late as the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, a library of from two to three hundred volumes was
large. [15] The catalogues show that most of these were books of a
religious nature, being monastic chronicles, manuals of devotion, comments
on the Scriptures, lives of miracle-working saints, and books of a similar
nature (Rs. 55, 56). A few were commentaries on the ancient learning, or
mediaeval textbooks on the great subjects of study of the time (R. 60). A
still smaller number were copies of old classical literary works, and of
the utmost value (R. 57).

THE CONVENTS AND THEIR SCHOOLS. The early part of the Middle Ages also
witnessed a remarkable development of convents for women, these receiving
a special development in Germanic lands. Filled with the same aggressive
spirit as the men, but softened somewhat by Christianity, many women of
high station among the German tribes founded convents and developed
institutions of much renown. This provided a rather superior class of
women as organizers and directors, and a conventual life continued,
throughout the entire Middle Ages, to attract an excellent class of women.
This will be understood when it is remembered that a conventual life
offered to women of intellectual ability and scholarly tastes the one
opportunity for an education and a life of learning. The convents, too,
were much earlier and much more extensively opened for instruction to
those not intending to take the vows than was the case with the
monasteries, and, in consequence, it became a common practice throughout
the Middle Ages, just as it is to-day among Catholic families, to send
girls to the convent for education and for training in manners and
religion. Many well-trained women were produced in the convents of Europe
in the period from the sixth to the thirteenth centuries.

The instruction consisted of reading, writing, and copying Latin, as in
the monasteries, as well as music, weaving and spinning, and needlework.
Weaving and spinning had an obvious utilitarian purpose, and needlework,
in addition to necessary sewing, was especially useful in the production
of altar-cloths and sacred vestments. The copying and illuminating of
manuscripts, music, and embroidering made a special appeal to women (R.
56), and some of the most beautifully copied and illuminated manuscripts
of the mediaeval period are products of their skill. [16] Their
contribution to music and art, as it influenced the life of the time, was
also large. The convent schools reached their highest development about
the middle of the thirteenth century, after which they began to decline in
importance,

LEARNING IN IRELAND AND BRITAIN. As was stated earlier in this chapter,
the one part of western Europe where something of the old learning was
retained during this period was in Ireland, and in those parts of England
which had not been overrun by the Germanic tribes. Christian civilization
and monastic life had been introduced into Ireland probably as early as
425 A.D., and probably by monastic missionaries from Lerins and Saint
Victor (see Figure 41). Saint Patrick preached Christianity to the Irish,
about 440 A.D., and during the fifth and sixth centuries churches and
monasteries were founded in such numbers over Ireland that the land has
been said to have been dotted all over with churches, monasteries, and
schools. Saint Patrick had been educated in the old Roman schools,
probably at Tours when it was still an important Roman provincial city.
Other early missionaries had had similar training, and these, not sharing
the antipathy to pagan learning of the early Italian church fathers, had
carried Greek and Latin languages and learning to Ireland. Here it
flourished so well, largely due to the island being spared from invasion,
that Ireland remained a center for instruction in Greek long after it had
virtually disappeared elsewhere in western Christendom. So much was this
the case, says Sandys, in his _History of Classical Scholarship_, "that if
any one knew Greek it was assumed that he must have come from Ireland."

In 565 A.D., Saint Columba, an eminent Irish scholar and religious leader,
crossed over to what is now southwestern Scotland, founded there the
monastery of Iona, and began the conversion of the Picts. Saint Augustine
landed in Kent in 597, and had begun the conversion of the Angles and
Saxons and Jutes who had settled in southeastern Britain, while shortly
afterwards the Irish monks from Iona began the conversion of the people of
the north of Britain. The monastery of Lindisfarne was founded about 635
A.D., and soon became an important center of religious and classical
learning in the north. Irish and English monks also crossed in numbers to
northern Frankland, and labored for the conversion of the Franks and
Saxons.

In 664 A.D., at a council held at Whitby, the Irish Church in England and
the Roman Church were united, and a great enthusiasm for religion and
learning swept over the island. In 670, Theodore of Tarsus and the Abbot
Hadrian, whom Bede, the scholar and historian of the early English Church,
describes as men "instructed in secular and divine literature both Greek
and Latin" (R. 59 a), arrived in England from southern Italy and began
their work of instructing pupils in Greek and Latin (R. 59 b). Both taught
at Canterbury, and raised the cathedral school there to high rank. In 674
the monastery at Wearmouth was founded, and in 682 its companion Yarrow.
These were endowed with books from Rome and Vienne, and soon became famous
for the instruction they provided. It was at the twin monasteries of
Wearmouth and Yarrow that the Venerable Bede (673-735), whose
_Ecclesiastical History of England_ gives us our chief picture of
education in Britain in his time, was educated and remained as a lifelong
student. [17] As a result of all these efforts a number of northern
monasteries, as well as a few of the cathedral schools, early became
famous for their libraries, scholars, and learning. This culture in
Ireland and Britain was of a much higher standard than that obtaining on
the Continent at the time, because the classical inheritance there had
been less corrupted.

THE CATHEDRAL SCHOOL AT YORK. One of the schools which early attained fame
was the cathedral school at York, in northern England. This had, by the
middle of the eighth century, come to possess for the time a large
library, and contained most of the important Latin authors and textbooks
then known (R. 61). In this school, under the _scholasticus_ Aelbert, was
trained a youth by the name of Alcuin, born in or near York, about 735
A.D. In a poem describing the school (R. 60), he gives a good portrayal of
the instruction he received, telling how the learned Aelbert "moistened
thirsty hearts with diverse streams of teaching and the varied dews of
learning," and sorted out "youths of conspicuous intelligence" to whom he
gave special attention. Alcuin afterward succeeded Aelbert as
_scholasticus_, and was widely known as a gifted teacher. Well aware of
the precarious condition of learning amid such a rude and uncouth society,
he handed on to his pupils the learning he had received, and imbued them
with something of his own love for it and his anxiety for its preservation
and advancement. It was this Alcuin who was soon to give a new impetus to
the development of schools and the preservation of learning in Frankland.

CHARLEMAGNE AND ALCUIN. In 768 there came to the throne as king of the
great Frankish nation one of the most distinguished and capable rulers of
all time--a man who would have been a commanding personality in any age or
land. His ancestors had developed a great kingdom, and it was his
grandfather who had defeated the Saracens at Tours (p. 113) and driven
them back over the Pyrenees into Spain. This man Charlemagne easily stands
out as one of the greatest figures of all history. For five hundred years
before and after him there is no ruler who matched him in insight, force,
or executive capacity. He is particularly the dominating figure of
mediaeval times. Born in an age of lawlessness and disorder, he used every
effort to civilize and rule as intelligently as possible the great
Frankish kingdom. Wars he waged to civilize and Christianize the Saxon
tribes of northern Germany, to reduce the Lombards of northern Italy to
order, and to extend the boundaries of the Frankish nation. At his death,
in 814, his kingdom had succeeded to most of the western possessions of
the old Roman Empire, including all of what to-day comprises France,
Belgium, Holland, and Switzerland, large portions of what is now western
Germany and northern Italy, and portions of northern Spain. (See Figure
41.)

Realizing better than did his bishops and abbots the need for educational
facilities for the nobles and clergy, he early turned his attention to
securing teachers capable of giving the needed instruction. These, though,
were scarce and hard to obtain. After two unsuccessful efforts to obtain a
master scholar to become, as it were, his minister of education, he
finally succeeded in drawing to his court perhaps the greatest scholar and
teacher in all England. At Parma, in northern Italy, Charlemagne met
Alcuin, in 781, and invited him to leave York for Frankland. After
obtaining the consent of his archbishop and king, Alcuin accepted, and
arrived, with three assistants, at Charlemagne's court, in 782, to take up
the work of educational propaganda in Frankland.

[Illustration: PLATE 1. THE CLOISTERS OF A MONASTERY, NEAR FLORENCE,
ITALY.
This monastery, located on a high hill and resembling a mediaeval fortress
as one approaches it, was founded in 1341 by a Florentine merchant. The
picture shows the cloisters and interior court. Eighteen cells, two
churches, and other rooms are entered from the cloisters. A few monks were
still in residence there late as 1905, one of whom is seen, but the
monastery was then in the process of being closed by the Italian
Government.]

[Illustration: PLATE 2. THE LIBRARY OF THE CHURCH OF SAINT WALLBERG, AT
ZUTPHEN, HOLLAND

"Ponderous Folios for Scholastics made"

This shows the large oak-bound and chained books as well as a common type
of bookrack used in churches and monasteries during the earlier period.]

The plight in which he found learning was most deplorable, presenting a
marked contrast to conditions in England. Learning had been almost
obliterated during the two centuries of wild disorder from 600 on. From
600 to 850 has often been called the darkest period of the Dark Ages, and
Alcuin arrived when Frankland was at its worst. The monastic and cathedral
schools which had been established earlier had in large part been broken
up, and the monasteries had become places for the pensioning of royal
favorites and hence had lost their earlier religious zeal and
effectiveness. The abbots and bishops possessed but little learning, and
the lower clergy, recruited largely from bondmen, were grossly ignorant,
greatly to the injury of the Church. The copying of books had almost
ceased, and learning was slowly dying out.

THE PALACE SCHOOL. There had for some time been a form of school connected
with the royal court, known as the _palace school_, though the study of
letters had played but a small part in it. To the reorganization of this
school Alcuin first addressed himself, introducing into it elementary
instruction in that learning of which he was so fond. The school included
the princes and princesses of the royal household, relatives, attachés,
courtiers, and, not least in importance as pupils, the king and queen. To
meet the needs of such a heterogeneous circle was no easy task.

The instruction which Alcuin provided for the younger members of the
circle was largely of the question and answer (catechetical) type, both
questions and answers being prepared by Alcuin beforehand and learned by
the pupils. Fortunately examples of Alcuin's instruction have been
preserved to us in a dialogue prepared for the instruction of Pepin, a son
of Charlemagne, then sixteen years old (R. 62). With the older members the
questions and answers were oral. For all, though, the instruction was of a
most elementary nature, ranging over the elements of the subjects of
instruction of the time. Poetry, arithmetic, astronomy, the writings of
the Fathers, and theology are mentioned as having been studied.
Charlemagne learned to read Latin, but is said never to have mastered the
art of writing. It was not an easy position for any one to fill. To quote
from West's description: [18]

    Charles wanted to know everything and to know it at once. His strong,
    uncurbed nature eagerly seized on learning, both as a delight for
    himself and a means of giving stability to his government, and so,
    while he knew he must be docile, he was at the same time imperious.
    Alcuin knew how to meet him, and at need could be either patiently
    jocular or grave and reproving. Thus, on one occasion when he had been
    informed of the great learning of Augustine and Jerome, he impatiently
    demanded of Alcuin, "Why can I not have twelve clerks such as these?"
    Twelve Augustines and Jeromes! and to be made arise at the king's
    bidding! Alcuin was shocked. "What!" he discreetly rejoined, "the Lord
    of heaven and earth had but two such, and wouldst thou have twelve?"
    But his personal affection for the king was most unselfish, and he
    consequently took great delight in stimulating his desire for
    learning....

    He studied everything Alcuin set before him, but had special anxiety
    to learn all about the moon that was needed to calculate Easter. With
    such an eager and impatient pupil as Charles, the other scholars were
    soon inspired to beset Alcuin with endless puzzling questions, and
    there are not wanting evidences that some of them were disposed to
    levity and even carped at his teachings. But he was indefatigable,
    rising with the sun to prepare for teaching. In one of his poetical
    exercises he says of himself that "as soon as the ruddy charioteer of
    the dawn suffuses the liquid deep with the new light of day, the old
    man rubs the sleep of night from his eyes and leaps at once from his
    couch, running straightway into the fields of the ancients to pluck
    their flowers of correct speech and scatter them in sport before his
    boys."

CHARLEMAGNE'S PROCLAMATIONS ON EDUCATION. After reorganizing the palace
school, Alcuin and Charlemagne turned their attention to the improvement
of education among the monks and clergy throughout the realm. The first
important service was the preparation and sending out of a carefully
collected and edited series of sermons to the churches containing, "in two
volumes, lessons suitable for the whole year and for each separate
festival, and free from error." These Charlemagne ordered used in the
churches (R. 63). He also says, "we have striven with watchful zeal to
advance the cause of learning, which has been almost forgotten by the
negligence of our ancestors; and, by our example, also we invite those
whom we can to master the study of the liberal arts," meaning thereby to
incite the bishops and clergy to a study of the learning of the mediaeval
time. The volumes and letter were sent out in 786, four years after
Alcuin's arrival at the court. Further to aid in the revival of learning,
Charlemagne, in 787, imported a number of monks from Italy, who were
capable of giving instruction in arithmetic, singing, and grammar, and
sent them to the principal monasteries to teach.

In 787 the first general proclamation on education of the Middle Ages was
issued (R. 64 a), and from it we can infer much as to the state of
learning among the monks and clergy of the time. In this document the king
gently reproves the abbots of his realm for their illiteracy, and exhorts
them to the study of letters. The signature is Charlemagne's, but the hand
is Alcuin's. In it he tells the abbots, in commenting on the fact that
they had sent letters to him telling him that "sacred and pious prayers"
were being offered in his behalf, that he recognized in "most of these
letters both correct thoughts and uncouth expressions; because what pious
devotion dictated faithfully to the mind, the tongue, uneducated on
account of the neglect of study, was not able to express in a letter
without error." He therefore commands the abbots neither to neglect the
study of letters, if they wish to have his favor, nor to fail to send
copies of his letter "to all your suffragans and fellow bishops, and to
all the monasteries." Two years later (789) Charlemagne supplemented this
by a further general admonition (R. 64 b) to the ministers and clergy of
his realm, exhorting them to live clean and just lives, and closing with:

    And let schools be established in which boys may learn to read.
    Correct carefully the Psalms, the signs in writing, the songs, the
    calendar, the grammar, in each monastery and bishopric, and the
    catholic book; because often some desire to pray to God properly, but
    they pray badly because of incorrect books.

In 802 he further commanded that "laymen shall learn thoroughly the Creed
and the Lord's Prayer" (R. 64 c). Finally, in his enthusiasm for schools,
Charlemagne went so far as to direct that "every one should send his son
to school to study letters, and that the child should remain at school
with all diligence until he should become well instructed in learning."
Charlemagne, of course, was addressing freemen of the court and the
official classes. That he ever meant to include the children of the
laboring classes, or that the idea of compulsory education ever entered
his head, may well be doubted.

EFFECT OF THE WORK OF CHARLEMAGNE AND ALCUIN. The actual results of the
work of Charlemagne and Alcuin were, after all, rather meager. The
difficulties they faced are almost beyond our comprehension. Nobles and
clergy were alike ignorant and uncouth. There seemed no place to begin. It
may be said that by Charlemagne's work he greatly widened the area of
civilization, created a new Frankish-Roman Empire to be the inheritor of
the civilization and culture of the old one, checked the decline in
learning and reawakened a desire for study, and that he began the
substitution of ideas for might as a ruling force among the tribes under
his rule. That for a time he gave an important impetus to the study of
letters, which resulted in a real revival in the educational work of some
of the monasteries and cathedral schools, seems certain. Men knew more of
books and wrote better Latin than before, and those who wished to learn
found it easier to do so. The state of society and the condition of the
times, however, were against any large success for such an ambitious
educational undertaking, and after the death of Charlemagne, the division
of his empire, and the invasions of the Northmen, education slowly
declined again, though never to quite the level it had reached when
Charlemagne came to the throne. In a few schools there was no decline, and
these became the centers of learning of the future. Charlemagne having
substituted merit for favoritism in his realm, promoting to be bishops and
abbots the most learned men of his time, many of these became zealous
workers in the cause of education and did much to keep up and advance
learning after his death.

Among the most able of his helpers was Theodulf, Bishop of Orleans. He
carried out most thoroughly in his diocese the instructions of the king,
giving to his clergy the following directions:

    Let the priests hold schools in the towns and villages, and if any of
    the faithful wish to entrust their children to them for the learning
    of letters, let them not refuse to receive and teach such children.
    Moreover, let them teach them from pure affection, remembering that it
    is written, "the wise shall shine as the splendor of the firmament,"
    and "they that instruct many in righteousness shall shine as the stars
    forever and forever." And let them exact no price from the children
    for their teaching, nor receive anything from them, save what their
    parents may offer voluntarily and from affection.

Another able assistant was Alcuin himself, who, after fourteen years of
strenuous service at Charlemagne's court, was rewarded by the king with
the office of Abbot at the monastery of Saint Martin, at Tours. There he
spent the last eight years of his life in teaching, copying manuscripts,
and writing letters to bishops and abbots regarding the advancement of
religion and learning. The work of Alcuin in directing the copying of
manuscripts has been described. In a letter to Charlemagne, soon after his
appointment, he reviews his labors, contrasts the state of learning in
England and Frankland, and appeals to Charlemagne for books from England
to copy (R. 65). So important was his work as a teacher as well that at
his death, in 814, most of the important educational centers of the
kingdom were in the hands of his former pupils. Perhaps the most important
of all these was Rabanus Maurus, who became head of the monastery school
at Fulda. We shall learn more of him in the next chapter.

[Illustration: FIG. 42. WHERE THE DANES RAVAGED ENGLAND.]

NEW INVASIONS; THE NORTHMEN. Five years after Alcuin went to Frankland to
help Charlemagne revive learning in his kingdom, a fresh series of
barbarian invasions began with the raiding of the English coast by the
Danes. In raid after raid, extending over nearly a hundred years, these
Danes gradually overran all of eastern and central England from London
north to beyond Whitby, plundering and burning the churches and
monasteries, and destroying books and learning everywhere. By the Peace of
Wedmore, effected by King Alfred in 878, the Danes were finally given
about one half of England, and in return agreed to settle down and accept
Christianity. The damage done by these invaders was very large, and King
Alfred, in his introduction to an Anglo-Saxon translation of Pope
Gregory's _Pastoral Care_ (R. 66), gives a gloomy picture of the
destruction wrought to the churches and the decay of learning in England.

Other bands of these Northmen (Danes and Norwegians) began to prey on the
northern coast of Frankland, and in the tenth century seized all the coast
of what is now northern France and down as far as Paris and Tours. From
Tours to Corbie (see Figure 41) churches and monasteries were pillaged and
burned, Tours and Corbie with their libraries both perishing. Amiens and
Paris were laid siege to, and disorder reigned throughout northern
Frankland. _The Annals of Xanten_ and the _Annals of Saint Vaast_, two
mediaeval chronicles of importance, give gloomy pictures of this period.
Three selections will illustrate:

    According to their custom the Northmen plundered East and West Frisia
    and burned ... towns.... With their boats filled with immense booty,
    including both men and goods, they returned to their own country. [19]

    The Normans inflicted much harm in Frisia and about the Rhine. A
    mighty army of them collected by the river Elbe against the Saxons,
    and some of the Saxon towns were besieged, others burned, and most
    terribly did they oppress the Christians. [20]

    The Northmen ceased not to take Christian people captive and kill
    them, and to destroy churches and houses and burn villages. Through
    all the streets lay bodies of the clergy, of laymen, nobles, and
    others, of women, children, and suckling babes. There was no road or
    place where the dead did not lie, and all who saw Christian people
    slaughtered were filled with sorrow and despair. [21]

After much destruction, Rollo, Duke of the Normans, finally accepted
Christianity, in 912, and agreed to settle down in what has ever since
been known as _Normandy_. From here portions of the invaders afterward
passed over to England in the Norman Conquest of 1066. This was the last
of the great German tribes to move, and after they had raided and
plundered and settled down and accepted Christianity, western Europe,
after six centuries of bloodshed and pillage and turmoil and disorder, was
at last ready to begin in earnest the building-up of a new civilization
and the restoration of the old learning.

WORK OF ALFRED IN ENGLAND. The set-back to learning caused by this latest
deluge of barbarism was a serious one, and one from which the land did not
recover for a long time. In northern Frankland and in England the results
were disastrous. The revival which Charlemagne had started was checked,
and England did not recover from the blow for centuries. Even in the parts
of England not invaded and pillaged, education sadly declined as a result
of nearly a century of struggle against the invaders (R. 66). Alfred,
known to history as _Alfred the Great_, who ruled as English king from 871
to 901, made great efforts to revive learning in his kingdom. Probably
inspired by the example of Charlemagne, he established a large palace
school (R. 68), to the support of which he devoted one eighth of his
income; he imported scholars from Mercia and Frankland (R. 67); restored
many monasteries; and tried hard to revive schools and encourage learning
throughout his realm, and with some success. [22] With the great decay of
the Latin learning he tried to encourage the use of the native Anglo-Saxon
language, [23] and to this end translated books from Latin into Anglo-
Saxon for his people. In his Introduction to Gregory's volume (R. 66) he
expresses the hope, "If we have tranquillity enough, that all the free-
born youth now in England, who are rich enough to be able to devote
themselves to it ... be set to learn ... English writing," while those who
were to continue study should then be taught Latin. The coming of the
Normans in 1066, with the introduction of Norman-French as the official
language of the court and government, for a time seriously interfered with
the development of that native English learning of which Alfred wrote.

In the preceding chapter and in this one we have traced briefly the great
invasions, or migrations, which took place in western Europe, and
indicated somewhat the great destruction they wrought within the bounds of
the old Empire. In this chapter we have traced the beginnings of Christian
schools to replace the ones destroyed, the preservation of learning in the
monasteries, and the efforts of Charlemagne and Alfred to revive learning
in their kingdoms. In the chapter which follows we shall describe the
mediaeval system of education as it had evolved by the twelfth century,
after which we shall be ready to pass to the beginnings of that Revival of
Learning which ultimately resulted in the rediscovery of the learning of
the ancient world.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Picture the gradual dying-out of Roman learning in the Western Empire,
and explain why pagan schools and learning lingered longer in Britain,
Ireland, and Italy than elsewhere.

2. At what time was the old Roman civilization and learning most nearly
extinct?

3. Explain how the monasteries were forced to develop schools to maintain
any intellectual life.

4. Explain how the copying of manuscripts led to further educational
development in the monasteries.

5. Would the convents have tended to attract a higher quality of women
than the monasteries did of men? Why?

6. Explain why Greek was known longer in Ireland and Britain than
elsewhere in the West.

7. What was the relative condition of learning in Frankland and England,
about 900 A.D.?

8. What light is thrown on the conditions of the civilization of the time
by the small permanent success of the efforts of Charlemagne, looking
toward a revival of learning in Frankland?

9. Explain how Latin came naturally to be the language of the Church, and
of scholarship in western Europe throughout all the Middle Ages.

10. After reading the story of the migrations, and of the fight to save
some vestiges of the old civilization, try to picture what would have been
the result had Rome not built up an Empire, and had Christianity not
arisen and conquered.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  53. Migne: Forms used in connection with monastery life:
      (a) Form for offering a Child to a Monastery.
      (b) The Monastic Vow.
      (c) Letter of Honorable Dismissal from a Monastery.
  54. Abbot Heriman: The Copying of Books at a Monastery.
  55. Othlonus: Work of a Monk in writing and copying Books.
  56. A Monk: Work of a Nun in copying Books.
  57. Symonds: Scarcity and Cost of Books.
  58. Clark: Anathemas to protect Books from Theft.
  59. Bede: On Education in Early England.
      (a) The Learning of Theodore.
      (b) Theodore's Work for the English Churches.
      (c) How Albinus succeeded Abbot Hadrian.
  60. Alcuin: Description of the School at York.
  61. Alcuin: Catalogue of the Cathedral Library at York.
  62. Alcuin: Specimens of the Palace School Instruction.
  63. Charlemagne: Letter sending out a Collection of Sermons.
  64. Charlemagne: General Proclamations as to Education.
      (a) The Proclamation of 787 A.D.
      (b) General Admonition of 789 A.D.
      (c) Order as to Learning of 802 A.D.
  65. Alcuin: Letter to Charlemagne as to Books and Learning.
  66. King Alfred: State of Learning in England in his Time.
  67. Asser: Alfred obtains Scholars from Abroad.
  68. Asser: Education of the Son of King Alfred.
  69. Ninth-Century Plan of the Monastery at Saint Gall.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Point out the similarity between: (a) The form for offering a child to
a monastery and the monastic vow (53 a-b), and a modern court form for
renouncing or adopting a child. (b) The letter of dismissal from a
monastery (53 c), and the modern letter of honorable dismissal of a
student from a college or normal school.

2. Compare the type of books copied by the Abbot of Saint Martins (55) and
those copied by the nun at Wessebrunn (56).

3. Was the evolution of the school-teacher out of the copyist at Ratisbon
(55), by a specialization of labor, analogous to the process in more
modern times?

4. Explain the mediaeval belief in the effectiveness to protect books from
theft of such anathemas as are reproduced in 58.

5. What do the selections from Bede (59 a-c) indicate as to the
preservation of the old learning in the cities of southern Italy? What as
to the condition of learning and teaching in England in Bede's day?

6. What is the status of education indicated by the selections from
Alcuin, on the cathedral school at York (60) and the palace school
instruction of Pepin (62)?

7. What was the condition of learning among the higher clergy and monks as
shown by Charlemagne's proclamations (64)?

8. What was the extent of the destruction wrought by the Danes in England,
as indicated by King Alfred's Introduction to Pope Gregory's _Pastoral
Care_ (66), and his efforts to obtain scholars from abroad (67)?

9. What was the character of the education King Alfred provided for his
son (68)?

10. Study out the plan of the monastery of Saint Gall (69), and enumerate
the various activities of such a center.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_.
* Clark, J. W. _Libraries in the Medieval and Renaissance Period_.
* Cutts, Edw. L. _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_.
* Eckenstein, Lina. _Women under Monasticism_.
  Leach, A. F. _The Schools of Mediaeval England_.
  Munro, D. C. and Sellery, G. E. _Medieval Civilization_.
  Montalembert, Count de. _The Monks of the West_.
  Taylor, H. O. _Classical Heritage of the Middle Ages_.
  Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_.
  West, A. F. _Alcuin, and the Rise of Christian Schools_.
* Wishart, A. W. _Short History of Monks and Monasticism_.




CHAPTER VII

EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES


II. SCHOOLS ESTABLISHED AND INSTRUCTION PROVIDED


1. _Elementary instruction and schools_

MONASTIC AND CONVENTIONAL SCHOOLS. In the preceding chapters we found
that, by the tenth century, the monasteries had developed both inner
monastic schools for those intending to take the vows (oblati), and outer
monastic schools for those not so intending (externi). The distinction in
name was due to the fact that the _oblati_ were from the first considered
as belonging to the brotherhood, participating in the religious services
and helping the monks at their work. The others were not so admitted, and
in all monasteries of any size a separate building, outside the main
portion of the monastery (see Figure 38), was provided for the outer
school. A similar classification of instruction had been evolved for the
convents.

[Illustration: FIG. 43. AN OUTER MONASTIC SCHOOL
(After an old wood engraving)]

The instruction in the inner school was meager, and in the outer school
probably even more so. Reading, writing, music, simple reckoning,
religious observances, and rules of conduct constituted the range of
instruction. Reading was taught by the alphabet method, as among the
Romans, and writing by the use of wax tablets and the stylus. Much
attention was given to Latin pronunciation, as had been the practice at
Rome. As Latin by this time had practically ceased to be a living tongue,
outside the Church and perhaps in Central Italy, the difficulties of
instruction were largely increased. The Psalter, or book of Latin psalms,
was the first reading book, and this was memorized rather than read. Copy-
books, usually wax, with copies expressing some scriptural injunction,
were used. Music, being of so much importance in the church services,
received much time and attention. In arithmetic, counting and finger
reckoning, after the Roman plan, was taught. Latin was used in
conversation as much as possible, some of the old lesson books much
resembling conversation books of to-day in the modern languages (R. 75).
Special attention seems to have been given to teaching rules of conduct to
the _oblati_, [1] and much corporal punishment was used to facilitate
learning. Up to the eleventh century this instruction, meager as it was,
constituted the whole of the preparatory training necessary for the study
of theology and a career in the Church. In the convents similar schools
were developed, though, as stated in the last chapter, much more attention
was given to the education of those not intending to take the vows.

SONG AND PARISH SCHOOLS. In the cathedral churches, and other larger non-
cathedral churches, the musical part of the service was very important,
and to secure boys for the choir and for other church services these
churches organized what came to be known as _song schools_ (R. 70). In
these a number of promising boys were trained in the same studies and in
much the same way as were boys in the monastery schools, except that much
more attention was given to the musical instruction. The students in these
schools were placed under the _precentor_ (choir director) of the
cathedral, or other large church, the _scholasticus_ confining his
attention to the higher or more literary instruction provided. The boys
usually were given board, lodging, and instruction in return for their
services as choristers. As the parish churches in the diocese also came to
need boys for their services, parish schools of a similar nature were in
time organized in connection with them. It was out of this need, and by a
very slow and gradual evolution, that the parish school in western Europe
was developed later on.

CHANTRY SCHOOLS. Still another type of elementary school, which did not
arise until near the latter part of the period under consideration in this
chapter, but which will be enumerated here as descriptive of a type which
later became very common, came through wills, and the schools came to be
known as _chantry schools_, or _stipendary schools_. Men, in dying, who
felt themselves particularly in need of assistance for their misdeeds on
earth, would leave a sum of money to a church to endow a priest, or
sometimes two, who were to chant masses each day for the repose of their
souls. Sometimes the property was left to endow a priest to say mass in
honor of some special saint, and frequently of the Virgin Mary. As such
priests usually felt the need for some other occupation, some of them
began voluntarily to teach the elements of religion and learning to
selected boys, and in time it became common for those leaving money for
the prayers to stipulate in the will that the priest should also teach a
school. Usually a very elementary type of school was provided, where the
children were taught to know the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, the Salutation
to the Virgin, certain psalms, to sign themselves rightly with the sign of
the cross, and perhaps to read and write (Latin). Sometimes, on the
contrary, and especially was this the case later on in England, a grammar
school was ordered maintained. After the twelfth century this type of
foundation (R. 73) became quite common.


2. _Advanced instruction_

CATHEDRAL AND HIGHER MONASTIC SCHOOLS. As the song schools developed the
cathedral schools were of course freed from the necessity of teaching
reading and writing, and could then develop more advanced instruction.
This they did, as did many of the monasteries, and to these advanced
schools those who felt the need for more training went. As grammar was,
throughout all the early part of the Middle Ages, the first and most
important subject of instruction, the advanced schools came to be known as
_grammar schools_, as well as cathedral or episcopal schools (R. 72). The
cathedral churches and monasteries of England and France early became
celebrated for the high character of their instruction (R. 71) and the
type of scholars they produced. All these schools, though, suffered a
serious set-back during the period of the Danish and Norman invasions,
many being totally destroyed. On the continent, due to the greater deluge
of barbarism and the more unsettled condition of society, more difficulty
was experienced in getting cathedral schools established, as the following
decree of the Lateran Church Council of 826 indicates:

    Complaints have been made that in some places no masters nor
    endowment for a grammar school is found. Therefore all bishops shall
    bestow all care and diligence, both for their subjects and for other
    places in which it shall be found necessary, to establish masters and
    teachers who shall assiduously teach grammar schools and the
    principles of the liberal arts, because in these chiefly the
    commandments of God are manifest and declared.

These two types of advanced schools--the cathedral or episcopal and the
monastic--formed what might be called the secondary-school system of the
early Middle Ages (Rs. 70, 71). They were for at least six hundred years
the only advanced teaching institutions in western Europe, and out of one
or the other of these two types of advanced schools came practically all
those who attained to leadership in the service of the Church in either of
its two great branches. Still more, out of the impetus given to advanced
study by the more important of these schools, the universities of a later
period developed; and numerous private gifts of lands and money were made
to establish grammar schools to supplement the work done by the cathedral
and other large church schools.

THE SEVEN LIBERAL ARTS. The advanced studies which were offered in the
more important monastery and cathedral schools comprised what came to be
known as _The Seven Liberal Arts_ [2] of the Middle Ages. The knowledge
contained in these studies, taught as the advanced instruction of the
period, represents the amount of secular learning which was intentionally
preserved by the Church from neglect and destruction during the period of
the barbarian deluges and the reconstruction of society.

These Seven Liberal Arts were comprised of two divisions, known as:

I. THE TRIVIUM:
   (1) Grammar;
   (2) Rhetoric;
   (3) Dialectic (Logic).

II. THE QUADRIVIUM:
    (4) Arithmetic;
    (5) Geometry;
    (6) Astronomy;
    (7) Music.

[Illustration: FIG. 44. THE MEDIEVAL SYSTEM OF EDUCATION SUMMARIZED
Allegorical representation of the progress and degrees of education, from
an illuminated picture in the 1508 (Basel) edition of the _Margarita
Philosophica_ of Gregory de Reisch.

The youth, having mastered the Hornbook (ABC's) and the rudiments of
learning (reading, writing, and the beginnings of music and numbers),
advances toward the temple of knowledge. Wisdom is about to place the key
in the lock of the door of the temple. On the door is written the word
_congruitas_, signifying Grammar. ("Gramaire first hath for to teche to
speke upon congruite.") On the first and second floors of the temple he
studies the Grammar of Donatus, and of Priscian, and at the first stage at
the left on the third floor he studies the Logic of Aristotle, followed by
the Rhetoric and Poetry of Tully, thus completing the _Trivium_. The
Arithmetic of Boethius also appears on the third floor. On the fourth
floor he completes the studies of the _Quadrivium_, taking in order the
Music of Pythagoras, Euclid's Geometry, and Ptolemy's Astronomy. The
student now advances to the study of Philosophy, studying successively
Physics, Seneca's Morals, and the Theology (or Metaphysics) of Peter
Lombard, the last being the goal toward which all has been directed.]

Beyond these came Ethics or Metaphysics, and the greatest of all studies,
Theology. This last represented the one professional study of the early
middle-age period, and was the goal toward which all the preceding studies
had tended. This mediaeval system of education is well summarized in the
drawing given on the opposite page, taken from an illuminated picture
inserted in a famous mediaeval manuscript, recopied at Basle, Switzerland,
in 1508.

Not all these studies were taught in every monastery or cathedral school.
Many of the lesser monasteries and schools offered instruction chiefly in
grammar, and only a little of the studies beyond. Others emphasized the
Trivium, and taught perhaps only a little of the second group. Only a few
taught the full range of mediaeval learning, and these were regarded as
the great schools of the times (R. 71).

Rhabanus Maurus (776-865), one of the greatest minds of the Middle Ages,
Abbot for years at Fulda, and a mediaeval textbook writer of importance,
has left us a good description of each of the Seven Liberal Arts studies
as they were developed in his day, and their use in the Christian scheme
of education (R. 74).


I. THE TRIVIUM

Of the three studies forming the _Trivium_, grammar always came first as
the basal subject. No uniformity existed for the other two.

1. GRAMMAR. The foundation and source of all the Liberal Arts was grammar,
it being, according to Maurus, "the science which teaches us to explain
the poets and historians, and the art which qualifies us to speak and
write correctly" (R. 74 a). In the introduction to an improved Latin
grammar, [3] published about 1119, grammar is defined as "The doorkeeper
of all the other sciences, the apt expurgatrix of the stammering tongue,
the servant of logic, the mistress of rhetoric, the interpreter of
theology, the relief of medicine, and the praiseworthy foundation of the
whole quadrivium." Figure 45, from one of the earliest books printed in
English, also emphasizes the great importance of grammar with the words:
"Wythout whiche science (s)ycherly alle other sciences in especial ben of
lytyl recomme(d)." In addition to grammar in the sense we know the study
to-day, grammar in the old Roman and mediaeval mind also included much of
what we know as the analytical side of the study of literature, such as
comparison, analysis, versification, prosody, word formations, figures of
speech, and vocal expression (R. 76). These were considered necessary to
enable one to read understandingly the Holy Scriptures, and hence, "though
the art be secular," says Maurus, "it has nothing unworthy about it."

[Illustration: FIG. 45. A SCHOOL: A LESSON IN GRAMMAR
(After a woodcut printed by Caxton in _The Mirror of the World_, 1481 (?).
From Blades' _Life and Typography of William Caxton_, ii, Plate LVI)

This is a good example of early English printing. Can you read it? This
"Old English," like the German type (see Fig. 26), shows the change in
Latin letters which came about with the copying of manuscripts during the
Middle Ages. After the invention of printing the English soon returned to
the Latin forms; the Germans are only now doing so.]

The leading textbook was that of Donatus, [4] written in the fourth
century, and Donatus (_donat_) and grammar came to be synonymous terms.
The text by Priscian, [5] written in the sixth century, was also
extensively used. The treatment in each was catechetical in form; that is,
questions and answers, which were learned. The text was of course in
Latin, and the teacher usually had the only copy, so that the pupils had
to learn from memory or copy from dictation. The cost of writing-material
usually precluded the latter method. After sufficient ability in grammar
had been attained, simple reading exercises or colloquies (R. 75), usually
of a religious or moralizing nature, were introduced, though where
permitted the Latin authors, especially Vergil, [6] were read. At Saint
Gall, in Switzerland, and at some other places, many Latin authors were
read; at Tours, on the other hand, we find the learned Abbot Alcuin saying
to the monks: "The sacred poets are sufficient for you; there is no reason
why you should sully your mind with the rank luxuriance of Vergil's
verse."

2. RHETORIC. Rhetoric, as defined by Maurus, was "the art of using secular
discourse effectively in the circumstances of daily life," and enabling
the preacher or missionary to put the divine message in eloquent and
impressive language (R. 74 b). Much of the old Roman rhetoric had been
taken over by grammar, but in its place was added a certain amount of
letter and legal documentary writing. The priest, it must be remembered,
became the secretary and lawyer of the Middle Ages, as well as the priest,
and upon him devolved the preparation of most of the legal papers of the
time, such as wills, deeds, proclamations, and other formal documents.
Accordingly the art of letter-writing [7] and the preparation of legal
documents were made a part of the study of rhetoric, and some study of
both the civil ("worldly") and canon (church) law was gradually
introduced.

3. DIALECTIC. Dialectic, or logic, says Maurus, is the science of
understanding, and hence the science of sciences (R. 74 c). By means of
its aid one was enabled to unmask falsehood, expose error, formulate
argument, and draw conclusions accurately. The study was one of
preparation for ethics and theology later on. Extracts from the works of
Aristotle, prepared by Boethius, and later his complete works, constituted
the texts used. While grammar was the great subject of the seven during
all the early Middle Ages, dialectic later came to take its place. After
the rise of the universities and the organization of schools of theology,
with theology more of a rational science and less a matter of dogma,
dialectic came to hold first place in importance as a preparation for the
disputations of the later Middle Ages. Theological questions formed the
practical exercises, and the schools doing most in dialectic attracted
many students because of this.

These three studies, constituting the _Trivium_, based as they were
directly on the old Roman learning and schools, contained more that was
within the teaching knowledge of the time than did the subjects of the
_Quadrivium_, and also subject-matter which was much more in demand.


II. THE QUADRIVIUM

The _trivial_ studies, in most cases before the thirteenth century,
sufficed to prepare for the study of theology, though those few who
desired to prepare thoroughly also studied the subjects of the
_quadrivium_. In schools not offering instruction in this advanced group
some of the elements of its four studies were often taught from the
textbooks in use for the _Trivium_. Particularly was this the case during
the early Middle Ages, when the knowledge of arithmetic, geometry, and
astronomy possessed by western Europe was exceedingly small. No regular
order in the study of the subjects of this group was followed.

4. ARITHMETIC. Naturally little could be done in this subject as long as
the Roman system of notation was in use (see footnote, i, p. 64), and the
Arabic notation was not known in western Christian Europe until the
beginning of the thirteenth century, and was not much used for two or
three centuries later. So far as arithmetic was taught before that time,
it was but little in advance of that given to novitiates in the
monasteries, except that much attention was devoted to an absurd study of
the properties of numbers, [8] and to the uses of arithmetic in
determining church days, calculating the date of Easter, and interpreting
passages in the Scriptures involving measurements (R. 74 d). The textbook
by Rhabanus Maurus _On Reckoning_, issued in 820, is largely in dialogue
(catechetical) form, and is devoted to describing the properties of
numbers, "odd, even, perfect, imperfect, composite, plane, solid,
cardinal, ordinal, adverbial, distributive, multiple, denunciative, etc.";
to pointing out the scriptural significance of number; [9] and to an
elaborate explanation of finger reckoning, after the old Roman plan (see
p. 65). Near the end of the tenth century Gerbert, [10] afterwards Pope
Sylvester II, devised a simple abacus-form for expressing numbers, simple
enough in itself, but regarded as wonderful in its day. This greatly
simplified calculation, and made work with large numbers possible. He also
devised an easier form for large divisions.

Gerbert's form for expressing numbers may be shown from the following
simple sum in addition:

_Arabic Form_    _Roman Form_    _Gerbert's Form_
                                         _M    C    X     I_

      1204                    MCCIV         I   II         IV
       538                 DXXXVIII              V  III  VIII
      2455                 MMCCCCLV        II   IV    V     V
       619                    DCXIX             VI    I    IX
     -----                ---------       -------------------
      4816              MMMMDCCCXVI        IV VIII    I    VI

No study of arithmetic of importance was possible, however, until the
introduction of Arabic notation and the use of the zero.

5. GEOMETRY. This study consisted almost entirely of geography and
reasoning as to geometrical forms until the tenth century, when Boethius'
work on _Geometry_, containing some extracts from Euclid, was discovered
by Gerbert. The geography of Europe, Asia, and Africa also was studied, as
treated in the textbooks of the time, and a little about plants and
animals as well was introduced. The nature of the geographic instruction
may be inferred from Figure 46, which reproduces one of the best world
maps of the day. The main geographical features of the known world can be
made out from this, but many of the mediaeval maps are utterly
unintelligible.

To illustrate the reasoning as to geometrical forms which preceded the
finding of Euclid we quote from Maurus, who says that the science of
geometry "found realization also at the building of the tabernacle and the
temple; and that the same measuring rod, circles, spheres, hemispheres,
quadrangles, and other figures were employed. The knowledge of all this
brings to him, who is occupied with it, no small gain for his spiritual
culture." (R. 74 e). After Gerbert's time some geometry proper and the
elements of land surveying were introduced. The real study of geometry in
Europe, however, dates from the twelfth century, when Euclid was
translated into Latin from the Arabic.

6. ASTRONOMY. In astronomy the chief purpose of the instruction was to
explain the seasons and the motions of the planets, to set forth the
wonders of the visible creation, and to enable the priests "to fix the
time of Easter and all other festivals and holy days, and to announce to
the congregation the proper celebration of them." (R. 74 g).

[Illustration: FIG. 46. AN ANGLO-SAXON MAP OF THE WORLD
(From a tenth-century map in the British Museum)

This is one of the better maps of the period. Note the mixture of Biblical
and classical geography (Bethlehem, Jerusalem, Pillars of Hercules), and
the animal life (lion) introduced in the upper corner. The Mediterranean
Sea in the center, the Greek islands, the British isles, the Italian
peninsula, the Nile, and the northern African coast are easily recognized.
Western Europe, the best-known part of the world at that time, is very
poorly done.]

Even after Ptolemy's _Mechanism of the Heavens_ (p. 49) and Aristotle's
_On the Heavens_ had filtered across the Pyrenees from the Saracens, in
the eleventh century, the Ptolemaic theory of a flat earth located at the
center of the heavenly bodies and around which they all revolved, while a
very pleasing theological conception, was absolutely fatal to any
instruction in astronomy worth while and to any astronomical advance. All
mediaeval astronomy, too, was saturated with astrology, as the selection
on the motion of the heavenly bodies reproduced from Bartholomew Anglicus
shows (R. 77 b), and the supernatural was invoked to explain such
phenomena as meteors, comets, and eclipses. The Copernican theory of the
motion of the heavenly bodies was not published until 1543, and all our
modern ideas date from that time.

Physics was often taught as a part of the instruction in astronomy, and
consisted of lessons on the properties of matter (R. 77 a) and some of the
simple principles of dynamics. Little else of what we to-day know as
physics was then known.

7. MUSIC. Unlike the other studies of the _Quadrivium_, the instruction in
music was quite extensive, and from early times a good course in musical
theory was taught (R. 74 f). Boethius' _De Musica_, written at the
beginning of the sixth century, was the text used. Music entered into so
many activities of the Church that much naturally was made of it. The
organ, too, is an old instrument, going back to the second century B.C.,
and the organ with a keyboard to the close of the eleventh century. This
instrument added much to the value of the music course, and the hymns
composed by Christian musicians form an important part of our musical
heritage. [11] The cathedral school at Metz and the monastery at Saint
Gall became famous as musical centers, and of the work of one of the
teachers of music at Saint Gall (Notker) it was written by his biographer:
"Through different hymns, sequences, tropes, and litanies, through
different songs and melodies as well as through ecclesiastical science,
the pupils of this man made the church of God famous not merely in
Alemannia, but everywhere from sea to sea."

[Illustration: FIG. 47. AN EARLY CHURCH MUSICIAN
(From a fourteenth-century manuscript, now in the British Museum)]

THE GREAT TEXTBOOKS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. While the textbooks mentioned
under the description of each of the Liberal Arts formed the basis of the
instruction given, most of the instruction before the twelfth century was
not given from editions of the original works, but from abridged
compendiums. Six of these were so famous and so widely used that each
deserves a few words of description.

1. _The Marriage of Mercury and Philology_, written by Martianus Capella,
between 410 and 427 A.D., was the first of the five great mediaeval
textbooks. Mercury, desiring to marry, finally settles on the learned
maiden Philology, and the seven bridesmaids--Grammar, Dialectic, Rhetoric,
Geometry, Arithmetic, Astronomy, and Music--enter in turn at the ceremony
and tell who they are and what they represent. The speeches of the seven
maidens summarized the ancient learning in each subject. This textbook was
more widely used during the Middle Ages than any other book.

2. _Boethius_ (475-524) was another important mediaeval textbook writer,
having prepared textbooks on dialectic, arithmetic, geometry, music, and
ethics. Nearly all of what the Middle Ages knew of Aristotle's _Logic_ and
_Ethics_, and of the writings of Plato, were contained in the texts he
wrote. His _De Musica_ was used in the universities as a textbook until
near the middle of the eighteenth century.

3. _Cassiodorus_ [12] (c. 490-585), in his _On the Liberal Arts and
Sciences_, prepared a digest of each of the Seven Liberal Arts for
monastic use, fixing the number at seven by scriptural authority. [13]

4. _Isidore_, Bishop of Seville (c. 570-636), under the title of
_Etymologies_ or _Origines_, prepared an encyclopaedia of the ancient
learning for the use of the monks and clergy which was intended to be a
summary of all knowledge worth knowing. While he drew his knowledge from
the writings of the Greeks and Romans, with many of which he was familiar,
contrary to the attitude of Cassiodorus he forbade the monks and clergy to
make any use of them whatever. Cassiodorus was still in part a Roman;
Isidore was a full mediaeval.

5. _Alcuin_, a learned scholar of the eighth century, whom we met in the
preceding chapter (p. 140), wrote treatises on the studies of the
_Trivium_ and on astronomy which were used in many schools in Frankland.

6. _Maurus_. In 819 the learned monk of Fulda, Rhabanus Maurus, a pupil of
Alcuin, issued his volume _On the Instruction of the Clergy_, in the third
part of which he describes the uses and the subject-matter of each of the
Arts (R. 74). He also wrote texts on grammar and astronomy, and in 844
issued an encyclopaedia, _De Universo_, based largely on the work of
Isidore, but supplemented from other sources.

These were the great textbooks for the study of the _Trivium_ and the
_Quadrivium_ throughout all the early Middle Ages. Considering that they
were in manuscript form and were in one volume, [14] their extent and
scope can be imagined. The teacher usually had or had access to a copy,
though even a teacher's books in that day were few in number (R. 78).
Pupils had no books at all. These "great" texts were composed of brief
extracts, bits of miscellaneous information, and lists of names. Their
style was uninviting. They were at best a mere shell, compared with the
Greek and Roman knowledge which had been lost. Some of these books were in
question-and-answer (catechetical) form. Their purpose was not to
stimulate thinking, but to transmit that modicum of secular knowledge
needed for the service of the Church and as a preparation for the study of
the theological writings. For nearly eight hundred years education was
static, the only purpose of instruction being to transmit to the next
generation what the preceding one had known.  For such a period such
textbooks answered the purpose fairly well.


3. _Training of the nobility_

TENTH-CENTURY CONDITIONS. Following the death of Charlemagne and the
break-up of the empire held together by him, a period of organized anarchy
followed in western Europe. Authority broke down more completely than
before, and Europe, for protection, was forced to organize itself into a
great number of small defensive groups. Serfs, [15] freemen lacking land,
and small landowners alike came to depend on some nobleman for protection,
and this nobleman in turn upon some lord or overlord. For this protection
military service was rendered in return. The lord lived in his castle, and
the peasantry worked his land and supported him, fighting his battles if
the need arose. This condition of society was known as _feudalism_, and
the feudal relations of lord and vassal came to be the prevailing
governmental organization of the period. Feudalism was at best an
organized anarchy, suited to rude and barbarous times, but so well was it
adapted to existing conditions that it became the prevailing form of
government, and continued as such until a better order of society could be
evolved. With the invention of gunpowder, the rise of cities and
industries, the evolution of modern States by the consolidation of numbers
of these feudal governments, and the establishment of order and
civilization, feudalism passed out with the passing of the conditions
which gave rise to it. From the end of the ninth to the middle of the
thirteenth centuries it was the dominant form of government.

The life of the nobility under the feudal régime gave a certain
picturesqueness to what was otherwise an age of lawlessness and disorder.
The chief occupation of a noble was fighting, either in his own quarrel or
that of his overlord. It is hard for us to-day to realize how much
fighting went on then. Much was said about "honor," but quarrels were
easily started, and oaths were poorly kept. It was a day of personal feuds
and private warfare, and every noble thought it his right to wage war on
his neighbor at any time, without asking the consent of any one. [16] As a
preparation for actual warfare a series of mimic encounters, known as
tournaments, were held, in which it often happened that knights were
killed. In these encounters mounted knights charged one another with spear
and lance, performing feats similar to those of actual warfare. This was
the great amusement of the period, compared with which the German duel,
the Mexican bullfight, or the American game of football are mild sports.
The other diversions of the knights and nobles were hunting, hawking,
feasting, drinking, making love, minstrelsy, and chess. Intellectual
ability formed no part of their accomplishments, and a knowledge of
reading and writing was commonly regarded as effeminate.

To take this carousing, fighting, pillaging, ravaging, destructive, and
murderous instinct, so strong by nature among the Germanic tribes, and
refine it and in time use it to some better purpose, and in so doing to
increasingly civilize these Germanic lords and overlords, was the problem
which faced the Church and all interested in establishing an orderly
society in Europe. As a means of checking this outlawry the Church
established and tried to enforce the "Truce of God" (R. 79), and as a
partial means of educating the nobility to some better conception of a
purpose in life the Church aided in the development of the education of
chivalry, the first secular form of education in western Europe since the
days of Rome, and added its sanction to it after it arose.

THE EDUCATION OF CHIVALRY. This form of education was an evolution. It
began during the latter part of the ninth century and the early part of
the tenth, reached its maximum greatness during the period of the Crusades
(twelfth century), and passed out of existence by the sixteenth. The
period of the Crusades was the heroic age of chivalry. The system of
education which gradually developed for the children of the nobility may
be briefly described as follows:

1. _Page._ Up to the age of seven or eight the youth was trained at home,
by his mother. He played to develop strength, was taught the meaning of
obedience, trained in politeness and courtesy, and his religious education
was begun. After this, usually at seven, he was sent to the court of some
other noble, usually his father's superior in the feudal scale, though in
case of kings and feudal lords of large importance the children remained
at home and were trained in the palace school. From seven to fourteen the
boy was known as a page. He was in particular attached to some lady, who
supervised his education in religion, music, courtesy, gallantry, the
etiquette of love and honor, and taught him to play chess and other games.
He was usually taught to read and write the vernacular language, and was
sometimes given a little instruction in reading Latin. [17] To the lord he
rendered much personal service such as messenger, servant at meals, and
attention to guests. By the men he was trained in running, boxing,
wrestling, riding, swimming, and the use of light weapons.

2. _Squire._ At fourteen or fifteen he became a squire. While continuing
to serve his lady, with whom he was still in company, and continuing to
render personal service in the castle, the squire became in particular the
personal servant and bodyguard of the lord or knight. He was in a sense a
_valet_ for him, making his bed, caring for his clothes, helping him to
dress, and looking after him at night and when sick. He also groomed his
horse, looked after his weapons, and attended and protected him on the
field of combat or in battle. He himself learned to hunt, to handle shield
and spear, to ride in armor, to meet his opponent, and to fight with sword
and battle-axe. As he approached the age of twenty-one, he chose his lady-
love, who was older than he and who might be married, to whom he swore
ever to be devoted, even though he married some one else. He also learned
to rhyme, [18] to make songs, sing, dance, play the harp, and observe the
ceremonials of the Church. Girls were given this instruction along with
the boys, but naturally their training placed its emphasis upon household
duties, service, good manners, conversational ability, music, and
religion.

3. _Knight._ At twenty-one the boy was knighted, and of this the Church
made an impressive ceremonial. After fasting, confession, a night of vigil
in armor spent at the altar in holy meditation, and communion in the
morning, the ceremony of dubbing the squire a knight took place in the
presence of the court. He gave his sword to the priest, who blest it upon
the altar. He then took the oath "to defend the Church, to attack the
wicked, to respect the priesthood, to protect women and the poor, to
preserve the country in tranquillity, and to shed his blood, even to its
last drop, in behalf of his brethren." The priest then returned him the
sword which he had blessed, charging him "to protect the widows and
orphans, to restore and preserve the desolate, to revenge the wronged, and
to confirm the virtuous." He then knelt before his lord, who, drawing his
own sword and holding it over him, said: "In the name of God, of our Lady,
of thy patron Saint, and of Saint Michael and Saint George, I dub thee
knight; be brave (touching him with the sword on one shoulder), be bold
(on the other shoulder), be loyal (on the head)."

[Illustration: FIG. 48. A SQUIRE BEING KNIGHTED (From an old manuscript)]

THE CHIVALRIC IDEALS. Such, briefly stated, was the education of chivalry.
The cathedral and monastery schools not meeting the needs of the nobility,
the castle school was evolved. There was little that was intellectual
about the training given--few books, and no training in Latin. Instead,
the native language was emphasized, and squires in England frequently
learned to speak French. It was essentially an education for secular ends,
and prepared not only for active participation in the feuds and warfare of
the time, but also for the Seven Perfections of the Middle Ages: (1)
Riding, (2) Swimming, (3) Archery, (4) Fencing, (5) Hunting, (6) Whist or
Chess, and (7) Rhyming. It also represents the first type of schooling in
the Middle Ages designed to prepare for life here, rather than hereafter.
For the nobility it was a discipline, just as the Seven Liberal Arts was a
discipline for the monks and clergy. Out of it later on was evolved the
education of a gentleman as distinct from that of a scholar.

That such training had a civilizing effect on the nobility of the time
cannot be doubted. Through it the Church exercised a restraining and
civilizing influence on a rude, quarrelsome, and impetuous people, who
resented restraints and who had no use for intellectual discipline. It
developed the ability to work together for common ends, personal loyalty,
and a sense of honor in an age when these were much-needed traits, and the
ideal of a life of regulated service in place of one of lawless
gratification was set up. What monasticism had done for the religious life
in dignifying labor and service, chivalry did for secular life. The Ten
Commandments of chivalry, (1) to pray, (2) to avoid sin, (3) to defend the
Church, (4) to protect widows and orphans, (5) to travel, (6) to wage
loyal war, (7) to fight for his Lady, (8) to defend the right, (9) to love
his God, and (10) to listen to good and true men, while not often
followed, were valuable precepts to uphold in that age and time. In the
great Crusades movement of the twelfth century the Church consecrated the
military prowess and restless energy of the nobility to her service, but
after this wave had passed chivalry became formal and stilted and rapidly
declined in importance (R. 80).

[Illustration: FIG. 49. A KNIGHT OF THE TIME OF THE FIRST CRUSADE
(From a manuscript in the British Museum)]


4. _Professional study_

As the one professional study of the entire early Middle-Age period, and
the one study which absorbed the intellectual energy of the one learned
class, the evolution of the study of Theology possesses particular
interest for us.

THE STUDY OF THEOLOGY. During the earlier part of the period under
consideration the preparatory study necessary for service in the Church
was small, and very elementary in character. The elements of reading,
writing, reckoning, and music, as taught to _oblati_ in the monasteries,
sufficed. As knowledge increased a little the study of grammar at first,
and later all the studies of the _Trivium_ came to be common as
preparatory study, while those who made the best preparation added the
subjects of the _Quadrivium_. Ethics, or metaphysics, taught largely from
the digest of Aristotle's _Ethics_ prepared in the sixth century by
Boethius, was the text for this study until about 1200, when Aristotle's
_Metaphysics_, _Physics_, _Psychology_, and _Ethics_ were re-introduced
into Europe from Saracen sources (R. 87).

The theological course proper experienced a similar development. At first,
as we saw in chapter V, there were but few principles of belief, and the
church organization was exceedingly simple. In 325 A.D. the Nicene Creed
was formulated (p. 96), and the first twenty canons (rules) adopted for
the government of the clergy. With the translation of the Bible into the
Latin language (_Vulgate_, fourth century), the writings of the early
Latin Fathers, and additional canons and expressions of belief adopted at
subsequent church councils, an increasing amount relating to belief,
church organization, and pastoral duties needed to be imparted to new
members of the clergy. Still, up to the eleventh century at least, the
theological course remained quite meager. In a tenth-century account the
following description of the theological course of the time is given: [19]

     1. Elements of grammar and the first part of Donatus.
     2. Repeated readings of the Old and New Testaments.
     3. Mass prayers.
     4. Rules of the Church as to time reckoning.
     5. Decrees of the Church Councils.
     6. Rules of penance.
     7. Prescriptions for church services.
     8. Worldly laws.
     9. Collections of homilies (sermons).
    10. Tractates on the Epistles and Gospels.
    11. Lives of the Saints.
    12. Church music.

It will be seen from this tenth-century course of theological study that
it was based on reading, writing, and reckoning, and a little music as
preparatory studies; that it began with the first of the subjects of the
_Trivium_, which was studied only in part; and that its purpose was to
impart needed information as to dogma, church practices, canon (church)
law, and such civil (worldly) law as would be needed by the priest in
discharging his functions as the notary and lawyer of the age. There is no
suggestion of the study of Theology as a science, based on evidences,
logic, and ethics. Such study was not then known, and would not have been
tolerated. There were no other professions to study for.

SYSTEMATIC INSTRUCTION BEGINS. About 1145 Peter the Lombard published his
_Book of Sentences_, and this worked a revolution in the teaching of the
subject. In topics, arrangement, and method of treatment the book marked a
great advance, and became the standard textbook in Theology for a long
time. It did much to change the study of Theology from dogmas to a
scientific subject, and made possible schools of Theology in the
universities now about to arise. In the thirteenth century it was made the
official textbook at both the universities of Oxford and Paris. The
studies of dialectic and ethics were raised to a new plane of importance
by the publication of this book.

By the close of the twelfth century the interest of the Church in a
better-trained clergy had grown to such an extent that theological
instruction was ordered established wherever there was an Archbishop. In a
decree issued by Pope Innocent III and the General Council it was ordered:

    In every cathedral or other church of sufficient means, a master ought
    to be elected by the prelate or chapter, and the income of a prebend
    assigned to him, and in every metropolitan church a theologian also
    ought to be elected. And if the church is not rich enough to provide a
    grammarian and a theologian, it shall provide for the theologian from
    the revenues of his church, and cause provision to be made for the
    grammarian in some church of his city or diocese. [20]

We also, in the early thirteenth century, find bishops enforcing
theological training on future priests by orders of which the following is
a type:

    Hugh of Scawby, clerk, presented by Nigel Costentin to the church of
    (Potter) Hanworth, was admitted and canonically instituted in it as
    parson, on condition that he comes to the next orders to be ordained
    subdeacon. But on account of the insufficiency of his grammar, the
    lord bishop ordered him on pain of loss of his benefice to attend
    school. And the Dean of Wyville was ordered to induct him into
    corporal possession of the said church in form aforesaid, and to
    inform the lord bishop if he does not attend school. [21]


5. _Characteristics of mediaeval education_

FOUNDATIONS LAID FOR A NEW ORDER. The education which we have just
described covers the period from the time of the downfall of Rome to the
twelfth or the thirteenth century. It represents what the Church evolved
to replace that which it and the barbarians had destroyed. Meager as it
still was, after seven or eight centuries of effort, it nevertheless
presents certain clearly marked lines of development. The beginnings of a
new Christian civilization among the tribes which had invaded and overrun
the old Roman Empire are evident, and, toward the latter part of the
Middle Ages, we note the development of a number of centers of learning
(R. 71) and the beginnings of that specialization of knowledge (church
doctrine, classical learning, music, logic and ethics, theology), at
different church and monastery schools, which promised much for the future
of learning. We also notice, and will see the same evidence in the
following chapter, the beginnings of a class of scholarly men, though the
scholarship is very limited in scope and along lines thoroughly approved
by the Church.

In education proper, in the sense that we understand it, the schools
provided were still for a very limited class, and secondary rather than
elementary in nature. They were intended to meet the needs of an
institution rather than of a people, and to prepare those who studied in
them for service to that institution. That institution, too, had
concentrated its efforts on preparing its members for life in another
world, and not for life or service in this. There were as yet no
independent schools or scholars, the monks and clergy represented the one
learned class, Theology was the one professional study, the ability to
read and write was not regarded by noble or commoner as of any particular
importance, and all book knowledge was in a language which the people did
not understand when they heard it and could not read. Society was as yet
composed of three classes--feudal warriors, who spent their time in
amusements or fighting, and who had evolved a form of knightly training
for their children; privileged priests and monks and nuns, who controlled
all book learning and opportunities for professional advancement; and the
great mass of working peasants, engaged chiefly in agriculture, and
belonging to and helping to fight the battles of their protecting lord.

For these peasants there was as yet no education aside from what the
Church gave through her watchful oversight and her religious services (R.
81), and but little leisure, freedom, wealth, security, or economic need
to make such education possible or desirable. Moreover, the other-worldly
attitude of the Church made such education seem unnecessary. It was still
the education of a few for institutional purposes, though here and there,
by the close of the twelfth century, the Church was beginning to urge its
members to provide some education for their children (R. 82), and the
world was at last getting ready for the evolution of the independent
scholar, and soon would be ready for the evolution of schools to meet
secular needs.

REPRESSIVE ATTITUDE OF THE MEDIAEVAL CHURCH. The great work of the Church
during this period, as we see it to-day, was to assimilate and
sufficiently civilize the barbarians to make possible a new civilization,
based on knowledge and reason rather than force. To this end the Church
had interposed her authority against barbarian force, and had slowly won
the contest. Almost of necessity the Church had been compelled to insist
upon her way, and this type of absolutism in church government had been
extended to most other matters. The Bible, or rather the interpretations
of it which church councils, popes, bishops, and theological writers had
made, became authoritative, and disobedience or doubt became sinful in the
eyes of the Church. [22] The Scriptures were made the authority for
everything, and interpretations the most fantastic were made of scriptural
verses. Unquestioning belief was extended to many other matters, with the
result that tales the most wonderful were recounted and believed. To
question, to doubt, to disbelieve--these were among the deadly sins of the
early Middle Ages. This attitude of mind undoubtedly had its value in
assimilating and civilizing the barbarians, and probably was a necessity
at the time, but it was bad for the future of the Church as an
institution, and utterly opposed to scientific inquiry and intellectual
progress. Monroe well expresses the situation which came to exist when he
says:

    The validity of any statement, the actuality of any alleged instance,
    came to be determined, not by any application of rationalistic
    principle, not by inherent plausibility, not by actual inquiry into
    the facts of the case, but by its agreement with religious feelings or
    beliefs, its effect in furthering the influence of the Church or the
    reputation of a saint--in general, by its relationship to matters of
    faith. Thus it happens that the chronicles of the monks and the lives
    of the saints, charming and interesting as they are in their naïveté,
    their simplicity, their trustful credulity, and their pictures of a
    life and an attitude of mind so remote from ours, are filled with
    incidents given as facts that test the greatest faith, strain the most
    vivid imagination, and shock that innate respect for reality, that it
    is the purpose of modern education to inculcate. [23]

This authoritative and repressive attitude of the Church expressed itself
in many ways. The teaching of the period is an excellent example of this
influence. The instruction in the so-called Seven Liberal Arts remained
unchanged throughout a period of half a dozen centuries--so much
accumulated knowledge passed on as a legacy to succeeding generations. It
represented mere instruction; not education. As a recent writer has well
expressed it, the whole knowledge and culture contained in the Seven
Liberal Arts remained "like a substance in suspension in a medium
incapable of absorbing it; unchanged throughout the whole mediaeval
period." Inquiry or doubt in religious matters was not tolerated, and
scientific inquiry and investigation ceased to exist. The notable
scientific advances of the Greeks, their literature and philosophy, and
particularly their genius for free inquiry and investigation, no longer
influenced a world dominated by an institution preparing its children only
for life in a world to come. Not until the world could shake off this
mediaeval attitude toward scientific inquiry and make possible honest
doubt was any real intellectual progress possible. In a rough, general way
the turn in the tide came about the beginning of the twelfth century, and
for the next five centuries the Church was increasingly busy trying, like
King Canute of old, to stop the waves of free inquiry and scientific doubt
from rising higher against the bulwarks it had erected.

THE MEDIAEVAL EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. The educational system which the Church
had developed by 1200 continued unchanged in its essential features until
after the great awakening known as the Revival of Learning, or
Renaissance. This system we have just sketched. For instruction in the
elements of learning we have the inner and outer monastery and convent
schools, and, in connection with the churches, song schools, and chantry
or stipendary schools. In these last we have the beginnings of the parish
school for instruction in the elements of learning and the fundamentals of
faith for the children of the faithful. In the monasteries, convents, and
in connection with the cathedral churches we have the secondary
instruction fairly well organized with the _Trivium_ and the _Quadrivium_
as the basis. At the close of the period under consideration in this
chapter a few privately endowed grammar schools were just beginning to be
founded to supplement the work of the cathedral schools (RS. 141-143). In
some of the inner monastery schools and a few of the cathedral schools we
also have the beginnings of higher instruction, with theology as the one
professional subject and the one learned career.

[Illustration: FIG. 50. EVOLUTION OF EDUCATION DURING THE EARLY MIDDLE
AGES
The relative weight of the lines indicates approximate development. The
lines along which educational evolution took place in the later Middle
Ages are here clearly marked out.]

All these schools, too, were completely under the control of the Church.
There were no private schools or teachers before about 1200. Only the
chivalric education was under the control of princes or kings, and even
this the Church kept under its supervision. The Church was still the
State, to a large degree, and the Church, unlike Greece or Rome, took the
education of the young upon itself as one of its most important functions.
The schools taught what the Church approved, and the instruction was for
religious and church ends. The monks who gave instruction in the
monasteries were responsible to the Abbot, who was in turn responsible to
the head of the order and through him to the Pope at Rome. Similarly the
_scholasticus_ in the cathedral school and the _precentor_ in the song
school were both responsible to the Bishop, and again through Archbishop
and Cardinal to the Pope.

THE FIRST TEACHER'S CERTIFICATES AND SCHOOL SUPERVISION. Toward the latter
part of the period under consideration in this chapter an interesting
development in church school administration took place. As the cathedral
and song schools increased assistant teachers were needed, and the
_scholasticus_ and _precentor_ gradually withdrew from instruction and
became the supervisors of instruction, or rather the principals of their
respective schools. As song or parish schools were established in the
parishes of the diocese teachers for these were needed, and the
_scholasticus_ and _precentor_ extended their authority and supervision
over these, just as the Bishop had done much earlier (p. 97) over the
training and appointment of priests. By 1150 we have, clearly evolved, the
system of central supervision of the training of all teachers in the
diocese through the issuing, for the first time in Europe, of licenses to
teach (R. 83). The system was finally put into legal form by a decree
adopted by a general council of the Church at Rome, in 1179, which
required that the _scholasticus_ "should have authority to superintend all
the schoolmasters of the diocese and grant them licenses without which
none should presume to teach," and that "nothing be exacted for licenses
to teach" issued by him, thus stopping the charging of fees for their
issuance. The _precentor_, in a similar manner, claimed and often secured
supervision of all elementary, and especially all song-school instruction.
Teachers were also required to take an oath of fealty and obedience (R. 84
b).

As a result of centuries of evolution we thus find, by 1200, a limited but
powerful church school system, with centralized control and supervision of
instruction, diocesan licenses to teach, and a curriculum adapted to the
needs of the institution in control of the schools. We also note the
beginnings of secular instruction in the training of the nobility for
life's service, though even this is approved and sanctioned by the Church.
The centralized religious control thus established continued until the
nineteenth century, and still exists to a more or less important degree in
the school systems of Italy, the old Austro-Hungarian States, Germany,
England, and some other western nations. As we shall see later on, one of
the big battles in the process of developing state school systems has come
through the attempt of the State to substitute its own organization for
this religious monopoly of instruction.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Outline the instruction in an inner monastery school.

2. Show how the mediaeval parish school naturally developed as an offshoot
of the cathedral schools, and was supplemented later by the endowed
chantry schools.

3. What effect did the development of song-school instruction have on the
instruction in the cathedral schools?

4. Why was it difficult to develop good cathedral schools during the early
Middle Ages?

5. About how much training would be represented to-day by the Seven
Liberal Arts, (_a_) assuming the body of knowledge then known? (_b_)
assuming the body of knowledge for each subject known to-day?

6. What great subject of study has been developed out of one part of the
study of mediaeval rhetoric?

7. Why would dialectic naturally not be of much importance, so long as
instruction in theology was dogmatic and not a matter of thinking?

8. Characterize the instruction in arithmetic, geometry, and geography
during the early Middle Ages. Would we consider such knowledge as of any
value? Explain the attention given to such instruction.

9. What great modern subjects of study have been developed out of the
mediaeval subjects of arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy?

10. Compare the knowledge of mediaevals and moderns in (a) geography, (b)
astronomy.

11. What does the fact that the few great textbooks were in use for so
many centuries indicate as to the character of educational progress during
the Middle Ages?

12. Was the Church wise in adopting and sanctifying the education of
chivalry? Why?

13. What important contributions to world progress came out of chivalric
education?

14. What ideals and practices from chivalry have been retained and are
still in use to-day? Does the Boy Scouts movement embody any of the
chivalric ideas and training?

15. Compare the education of the body by the Greeks and under chivalry.

16. Compare the Athenian ephebic oath with the vows of chivalry.

17. Picture the present world transferred back to a time when theology was
the one profession.

18. What educational theory, conscious or unconscious, formed the basis
for mediaeval education and instruction?

19. Explain why the Church, after six or seven centuries of effort, still
provided schools only for preparation for its own service.

20. What does the lack of independent scholars during the Middle Ages
indicate as to possible leisure?

21. Was the attitude of Anselm a perfectly natural one for the Middle
Ages? Can progress be made with such an attitude dominant?

22. Contrast the deadly sins of the Middle Ages with present-day
conceptions as to education.

23. Contrast the purposes of mediaeval education and the education of to-
day.

24. When Greece and Rome offered no precedents, how did the Church come to
so fully develop and control the education which was provided?

25. Compare the supervisory work of a modern county superintendent with
that of a _scholasticus_ of a mediaeval cathedral.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  70. Leach: Song and Grammar Schools in England.
  71. Mullinger: The Episcopal and Monastic Schools.
  72. Statutes: The School at Salisbury Cathedral.
  73. Aldwincle: Foundation Grant for a Chantry School.
  74. Maurus: The Seven Liberal Arts.
  75. Leach: A Mediaeval Latin Colloquy.
  76. Quintilian: On the Importance of the Study of Grammar.
  77. Anglicus: The Elements, and the Planets.
      (a) Of the Elements.
      (b) Of Double Moving of the Planets.
  78. Cott: A Tenth Century Schoolmaster's Books.
  79. Archbishop of Cologne: The Truce of God.
  80. Gautier: How the Church used Chivalry.
  81. Draper: Educational Influences of the Church Services.
  82. Winchester Diocesan Council: How the Church urged that the Elements
      of Religious Education be given.
  83. Lincoln Cathedral: Licenses required to teach Song.
  84. English Forms: Appointment and Oath of a Grammar-School Master.
      (a) Northallerton: Appointment of a master of Song and Grammar.
      (b) Archdeacon of Ely: Oath of a Grammar-School Master to.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Distinguish between song and grammar schools (70), and state what was
taught in each. Do we have any modern analogy to the same teacher teaching
both schools, as was sometimes done?

2. Distinguish between monastic and episcopal (cathedral) schools (71).
When was the great era of each? How do you explain the change in relative
importance of the two?

3. Explain the process of evolution of a parish school out of a chantry
school.

4. What was the nature of the cathedral school at Salisbury (72)?

5. What type of a school was provided for in the Aldwincle chantry (73)?
Why was it not until after the twelfth century that the endowing of
schools (73) began to supersede the endowing of priests, churches, and
monasteries?

6. How do you explain the need for so many years to master the Seven
Liberal Arts (74)?

7. Into what subjects of study have we broken up the old subject of
grammar, as described by Quintilian (76), and how have we distributed them
throughout our school system? Is technical grammar at present taught in
the best possible place?

8. What stage in scientific knowledge do the selections from Anglicus (77
a-b) indicate? What rate of scientific progress is indicated by its
translation and length of use?

9. What scope of knowledge is represented in the library (78) of the
tenth-century schoolmaster? What does the list indicate as to the state of
learning of the time?

10. Picture the manners and morals of a time which called for the
proclamation of a Truce of God (79). Would the rate of progress of
civilization and the rate of elimination of warfare up to then, and since,
indicate that the Church has been very successful in imposing its will?

11. Show how Chivalry was made a great asset to the Church (80).

12. How do you explain the much greater simplicity of the church service
of modern Protestant churches than that of the Roman (81) or Greek
Catholic churches?

13. Explain the form of mild compulsion toward learning which the diocesan
council of Winchester (82) attempted to institute.

14. Is the modern state teacher's certificate a natural outgrowth of the
mediaeval licenses (83) to teach grammar and song? Why did the Church
insist on these when Rome had not required such?

15. Show how the modern oath of office of a teacher, and the possibility
of dismissal for insubordination, is a natural development from the oath
of fealty and obedience (84 b) of the mediaeval teacher? Is this true also
for our modern notices of appointment (84 a)?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Abelson, Paul. _The Seven Liberal Arts_.
  Addison, Julia de W. _Arts and Crafts in the Middle Ages_.
  Besant, W. _The Story of King Alfred_.
* Clark, J. W. _The Care of Books_.
  Davidson, Thomas. "The Seven Liberal Arts"; in _Educational
    Review_, vol. II, pp. 467-73. (Also in his _Aristotle_.)
  Mombert, J. I. _History of Charles the Great_.
* Mullinger, J. B. _The Schools of Charles the Great_.
  Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. I.
  Scheffel, Victor. _Ekkehard_. (Historical novel of monastic life.)
  Steele, Philip. _Mediaeval Lore_. (Anglicus' Cyclopaedia.)




CHAPTER VIII

INFLUENCES TENDING TOWARD A REVIVAL OF LEARNING


I. MOSLEM LEARNING FROM SPAIN

THE MOHAMMEDANS IN SPAIN. It will be recalled that in chapter V we
mentioned briefly the Mohammedan migrations of the seventh century, and
said that we should meet them again a little later on as one of the minor
forces in the development of our western civilization. After their defeat
at Tours (732) the Mohammedans retired into Spain, mixed with the Iberian-
Roman-Visigothic peoples inhabiting the peninsula, and began to develop a
civilization there. Figure 33 (p. 114) shows how much of the world the
Mohammedans had overrun by 800 A.D., and how much of Spain was in their
possession.

In Spain they developed a skillful agriculture (R. 85), as, in lands as
hot and dry as Spain, all agriculture to be successful must be. They
introduced irrigation, gave special attention to the breeding of horses
and cattle, and developed garden and orchard fruits. To them western
Europe is indebted for the introduction of many of its orchard fruits,
useful plants, and garden vegetables, as well as for a number of important
manufacturing processes. The orange, lemon, peach, apricot, and mulberry
trees; the spinach, artichoke, and asparagus among vegetables; cotton,
rice, sugar cane, and hemp among useful plants; the culture of the
silkworm, and the manufacture of silk and cotton garments; the manufacture
of paper from cotton, and the making of morocco leather--these are among
our debts to these people. Though many of the above had been known to
antiquity, they had been lost during the barbarian invasions and were
restored only through their re-introduction by the Moslems.

GREAT ABSORPTIVE POWER FOR LEARNING. The original Arabians themselves were
not a well-educated people. Before the time of Mohammed we have
practically no records as to any education among them. When in their
religious conquests they overran Syria (see Map, p. 103), they came in
contact with the survivals of that wonderful Greek civilization and
learning, and this they absorbed with greatest avidity.

It will be recalled, too, that in chapter IV (p. 94), it was stated that
the early Christians developed very important catechetical schools in
Egypt and Syria, and especially at Alexandria, Antioch, Edessa, Nisibis,
Harran, and Caesarea. [1] (See Figure 27, p. 89.) It was also stated that
the Christian instruction imparted at these eastern schools was tinctured
through and through with Greek learning and Greek philosophic thought.
Here monasteries also were developed in numbers, and Syrian monks had for
centuries been busy translating Greek authors into Syriac. It was also
stated (p. 94) that the Eastern or Greek division of the Christian Church,
of which Constantinople became the central city, was more liberal toward
Greek learning than was the Western or Latin division of the Church.

By the fifth century, though, due in part to the breakdown of government,
the increasing barbarity of the age, and the greater control of all
thinking by the Church, the Eastern Church lost somewhat of its earlier
tolerance. In 431 the Church Council of Ephesus put a ban on the
Hellenized form of Christian theology advocated by Nestorius, then
Patriarch of Constantinople, and drove him and his followers, known as
_Nestorian Christians_, from the city. These Nestorians now fled to the
old Syrian cities, which early had been so hospitable to Greek learning
and thinking. [2] Being now beyond the reach of Christian intolerance and
in a friendly atmosphere, they remained there, developing excellent higher
schools of the old Greek type, and there the Mohammedans found them when
they overran Syria, in 635 A.D.

Mohammedanism now came in contact with an educated people, as it did also
in Babylonia (637), in Assyria (640), and in Egypt (642), and the need of
a better statement of the somewhat crude faith now became evident. The
same process now took place as had occurred earlier with Christianity. The
Nestorian Christians and the Syrian monks became the scholars for the
Mohammedans, and the Mohammedan faith was clothed in Greek forms and
received a thorough tincturing of Greek philosophic thought. Within a
century they had translated from Syriac into Arabic, or from the original
Greek, much of the old Greek learning in philosophy, science, and
medicine, and the cities of Syria, and in particular their capital,
Damascus, became renowned for their learning. In 760 Bagdad, on the
Tigris, was founded, and superseded Damascus as the capital. Extending
eastward, these people were soon busy absorbing Hindu mathematical
knowledge, obtaining from them (c. 800) the so-called Arabic notation and
algebra.

THEY DEVELOP SCHOOLS AND ADVANCE LEARNING. In 786 Haroun-al-Raschid became
Caliph at Bagdad, and he and his son made it an intellectual center of
first importance. In all the known world probably no city, not even
Constantinople, during the latter part of the eighth century and most of
the ninth, could vie with Bagdad as a center of learning. Basra, Kufa, and
other eastern cities were also noted places. Schools were opened in
connection with the mosques (churches), a university after the old Greek
model was founded, a large library was organized, and an observatory was
built. Large numbers of students thronged the city, learned Greeks and
Jews taught in the schools, and a number of advances on the scientific
work done by the Greeks were made. A degree of the earth's surface [3] was
measured on the shores of the Red Sea; the obliquity of the ecliptic was
determined (c. 830); astronomical tables were calculated; algebra and
trigonometry were perfected; discoveries in chemistry not known in Europe
until toward the end of the eighteenth century, and advances in physics
for which western Europe waited for Newton (1642-1727), were made; and in
medicine and surgery their work was not duplicated until the early
nineteenth century. Their scholars wrote dictionaries, lexicons,
cyclopaedias, and pharmacopoeias of merit (R. 86).

This eastern learning was now gradually carried to Spain by traveling
Mohammedan scholars, and there the energy of conquest was gradually turned
to the development of schools and learning. By 900 a good civilization and
intellectual life had been developed in Spain, and before 1000 the
teaching in Spain, especially along Greek philosophical lines, had become
sufficiently known to attract a few adventurous monks from Christian
Europe. Gerbert (953-1003), afterward Pope Sylvester II (p. 159), was one
of the first to study there, though for this he was accused of having
transactions with the Devil, and when he died suddenly at fifty, four
years after having been elevated to the Papacy, monks over Europe are
recorded as having crossed themselves and muttered that the Devil had now
claimed his reward. A monk from Monte Cassino also studied at Bagdad, and
brought back some of the eastern learning to his monastery.

[Illustration: FIG. 51. SHOWING CENTERS OF MOSLEM LEARNING]

MOHAMMEDAN REACTION SENDS SCHOLARS TO SPAIN. The great intellectual
development at Bagdad was in part due to the patronage of a few caliphs of
large vision, and was of relatively short duration. The religious
enthusiasts among the Mohammedans were in reality but little more zealous
for Hellenic learning than the Fathers of the Western Church had been.
Finally, about 1050, they obtained the upper hand and succeeded in driving
out the Hellenic Mohammedans, just as the Eastern Christians had driven
out the Nestorians, and these scholars of the East now fled to northern
Africa and to Spain. [4] Almost at once a marked further development in
the intellectual life of Spain took place. In Cordova, Granada, Toledo,
and Seville strong universities were developed, where Jews and Hellenized
Mohammedans taught the learning of the East, and made further advances in
the sciences and mathematics. Physics, chemistry, astronomy, mathematics,
physiology, medicine, and surgery were the great subjects of study. Greek
philosophy also was taught. They developed schools and large libraries,
taught geography from globes, studied astronomy in observatories, counted
time by pendulum clocks, invented the compass and gunpowder, developed
hospitals, and taught medicine and surgery in schools (R. 86).

Their cities were equally noteworthy for their magnificent palaces, [5]
mosques, public baths, market-places, aqueducts, and paved and lighted
streets--things unknown in Christian Europe for centuries to come (R. 85).
It became fashionable for wealthy men to become patrons of learning, and
to collect large libraries and place them at the disposal of scholars,
thus revealing interests in marked contrast to those of the fighting
nobility of Christian Europe.

THEIR INFLUENCE ON WESTERN EUROPE. Western Europe of the tenth to the
twelfth centuries presented a dreary contrast, in almost every particular,
to the brilliant life of southern Spain. Just emerging from barbarism, it
was still in an age of general disorder and of the simplest religious
faith. [6] The age of reason and of scientific experiment as a means of
arriving at truth had not yet dawned, and would not do so for centuries to
come. Monks and clerics, representing the one learned class, regarded this
Moslem science as "black art," and in consequence Europe, centuries later,
had slowly to rediscover the scientific knowledge which might have been
had for the taking. Only the book science of Aristotle would the Church
accept, and even this only after some hesitation (Rs. 89, 90).

Western Europe had, however, advanced far enough through the study of the
Seven Liberal Arts to desire corrected and additional texts of the earlier
classical writers, particularly Aristotle, and also to be willing to
accept some of the mathematical knowledge of these Saracens. It was here
that the Moslem learning in Spain helped in the intellectual awakening of
the rest of Europe. Adelhard, an English monk, studied at Cordova about
1120, and took back with him some knowledge of arithmetic, algebra, and
geometry. His Euclid was in general use in the universities by 1300.
Gerard of Cremona, in Lombardy (1114-1187), who studied at Toledo a little
later, rendered a similar service for Italy. He also translated many works
from the Arabic, including Ptolemy's Almagest (p. 49), a book of
astronomical tables, and Alhazen's (Spanish scholar, c. 1100) book on
Optics. Other monks studied in the Spanish cities during the twelfth
century, a few of whom brought back translations of importance. Frederick
II [7] employed a staff of Jewish physicians to translate Arabic works
into Latin, but, due to his continual war against the Pope and his final
outlawry by the Church, his work possessed less significance than it
otherwise might have done. Among the books thus translated was the medical
textbook of Avicenna (980-1037), based in turn on the Greek works by Galen
and Hippocrates of Cos (p. 197). This book described ailments and their
treatment in detail, became the standard textbook in the medical faculties
of the universities, and was used until the seventeenth century. Another
Moslem whose translated writings had great influence on Europe was
Averroës (1126-1198) who tried to unite the philosophy of Aristotle with
Mohammedanism (R. 88). His influence on the thinkers of the later Middle
Ages was large, he being regarded as the greatest commentator on Aristotle
from the days of Rome to the time of the Renaissance.

[Illustration: FIG. 52. ARISTOTLE]

What Europe obtained through Moslem sources which it prized most, though,
was the commentary on Aristotle by Averroës and the works of Aristotle (R.
88). The list of the books of Aristotle in use in the mediaeval
universities by 1300 (R. 87) reveals the great importance of the additions
made. By the middle of the twelfth century Aristotle's _Ethics_,
_Metaphysics_, _Physics_, and _Psychology_, as well as some of his minor
works, had been translated into Latin and were beginning to be made
available for study. The translation route through which these works had
been derived was a roundabout one--Greek, Syriac, Arabic, Castilian,
Latin--and hence the translations could not be very accurate, but they
sufficed for the needs of Europe until the original Greek versions were
recovered when the Venetians and Crusaders took and sacked Constantinople,
in 1204. These were then translated directly into the Latin. Western
Europe also was ready to use the Arabic (Hindu) system of notation, the
elements of algebra, Euclid's geometry, and Ptolemy's work on the motion
of the heavens. These contributions western Europe was ready for; the
larger scientific knowledge of the Saracens, their pharmacopoeias,
dictionaries, cyclopaedias, histories, and biographies, it was not yet
ready to receive.

One other influence crept in from these peoples which was of large future
importance--the music and light literature and love songs of Spain. There
had been developed in this sunny land a life of light gayety, chivalrous
gallantry, elegant courtesies, and poetic and musical charm, and this
gradually found its way across the Pyrenees. At first it affected Provence
and Languedoc, in southern France, then Sicily and Italy, and finally the
gay contagion of lute and mandolin and love songs spread throughout all
western Europe. A race of troubadours and minnesingers arose, singing in
the vernacular, traveling about the country, and being entertained in
castle halls.

  Lordlyng listneth to my tale
  Which is merryr than the nightengale

won admission at any castle gate. "Out of these genial but not orthodox
beginnings the polite literature of modern Europe arose."


II. THE RISE OF SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY

THE ELEVENTH CENTURY A TURNING POINT. By the end of the eleventh century a
distinct turning-point had been reached in the struggle to save
civilization from perishing. From this time on it was clear that the
battle had been won, and that a new Christian civilization would in time
arise in western Europe. Much still remained to be done, and centuries of
effort would be required, but the Church, almost for the first time in
more than six hundred years, felt that it could now pause to organize and
systematize its faith. The invasions and destruction of the Northmen had
at last ceased, the Mohammedan conquests were over, almost the last of the
Germanic tribes in Europe had settled down and had accepted Christianity,
[8] and the fighting nobility of Europe were being held somewhat in
restraint by the might of the Church, the "Truce of God" (R. 79), and the
softening influence of chivalric education (R. 80). There were many
evidences, too, by the end of the eleventh century, that the western
Christian world, after the long intellectual night, was soon to awaken to
a new intellectual life. The twelfth century, in particular, was a period
when it was evident that some new leaven was at work.

Up to about the close of the eleventh century western Europe had been
living in an age of simple faith. The Christian world everywhere lay under
"a veil of faith, illusion, and childish prepossession." The mysteries of
Christianity and the many inconsistencies of its teachings and beliefs
were accepted with childlike docility, and the Church had felt little call
to organize, to systematize, or to explain. Here and there, to be sure,
some questioning monk or cleric had raised questions over matters [9] of
faith which his reason could not explain, and had, perhaps, for a time
disturbed the peace of orthodoxy, but a statement somewhat similar to that
made by Anselm of Canterbury (footnote, p. 173), as to the precedence of
faith over reason, had usually been sufficient to silence all inquiry.
Once, in the latter part of the eleventh century, when a great discussion
as to the nature of knowledge had taken place among the leaders of the
Church, a church council had been called to pass upon and give final
settlement to the questions raised. [10]

RISE OF THE SPIRIT OF INQUIRY. As the cathedral schools grew in importance
as teaching institutions, and came to have many teachers and students, a
few of them became noted as places where good instruction was imparted and
great teachers were to be found. Canterbury in England, Paris and Chartres
in France, and several of the cities in northern Italy early were noted
for the quality of their instruction. The great teachers and the keenest
students of the time were to be found in the cathedral schools in these
places, and the monastic schools now lost their earlier importance as
teaching institutions. By the twelfth century they had been completely
superseded as important teaching centers by the rapidly developing
cathedral schools. To these more important cathedral schools students now
came from long distances to study under some noted teacher. Says McCabe:
[11]

    The scholastic fever which was soon to influence the youth of Europe,
    had already set in. You could not travel far over the rough roads of
    France without meeting some footsore scholar, making for the nearest
    large monastery or cathedral town. Robbers, frequently in the service
    of the lord of the land, infested every province. It was safest to don
    the coarse frieze tunic of the pilgrim, without pockets, sling your
    little wax tablets and stylus at your girdle, strap a wallet of bread
    and herbs and salt on your back, and laugh at the nervous folk who
    peeped out from their coaches over a hedge of pikes and daggers. Few
    monasteries refused a meal or a rough bed to the wandering scholar.
    Rarely was any fee exacted for the lesson given.

The cathedral school in connection with the church of Notre Dame [12]
became especially famous for its teachers of the Liberal Arts
(particularly Dialectic) and of Theology, and to this school, just as the
eleventh century was drawing to a close, came a youth, then barely twenty
years of age, who is generally regarded as having been the keenest scholar
of the twelfth century. His brilliant intellect soon enabled him to refute
the instruction of his teachers and to vanquish them in debate. His name
was Abelard. Before long he himself became a teacher of Grammar and Logic
at Paris, and later of Theology, and, so widely had he read, so clearly
did he appeal to the reason of his hearers, and so incisive was his
teaching, that he attracted large numbers of students to his lectures. To
assist in his teaching of Theology he prepared a little textbook, _Sic et
Non_ (Yea and Nay), in which he raised for debate many questions as to
church teachings (R. 91 b), such as "That faith is based on reason, or
not." In the introduction to this textbook he held that "constant and
frequent questioning is the first key to wisdom" (R. 91 a). His method was
to give the authorities on both sides, but to render no decision. His
boldness in raising such questions for debate was new, and his failure to
give the students a decision was quite unusual, while his claim that
reason was antecedent to faith was startling. Even after being driven from
Paris, in part because of this boldness and in part because of a most
unfortunate incident which deservedly ruined his career in the Church,
students in numbers followed him to his retreat and listened to his
teachings. His method of instruction was for the time so unusual and his
spirit of inquiry so searching that he stimulated many a young mind to a
new type of thinking. One of his pupils was Peter the Lombard (p. 171),
who completely redirected the teaching of theology with his _Book of
Sentences_ (c. 1145)--This was based largely on Abelard's method, except
that a positive and orthodox decision was presented for each question
raised.

[Illustration: FIG. 53. THE CATHEDRAL OF NOTRE DAME, AT PARIS
The present cathedral was begun in 1163, consecrated in 1182, and
completed in the thirteenth century. It is built on an island in the
Seine, and on the site of a church built in the fourth century. The little
community which grew up about the cathedral church formed the nucleus
about which the city of Paris eventually grew. This cathedral front, with
its statues and beautiful carving, formed a type much followed during the
great period of cathedral-building (thirteenth century) in Europe. The
school in connection with this cathedral early became famous.]

What took place at Paris also took place, though generally on a smaller
scale, at many other cathedral and monastery schools of western Europe.
The spirit of inquiry had at last been awakened, the Church was being
respectfully challenged by its children to prove its faith, and the
learning of the Saracens in Spain, which now began to filter across the
Pyrenees, added to the strength of their challenge. Returning pilgrims and
crusaders (First Crusade, 1099) also began to ask for an explanation of
the doubts which had come to them from the contact with Greek and Arab in
the East. A desire for a philosophy which would explain the mysteries and
contradictions of the Christian faith found expression among the scholars
of the time. In the larger cathedral schools, at least, it became common
to discuss the doctrines of the Church with much freedom.

THE RISE OF SCHOLASTIC THEOLOGY. The Church, in a very intelligent and
commendable manner, prepared to meet and use this new spirit in the
organization, systematization, and restatement of its faith and doctrine,
and the great era of Scholasticism [13] now arose. During the latter part
of the twelfth and in the thirteenth century Scholasticism was at its
height; after that, its work being done, it rapidly declined as an
educational force, and the new universities inherited the spirit which had
given rise to its labors.

With the new emphasis now placed on reasoning, Dialectic or Logic
superseded Grammar as the great subject of study, and logical analysis was
now applied to the problems of religion. The Church adopted and guided the
movement, and the schools of the time turned their energy into directions
approved by it. Aristotle also was in time adopted by the Church, after
the translation of his principal works had been effected (Rs. 87, 90), and
his philosophy was made a bulwark for Christian doctrine throughout the
remainder of the Middle Ages. For the next four centuries Aristotle
thoroughly dominated all philosophic thinking. [14] The great development
and use of logical analysis now produced many keen and subtle minds, who
worked intensively a narrow and limited field of thought. The result was a
thorough reorganization and restatement of the theology of the Church.

[Illustration: PLATE 3. SAINT THOMAS AQUINAS]

This was the work of Scholasticism. The movement was not characterized by
the evolution of new doctrines, but by a systematization and organization
into good teaching form of what had grown up during the preceding thousand
years. To a large degree it was also an "accommodation" of the old
theology to the new Aristotelian philosophy which had recently been
brought back to western Europe, and the statement of the Christian
doctrines in good philosophic form.

THE ORGANIZING WORK OF THE SCHOOLMEN. Peter the Lombard (1100-1160), whose
_Book of Sentences_, mentioned above, had so completely changed the
character of the instruction in Theology, began this work of theological
reorganization. Albert the Great (_Albertus Magnus_, 1193-1280) was the
first of the great Schoolmen, and has been termed "the organizing
intellect of the Middle Ages." He was a German Dominican monk [15], born
in Swabia, and educated in the schools of Paris, Padua, and Bologna. Later
he became a celebrated teacher at Paris and Cologne. He was the first to
state the philosophy of Aristotle in systematic form, and was noted as an
exponent of the work of Peter the Lombard. Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225-1274),
the greatest and most influential scholastic philosopher of the Middle
Ages, studied first at Monte Cassino and Naples, and then at Paris and
Cologne, under Albertus Magnus. He later became a noted teacher of
Philosophy and Theology at Rome, Bologna, Viterbo, Perugia, and Naples.
Under him Scholasticism came to its highest development in his harmonizing
the new Aristotelianism with the doctrines of the Church. His class
teaching was based on Aristotle, [16] the Vulgate Bible, and Peter the
Lombard's _Book of Sentences_. During the last three years of his life he
wrote his _Summa Theologiae_, a book which has ever since been accepted as
an authoritative statement of the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church.

The character of the organization made by Peter the Lombard and Thomas
Aquinas may be seen from an examination of their method of presentation,
which was dogmatic in form and similar in the textbooks of each. The field
of Christian Theology was divided out into parts, heads, subheads, etc.,
in a way that would cover the subject, and a group of problems, each
dealing with some doctrinal point, was then presented under each. The
problem was first stated in the text. Next the authorities and arguments
for each solution other than that considered as orthodox were presented
and confuted, in order. The orthodox solution was next presented, the
arguments and authorities for such solution quoted, and the objections to
the correct solution presented and refuted (R. 152).

RESULTS OF THEIR WORK. The work of the Schoolmen was to organize and
present in systematic and dogmatic form the teachings of the Church (R.
92). This they did exceedingly well, and the result was a thorough
organization of Theology as a teaching subject. They did little to extend
knowledge, and nothing at all to apply it to the problems of nature and
man. Their work was abstract and philosophical instead, dealing wholly
with theological questions. The purpose was to lay down principles, and to
offer a training in analysis, comparison, classification, and deduction
which would prepare learned and subtle defenders of the faith of the
Church. So successful were the Schoolmen in their efforts that instruction
in Theology was raised by their work to a new position of importance, and
a new interest in theological scholarship and general learning was
awakened which helped not a little to deflect many strong spirits from a
life of warfare to a life of study. They made the problems of learning
seem much more worth while, and their work helped to create a more
tolerant attitude toward the supporters of either side of debatable
questions by revealing so clearly that there are two sides to every
question. This new learning, new interest in learning, and new spirit of
tolerance the rising universities inherited.


III. LAW AND MEDICINE AS NEW STUDIES

THE OLD ROMAN CITIES. The old Roman Empire, it will be remembered, came to
be largely a collection of provincial cities. These were the centers of
Roman civilization and culture. After the downfall of the governing power
of Rome, the great highways were no longer repaired, brigandage became
common, trade and intercourse largely ceased, and the provincial cities
which were not destroyed in the barbarian invasions declined in population
and number, passing under the control of their bishops who long ruled them
as feudal lords. During the long period of disorder many of the old Roman
cities entirely disappeared (R. 49). Only in Italy, and particularly in
northern Italy, did these old cities retain anything of their earlier
municipal life, or anything worth mentioning of their former industry and
commerce. But even here they lost most of their earlier importance as
centers of culture and trade, becoming merely ecclesiastical towns. After
the death of Charlemagne, the break-up of his empire, and the institution
of feudal conditions, the cities and towns declined still more in
importance, and few of any size remained.

In Italy feudalism never attained the strength it did in northern Europe.
Throughout all the early Middle Ages the cities there retained something
of their old privileges, though ruled by prince-bishops residing in them.
They also retained something of the old Roman civilization, and Roman
legal usages and some knowledge of Roman law never quite died out. In
other respects they much resembled mediaeval cities elsewhere.

REESTABLISHMENT OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE. After the disintegration of
Charlemagne's empire, the portion of it now known as Germany broke up into
fragments, largely independent of one another, and full of fight and
pride. The result there was continual and pitiless warfare. This, coupled
with the raids of the Northmen along the northern coast and the Magyars on
the east, led to the election of a king in 919 (Henry the Fowler) who
could establish some semblance of unity and order. By 961 the German
duchies and small principalities had been so consolidated that a
succeeding king (Otto I) felt himself able to attempt to reëstablish the
Holy Roman Empire by subjugating Italy and annexing it as an appendage
under German rule.

He descended into Italy (961), subjugated the cities, overthrew the
Papacy, created a pope to his liking, and reëstablished the old Empire, in
name at least. For a century the German rule was nominal, but with the
outbreak of the conflict in the eleventh century between king and pope
over the question of which one should invest the bishops with their
authority (known as the _investiture conflict_, 1075-1122), Pope Gregory
VII humbled the German king (Henry IV) at Canossa (1077) and won a partial
success. Then followed repeated invasions of Italy, and a century and a
half of conflicts between pope and king before the dream of universal
empire under a German feudal king ended in disaster, and Italy was freed
from Teutonic rule.

[Illustration: FIG. 54, THE CITY-STATES OF NORTHERN ITALY
All of the cities in the valley of the Po, except Turin, Pavia, and
Mantua, were members of the Lombard League of 1167.]

THE ITALIAN CITIES REVIVE THE STUDY OF ROMAN LAW. As was stated above,
Roman legal usages and some knowledge of Roman law had never quite died
out in these Italian cities. But, while regarded with reverence, the law
was not much understood, little study was given to it, and important parts
of it were neglected and forgotten. The struggle with the ruling bishops
in the second half of the eleventh century, and the discussions which
arose during the investiture conflict, caused new attention to be given to
legal questions, and both the study of Roman (civil) and Church (canon)
law were revived. The Italian cities stood with the Papacy in the
struggles with the German kings, and, in 1167, those in the Valley of the
Po formed what was known as the _Lombard League_ for defense. Under the
pressure of German oppression they now began a careful study of the known
Roman law in an effort to discover some charter, edict, or grant of power
upon which they could base their claim for independent legal rights. The
result was that the study of Roman law was given an emphasis unknown in
Italy since the days of the old Empire. What had been preserved during the
period of disorder at last came to be understood, additional books of the
law were discovered, and men suddenly awoke to a realization that what had
been before considered as of little value actually contained much that was
worth studying, as well as many principles of importance that were
applicable to the conditions and problems of the time.

[Illustration: FIG. 55. FRAGMENT FROM THE RECOVERED "DIGEST" OF JUSTINIAN
Capitals and small letters are here used, but note the difficulty of
reading without spacing or punctuation.]

The great student and teacher of law of the period was Irnerius of Bologna
(c. 1070-1137), who began to lecture on the _Code_ and the _Institutes_ of
Justinian about 1110 to 1115, and soon attracted large numbers of students
to hear his interpretations. About this same time the _Digest_, much the
largest and most important part of the old law, was discovered and made
known. [17]

This gave clearness to the whole, as before its discovery the study of
Roman law was like the study of Aristotle when only parts of the _Organon_
were known. Irnerius and his co-laborers at Bologna now collected and
arranged the entire body of Roman civil law (_Corpus Juris Civilis_) (R.
93), introduced the _Digest_ to western Europe, and thus made a new
contribution of first importance to the list of possible higher studies.
Law now ceased to be a part of Rhetoric (p. 157) and became a new subject
of study, with a body of material large enough to occupy a student for
several years. This was an event of great intellectual significance. A new
study was now evolved which offered great possibilities for intellectual
activity and the exercise of the critical faculty, while at the same time
showing veneration for authority. Law was thus placed alongside Theology
as a professional subject, and the evolution of the professional lawyer
from the priest was now for the first time made possible.

CANON LAW ALSO ORGANIZED AS A SUBJECT OF STUDY. Inspired by the revival of
the study of civil law, a monk of Bologna, Gratian by name, set himself to
make a compilation of all the Church canons which had been enacted since
the Council of Nicaea (325) formulated the first twenty (p. 96), and of
the rules for church government as laid down by the church authorities.
This he issued in textbook form, about 1142, under the title of _Decretum
Gratiani_. So successful were his efforts that his compilation was "one of
those great textbooks that take the world by storm." It did for canon
(church) law what the rediscovery of the Justinian _Code_ had done for
civil law; that is, it organized canon law as a new and important teaching
subject.

The _Decretum_ of Gratian was published in three parts, and was organized
after the same plan as Abelard's _Sic et Non_, except that Gratian drew
conclusions from the mass of evidence he presented on each topic. It
contained 147 "Distinctions" (questions; cases of church policy), upon
each of which were cited the church canons and the views and decisions of
important church authorities. [18] This volume was added to by popes later
on, [19] so that by the fifteenth century a large body of canon law had
grown up, which was known as the _Corpus Juris Canonici_. Canon Law was
thus separated from Theology and added to Civil Law as another new subject
of study for both theological and legal students, and the two subjects of
Canon and Civil Law came to constitute the work of the law faculties in
the universities which soon arose in western Europe.

[Illustration: FIG. 56. THE FATHER OF MEDICINE HIPPOCRATES OF COS (460-
367? B.C.)]

THE BEGINNINGS OF MEDICAL STUDY. The Greeks had made some progress in the
beginnings of the study of disease (p. 47). Aristotle had given some
anatomical knowledge in his writings on animals, and had theorized a
little about the functions of the human body. The real founder of medical
science, though, was Hippocrates, of the island of Cos (c. 460-367 B.C.),
a contemporary of Plato. He was the first writer on the subject who
attempted to base the practice of the healing art on careful observation
and scientific principles. He substituted scientific reason for the wrath
of offended deities as the causes of disease, and tried to offer proper
remedies in place of sacrifices and prayers to the gods for cures. His
descriptions of diseases were wonderfully accurate, and his treatments
ruled medical practice for ages. [20] He knew, however, little as to
anatomy. Another Greek writer, Galen [21](131-201 A.D.), wrote extensively
on medicine and left an anatomical account of the human body which was
unsurpassed for more than a thousand years. His work was known and used by
the Saracens. Avicenna (980-1037), an eastern Mohammedan, wrote a _Canon
of Medicine_ in which he summarized the work of all earlier writers, and
gave a more minute description of symptoms than any preceding writer had
done. These works, together with a few minor writings by teachers in Spain
and Salerno, formed the basis of all medical knowledge until Vesalius
published his _System of Human Anatomy_, in 1543.

The Roman knowledge of medicine was based almost entirely on that of the
Greeks, and after the rise of the Christians, with their new attitude
toward earthly life and contempt for the human body, the science fell into
disrepute and decay. Saint Augustine (354-430), in his great work on _The
City of God_, speaks with some bitterness of "medical men who are called
anatomists," and who "with a cruel zeal for science have dissected the
bodies of the dead, and sometimes of sick persons, who have died under
their knives, and have inhumanly pried into the secrets of the human body
to learn the nature of disease and its exact seat, and how it might be
cured." [22] During the early Middle Ages the Greek medical knowledge
practically disappeared, and in its place came the Christian theories of
satanic influence, diabolic action, and divine punishment for sin.
Correspondingly the cures were prayers at shrines and repositories of
sacred relics and images, which were found all over Europe, and to which
the injured or fever-stricken peasants hied themselves to make offerings
and to pray, and then hope for a miracle.

Toward the middle of the eleventh century Salerno, a small city
delightfully situated on the Italian coast (see Map, p. 194), thirty-four
miles south of Naples, began to attain some reputation as a health resort.
In part this was due to the climate and in part to its mineral springs.
Southern Italy had, more than any other part of western Europe, retained
touch with old Greek thought. The works of Hippocrates and Galen had been
preserved there, the monks at Monte Cassino had made some translations,
and sometime toward the middle of the eleventh century the study of the
Greek medical books was revived here. The Mohammedan medical work by
Avicenna (p. 185), also early became known here in translation. About 1065
Constantine of Carthage, a converted Jew and a learned monk, who had
traveled extensively in the East [23] and who had been forced to flee from
his native city because of a suspicion of "black art," began to lecture at
Salerno on the Greek and Mohammedan medical works and the practice of the
medical art. In 1099 Robert, Duke of Normandy, returning from the First
Crusade, stopped here to be cured of a wound, and he and his knights later
spread the fame of Salerno all over Europe. The result was the revival of
the study of Medicine in the West, and Salerno developed into the first of
the medical schools of Europe. Montpellier, in southern France, also
became another early center for the study of Medicine, drawing much of its
medical knowledge from Spain. Another new subject of professional study
was now made possible, and Faculties of Medicine were in time organized in
most of the universities as they arose. The instruction, though, was
chiefly book instruction, Galen being the great textbook until the
seventeenth century.


IV. OTHER NEW INFLUENCES AND MOVEMENTS

THE CRUSADES. Perhaps the most romantic happenings during the Middle Ages
were that series of adventurous expeditions to the then Far East,
undertaken by the kings and knights of western Europe in an attempt to
reclaim the Holy Land from the infidel Turks, who in the eleventh century
had pushed in and were persecuting Christian pilgrims journeying to
Jerusalem.  For centuries single pilgrims, small bands of pilgrims, and
sometimes large numbers led by priest or noble, had journeyed to distant
shrines, to Rome, and to the birthplace of the Saviour, [24] impelled by
pure religious devotion, a desire to do penance for sin, or seeking a cure
from some disease by prayer and penance. It was the spirit of the age.
Says Adams: [25]

    A pilgrimage was ... in itself a religious act securing merit and
    reward for the one who performed it, balancing a certain number for
    his sins, and making his escape from the world of torment hereafter
    more certain. The more distant and more difficult the pilgrimage, the
    more meritorious, especially if it led to such supremely holy places
    as those which had been sanctified by the presence of Christ himself.
    For the man of the world, for the man who could not, or would not, go
    into monasticism, the pilgrimage was the one conspicuous act by which
    he could satisfy the ascetic need, and gain its rewards. A crusade was
    a stupendous pilgrimage, under especially favorable and meritorious
    conditions.

[Illustration: FIG. 57. A PILGRIM OF THE MIDDLE AGES
(From an old manuscript in the British Museum)]

The Mohammedan Arabs who took possession of the Holy Land in the seventh
century had treated the pilgrims considerately, but the Turks were of a
different stamp. In 1071 they had defeated the Eastern Emperor, captured
all Asia Minor, and had taken possession of the fortress of Nicaea (Map,
p. 183), near Constantinople. The Eastern Emperor now appealed to Rome for
help. In 1077 the Turks captured Jerusalem, and returning pilgrims soon
began to report having experienced great hardships. In 1095 Pope Urban, in
a stirring address to the Council of Clermont (France), issued a call to
the lords, knights, and foot soldiers of western Christendom to cease
destroying their fellow Christians in private warfare, and to turn their
strength of arms against the infidel and rescue the Holy Land. The journey
was to take the place of penance for sin, many special privileges were
extended to those who went, and those who died on the journey or in battle
with the infidels were promised entrance into heaven. [26] nobles and
peasants, filled with a desire for adventure and a sense of personal sin,
no surer way of satisfying either was to be found than the long pilgrimage
to the Saviour's tomb. In France and England the call met with instant
response. Unfortunately for the future of civilization, the call met with
but small response from the nobles of German lands.

The First Crusade set out in 1096. A second went in 1144, and a third in
1187. These were the great Crusades, though five others were undertaken
during the thirteenth century. Jerusalem was taken and lost. The
Christians quarreled with one another and with the Greeks, though with the
Saracens they established somewhat friendly relations, and a mutual
respect arose. The armies which went were composed of all kinds of people
--lords, knights, merchants, adventurers, peasants, outlaws--and a spirit
of adventure and a desire for personal gain, as well as a spirit of
religious devotion, actuated many who went. In 1204 the Venetians diverted
the fourth crusade to the capture of Constantinople, and established there
an outpost of their great commercial empire. The history of the crusades
we do not need to trace. The important matter for our purpose was the
results of the movement on the intellectual development of western Europe.

RESULTS OF THE CRUSADES ON WESTERN EUROPE. In a sense the Crusades were an
outward manifestation of the great change in thinking and ideals which had
begun sometime before in western Europe. They were at once both a sign and
a cause of further change. The old isolation was at last about to end, and
intercommunication and some common ideas and common feelings were being
brought about. Both those who went and those who remained at home were
deeply stirred by the movement. Christendom as a great international
community, in which all alike were interested in a common ideal and in a
common fight against the infidel, was a new idea now dawning upon the mass
of the people, whereas before it had been but little understood.

The travel to distant lands, the sight of cities of wealth and power, and
the contact with peoples decidedly superior to themselves in civilization,
not only excited the imagination and led to a broadening of the minds of
those who returned, but served as well to raise the general level of
intelligence in western Europe. Some new knowledge also was brought back,
but that was not at the time of great importance. The principal gain came
in the elimination forever of thousands of quarreling, fighting noblemen,
[27] thus giving the kingly power a chance to consolidate holdings and
begin the evolution of modern States; in the marked change of attitude
toward the old problems; in the awakening of a new interest in the present
world; in the creation of new interests and new desires among the common
people; in the awakening of a spirit of religious unity and of national
consciousness; and especially in the awakening of a new intellectual life,
which soon found expression in the organization of universities for study
and in more extensive travel and geographical exploration than the world
had known since the days of ancient Rome. The greatest of all the results,
however, came through the revival of trade, commerce, manufacturing, and
industry in the rising cities of western Europe, with the consequent
evolution of a new and important class of merchants, bankers, and
craftsmen, who formed a new city class and in time developed a new system
of training for themselves and their children.

THE REVIVAL OF CITY LIFE. The old cities of central and northern Italy, as
was stated above, continued through the early Middle Ages as places of
some little local importance. In the eleventh century they overthrew in
large part the rule of their Prince-Bishops, and became little City-
Republics, much after the old Greek model. Outside of Italy almost the
only cities not destroyed during the period of the barbarian invasions
were the episcopal cities, that is cities which were the residences of
bishops.

Outside of Italy the present cities of western Europe either rose on the
ruins of former Roman provincial cities, or originated about some
monastery or castle, on or adjacent to land at one time owned by monks or
feudal lord. An ever-increasing company of peasants, themselves little
more than serfs in the beginning, huddled together in such places for the
protection afforded, and a walled feudal town eventually resulted (R. 94
a). This later, in one way or another, secured its freedom from monastic
control or feudal lord, and evolved into the free city we know to-day.
Originally each little city was a self-sustaining community. The farming
and grazing lands lay outside, while the people were crowded compactly
together within the protecting town walls. The need for walls that could
be manned for defense, gates that could shut out the marauder, the narrow,
dirty streets, and the lack of any sanitary ideas, all alike tended to
keep the towns small. [28] The insecurity of life, the constant warfare,
the repeated failures or destruction of crops without and want within, and
the high death-rate from disease, all kept down the population. A town of
a thousand people in the early Middle Ages was a place of some importance,
while probably no city outside of Italy, excepting Paris and London, had
ten thousand inhabitants before the year 1200. In all England there were
but 2,150,000 people, according to the Domesday Survey (1086), while to-
day the city of London alone contains nearly three times that number.

[Illustration: FIG. 58. A TYPICAL MEDIAEVAL TOWN (PRUSSIAN)
All the elements of a typical mediaeval town are seen here--the walls for
defense, the watch-towers, the churches, the tall cathedral, the castle,
and the high houses huddled together.]

After about the year 1000 a revival of something like city life begins to
be noticeable here and there in the records of the time (R. 94 a), and by
1100 these signs begin to manifest themselves in many places and lands. By
1200 the cities of Europe were numerous, though small, and their
importance in the life of the times [29] was rapidly increasing (R. 94 b).

THE RISE OF A CITY CLASS. As the mediaeval towns increased in size and
importance the inhabitants, being human, demanded rights. Between 1100 and
1200 there were frequent revolts of the people of the mediaeval towns
against their feudal overlord, and frequent demands were made for charters
granting privileges to the towns. Sometimes these insurrections were put
down with a bloody hand. Sometimes, on the contrary, the overlord granted
a charter of rights, willingly or unwillingly, and freed the people from
obligation to labor on the lands in return for a fixed money payment.
Sometimes the king himself granted the inhabitants a charter by way of
curbing the power of the local feudal lord or bishop. The towns became
exceedingly skillful in playing off lord against bishop, and the king
against both. In England, Flanders, France, and Germany some of the towns
had become wealthy enough to purchase their freedom and a charter at some
time when their feudal overlord was particularly in need of money. These
charters, or birth certificates for the towns, were carefully drawn and
officially sealed documents of great value, and were highly prized as
evidences of local liberty. The document created a "free town," and gave
to the inhabitants certain specified rights as to self-government, the
election of magistrates--aldermen, mayor, burgomaster--the levying and
payment of taxes, and the military service to be rendered. Before the
evolution of strong national governments these charters created hundreds
of what were virtually little City-States throughout Europe (R. 95).

In these towns a new estate or class of people was now created (R. 96), in
between the ruling bishops and lords on the one hand and the peasants
tilling the land on the other. These were the citizens--freemen,
bourgeoisie, burghers. Out of this new class of city dwellers new social
orders--merchants, bankers, tradesmen, artisans, and craftsmen--in time
arose, and these new orders soon demanded rights and obtained some form of
education for their children. The guild or apprenticeship education which
early developed in the cities to meet the needs of artisans and craftsmen
(R. 99), and the burgh or city schools of Europe, which began to develop
in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, were the educational results
of the rise of cities and the evolution of these new social classes. The
time would soon be ripe for the mysteries of learning to be passed
somewhat farther down the educational pyramid, and new classes in society
would begin the mastery of its symbols.

[Illustration: FIG. 59. THE EDUCATIONAL PYRAMID
(From Smith, W. R., _Educational Sociology_, p. 176)
The concave pyramid suggests comparative numbers. Formal education began
at the top, and has slowly worked downward.]

THE REVIVAL OF COMMERCE. The first city of mediaeval Europe to obtain
commercial prominence was Venice. She early sold salt and fish obtained
from the lagoons to the Lombards in the Valley of the Po, and sent trading
ships to the Greek East. By the year 1000 Venetian ships were bringing the
luxuries and riches of the Orient to Venice, and the city soon became a
great trading center. There the partially civilized Christian knight
"spent splendidly," and the Bohemian, German, and Hunnish lords came [30]
to buy such of the luxuries of the East as they could afford. By 1100
Venice was a free City-State, the mistress of the Adriatic, and the trade
of the East with Christian Europe passed over her wharves. From the
Crusades she profited greatly, carrying knights eastward in the great
fleet she had developed, and carpets, fabrics, perfumes, spices, dyes,
drugs, silks, and precious stones on the return voyage. From Tana and
Trebizond her traders penetrated far into the interior. Her ships and
merchants "held the Golden East in fee." By 1400 she was the wealthiest
and most powerful city in Europe.

[Illustration: FIG. 60. TRADE ROUTES AND COMMERCIAL CITIES]

Genoa in time became the great rival of Venice. Marseilles also developed
a large trade in the Mediterranean and with the north. From these three
cities trade routes ran to the cities of Flanders, England, and Germany,
as is shown in the map below. By the thirteenth century, Augsburg,
Nuremburg, Magdeburg, Hamburg, Lübeck, Bremen, Antwerp, Ghent, Ypres,
Bruges, and London were developing into great commercial cities. Despite
bad roads, bad bridges, [31] bad inns, "robber knights" and bandits, the
commerce once carried on by Rome with her provinces was reviving. Great
fairs, or yearly markets, came to be held in the large interior towns, to
which merchants came from near and far to display and exchange their
wares, and, still more important, from the standpoint of advancing general
education, to exchange ideas and experiences. The "luxuries" displayed at
these markets by traveling merchants from the south--salt, pepper, spices,
sugar, drugs, dyestuffs, glass beads, glassware, table implements,
perfumes, ornaments, underwear, articles of dress, silks, velvets,
carpets, rugs--dazzled and astounded the simple townspeople of western
Europe. These fairs became educational forces of a high order.

THE REVIVAL OF INDUSTRY AND BANKING. The trading of articles at seaports
and at the interior city fairs came first, and this soon worked a
revolution in industry. Instead of agriculture being almost the only
occupation, and the feeding of the local population the only purpose, with
only such arts and industries practiced as were needed to supply the wants
of the townsmen, it now became possible to create a surplus to barter at
the fairs for luxuries from the outside. Local industries, heretofore of
but little importance, now developed into trades, and the manufacture of
articles for outside sale was begun. At first manufacturing was very
limited in scope, and confined largely to local handicrafts or the
imitation of imported articles, but later new and important industries
arose--the glass industry in Venice, the gold and silver industry of
Florence, the weaving industry at Mainz and Erfurt, and the wool industry
of Flanders. The craftsman and artisan, as well as the merchant and
trader, were now developed in the towns, and soon became important members
of the new social order. As serfs and villeins [32] were set free from the
land [33] they came to the towns, adding more members to the new
industrial classes (R. 96). From 1200 on there was a great revival of
industry in western Europe, and by 1500 merchants and craftsmen had won
back the place once held by merchants and craftsmen in Roman life and
trade.

At Florence a banking class arose, and instead of barter, banks and the
use of money and credit were developed. From Florence this system
gradually extended to the other commercial cities. Gradually the mediaeval
objection to the taking of interest for the use of money, which the Church
had forbidden in the early Middle Ages as "usury" and wicked, was
overcome, and Italian bankers and merchants led the world in the
establishment of that credit which has made modern trade and industry
possible. With money once more in general use as a measure of value, the
Arabic system of notation in use for commercial transactions, and credit
at reasonable interest rates provided as a basis for finance, an era in
trade and commerce and manufacturing set in unknown since the days of
Roman rule. Order, security, and a wider extension of educational
advantages now were needed, and nothing contributed more to securing these
than the growth of wealth and manufacturing industries in the towns, and
the extension of commerce and the use of money throughout the country.
Nothing tends so powerfully to demand or secure these things as the
possession of wealth among a people.

EDUCATION FOR THESE NEW SOCIAL CLASSES. With the evolution of these new
social classes an extension of education took place through the formation
of guilds. [34] The merchants of the Middle Ages traded, not as
individuals, nor as subjects of a State which protected them, for there
were as yet no such States, but as members of the guild of merchants of
their town, or as members of a trading company. Later, towns united to
form trading confederations, of which the Hanseatic League of northern
Germany was a conspicuous example. These burgher merchant guilds became
wealthy and important socially; [35] they were chartered by kings and
given trading privileges analogous to those of a modern corporation (R.
95); they elbowed their way into affairs of State, and in time took over
in large part the city governments; they obtained education for
themselves, and fought with the church authorities for the creation of
independent burgh schools; [36] they began to read books, and books in the
vernacular began to be written for them; [37] they in time vied with the
clergy and the nobility in their patronage of learning; they everywhere
stood with the kings and princes to compel feudal lords to stop warfare
and plundering and to submit to law and order; [38] and they entertained
royal personages and drew nobles, clergy, and gentry into their honorary
membership, thus serving as an important agency in breaking down the
social-class exclusiveness of the Middle Ages. In these guilds, which were
self-governing bodies debating questions and deciding policies and
actions, much elementary political training was given their members which
proved of large importance at a later time.

In the same way the craft guilds rendered a large educational service to
the small merchant and worker, as they provided the technical and social
education of such during the later period of the Middle Ages and in early
modern times, and protected their members from oppression in an age when
oppression was the rule. With the revival of trade and industry craft
guilds arose all over western Europe. One of the first of these was the
candle-makers' guild, organized at Paris in 1061. Soon after we find large
numbers of guilds--masons, shoemakers, harness-makers, bakers, smiths,
wool-combers, tanners, saddlers, spurriers, weavers, goldsmiths,
pewterers, carpenters, leather-workers, cloth-workers, pinners,
fishmongers, butchers, barbers--all organized on much the same plan. These
were the working-men's fraternities or labor unions of mediaeval Europe.
Each trade or craft became organized as a city guild, composed of the
"masters," "journeymen" (paid workmen), and "apprentices." The great
mediaeval document, a charter of rights guaranteeing protection, was
usually obtained. The guild for each trade laid down rules for the number
and training of apprentices, [39] the conditions under which a
"journeyman" could become a "master," [40] rules for conducting the trade,
standards to be maintained in workmanship, prices to be charged, and dues
and obligations of members (R. 97). They supervised work in their craft,
cared for the sick, buried the dead, and looked after the widows and
orphans. Often they provided one or more priests of their own to minister
to the families of their craft, and gradually the custom arose of having
the priest also teach something of the rudiments of religion and learning
to the children of the members. In time money and lands were set aside or
left for such purposes, and a form of chantry school, which later evolved
into a regular school, often with instruction in higher studies added, was
created for the children of members [41] of the guild (R. 98).

APPRENTICESHIP EDUCATION. For centuries after the revival of trade and
industry all manufacturing was on a small scale, and in the home-industry
stage. There was, of course, no machinery, and only the simple tools known
from ancient times were used. In a first-floor room at the back, master,
journeymen, and apprentices working together made the articles which were
sold by the master or the master's wife and daughter in the room in front.
The manufacturer and merchant were one. Apprentices were bound to a master
for a term of years (R. 99), often paying for the training and education
to be received, and the master boarded and lodged both the apprentices and
the paid workmen in the family rooms above the shop and store.

The form of apprenticeship education and training which thus developed,
from an educational point of view, forms for us the important feature of
the history of these craft guilds. With the subdivision of labor and the
development of new trades the craft-guild idea was extended to the new
occupations, and a steady stream of rural labor flowing to the towns was
absorbed by them and taught the elements of social usages, self-
government, and the mastery of a trade. Throughout all the long period up
to the nineteenth century this apprenticeship education in a trade and in
self-government constituted almost the entire formal education the worker
with his hands received. The sons of the barbarian invaders, as well as
their knightly brothers, at last were busy learning the great lessons of
industry, coöperation, and personal loyalty. Here begins, for western
Europe, "the nobility of labor--the long pedigree of toil." So well in
fact did this apprentice system of training and education meet the needs
of the time that it persisted, as was said above, well into the nineteenth
century (Rs. 200, 201, 242, 243), being displaced only by modern power
machinery and systematized factory methods. During the later Middle Ages
and in modern times it rendered an important educational service; in the
later nineteenth century it became such an obstacle to educational and
industrial progress that it has had to be supplemented or replaced by
systematic vocational education.

INFLUENCE OF THESE NEW MOVEMENTS. We thus see, by the end of the twelfth
century, a number of new influences in western Europe which point to an
intellectual awakening and to the rise of a new educated class, separate
from the monks and clergy on the one hand or the nobility on the other,
and to the awakening of Europe to a new attitude toward life. Saracen
learning, filtering across from Spain, had added materially to the
knowledge Europe previously had, and had stimulated new intellectual
interests. Scholasticism had begun its great work of reorganizing and
systematizing theology, which was destined to free philosophy, hitherto
regarded as a dangerous foe or a suspected ally, from theology and to
remake entirely the teaching of the subject. Civil and canon law had been
created as wholly new professional subjects, and the beginnings of the
teaching of medicine had been made. Instead of the old Seven Liberal Arts
and a very limited course of professional study for the clerical office
being the entire curriculum, and Theology the one professional subject, we
now find, by the beginning of the thirteenth century, a number of new and
important professional subjects of large future significance--subjects
destined to break the monopoly of theological study and put an end to
logistic hair-splitting. The next step in the history of education came in
the development of institutions where thinking and teaching could be
carried on free from civil or ecclesiastical control, with the consequent
rise of an independent learned class in western Europe. This came with the
rise of the universities, to which we next turn, and out of which in time
arose the future independent scholarship of Europe, America, and the world
in general.

We also discover a series of new movements, connected with the Crusades,
the rise of cities, and the revival of trade and industry, all of which
clearly mark the close of the dark period of the Middle Ages. We note,
too, the evolution of new social classes--a new Estate--destined in time
to eclipse in importance both priest and noble and to become for long the
ruling classes of the modern world. We also note the beginnings of an
important independent system of education for the hand-workers which
sufficed until the days of steam, machinery, and the evolution of the
factory system. The eleventh and twelfth centuries were turning-points of
great significance in the history of our western civilization, and with
the opening of the wonderful thirteenth century the western world is well
headed toward a new life and modern ways of thinking.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Why is it that a strong religious control is never favorable to
originality in thinking?

2. Show how the work of the Nestorian Christians for the Mohammedan faith
was another example of the Hellenization of the ancient world.

3. Would it be possible for any people anywhere in the world today to make
such advances as were made at Bagdad, in the late eighth and early ninth
centuries, without such work permanently influencing the course of
civilization and learning everywhere? To what is the difference due?

4. What were the chief obstacles to Europe adopting at once the learning
from Mohammedan Spain, instead of waiting centuries to discover this
learning independently?  5. Why did Aristotle's work seem of much greater
value to the mediaeval scholar than the Moslem science? What are the
relative values to-day?

6. Why should the light literature of Spain be spoken of as a gay
contagion? Did this Christian attitude toward fiction and poetry continue
long?

7. In what ways was the _Sic et Non_ of Abelard a complete break with
mediaeval traditions?

8. How did the fact that Dialectic (Logic) now became the great subject of
study in itself denote a marked intellectual advance? What was the
significance of the prominence of this study for the future of thinking?

9. What was the effect on inquiry and individual thinking of the method of
presentation used by Saint Thomas Aquinas in his _Summa Theologica_?

10. How do you explain the all-absorbing interest in scholasticism during
the greater part of a century?

11. State the significance, for the future, of the revival of the study of
Roman law: (a) intellectually; (b) in shaping future civilization.

12. How do you explain the Christian attitude toward disease, and the
scientific treatment of it? Has that attitude entirely passed away?
Illustrate.

13. Why was it such a good thing for the future of civilization in England
and France that so many of its nobility perished in the Crusades?

14. State a number of ways in which the Crusade movements had a beneficial
effect on western Europe.

15. Show how the revival of commerce was an educative and a civilizing
influence of large importance.  16. Would the organization of commerce and
banking, and the establishment of the sanctity of obligations in a
country, be one important measure of the civilization to which that
country had attained? Illustrate.

17. Show how the development of industry and commerce and the accumulation
of wealth tend to promote order and security, and to extend educational
advantages.

18. Contrast a mediaeval guild and a modern labor union. A guild and a
modern fraternal and benevolent society.

19. Why did apprenticeship education continue so long with so little
change, when it is now so rapidly being superseded?

20. Does the rise of a new Estate in society indicate a period of slow or
rapid change? Why is such an evolution of importance for education and
civilization?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  85. Draper: The Moslem Civilization in Spain.
  86. Draper: Learning among the Moslems in Spain.
  87. Norton: Works of Aristotle known by 1300.
  88. Averroës: On Aristotle's Greatness.
  89. Roger Bacon: How Aristotle was received at Oxford.
  90. Statutes: How Aristotle was received at Paris.
      (a) Decree of Church Council, 1210 A.D.
      (b) Statutes of Papal Legate, 1215 A.D.
      (c) Statutes of Pope Gregory, 1231 A.D.
      (d) Statutes of the Masters of Arts, 1254 A.D.
  91. Cousin: Abelard's _Sic et Non_.
      (a) From the Introduction.
      (b) Types of Questions raised for Debate.
  92. Rashdall: The Great Work of the Schoolmen.
  93. Justinian: Preface to the Justinian Code.
  94. Giry and Réville: The Early Mediaeval Town.
      (a) To the Eleventh Century.
      (b) By the Thirteenth Century.
  95. Gross: An English Town Charter.
  96. London: Oath of a New Freeman in a Mediaeval Town.
  97. Riley: Ordinances of the White-Tawyers' Guild.
  98. State Report: School of the Guild of Saint Nicholas.
  99. England, 1396: A Mediaeval Indenture of Apprenticeship.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Contrast the state of civilization in Spain and the rest of Europe
about 1100 (85, 86).

2. Considering Aristotle's great intellectual worth (88) and work (87), is
it to be wondered that the mediaevals regarded him with such reverence?

3. Do we today accept Abelard's premise (91 a) as to attaining wisdom?
Would his questions (91 b) excite much interest to-day?

4. How do you explain the change in attitude toward him shown by the
successive statutes enacted (90 a-d) for the University of Paris?

5. Would the extract from Roger Bacon (89) lead you to think him a man
ahead of the times in which he lived? Why?

6. Did scholasticism represent the innocent intellectual activity, from
the Church point of view, pictured by Rashdall (92)?

7. What were the main things Justinian hoped to accomplish by the
preparation of the great Code, as set forth in the Preface (93)?

8. Characterize the mediaeval town by the eleventh century (94 a). What
was the nature of the progress from that time to the thirteenth century
(94 b)?

9. What were the chief privileges contained in the town charter of
Walling-ford (95), and what position does it indicate was held by the
guild-merchant therein?

10. What does the oath of a freeman (96) indicate as to social conditions?

11. State the chief regulations imposed on its members by the White-
Tawyers' Guild (97). Compare these regulations with those of a modern
labor union, such as the plumbers. With a fraternal order, such as the
Masons.

12. What is indicated as to the educational advantages provided by the
Guild of Saint Nicholas, in the city of Worcester, by the extract (98)
taken from the Report of the King's Commissioner?

13. Does a comparison of Readings 99, 201, and 242 indicate a static
condition of apprenticeship education for centuries?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_.
  Ameer, Ali. _A Short History of the Saracens_.
* Ashley, W. J. _Introduction to English Economic History_.
  Cutts, Edw. L. _Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages_.
* Gautier, Léon. _Chivalry_.
* Giry, A., and Réville, A. _Emancipation of the Mediaeval Towns_.
  Hibbert, F. A. _Influence and Development of English Guilds_.
* Hume, M. A. S. _The Spanish People_.
* Lavisse, Ernest. _Mediaeval Commerce and Industry_.
* MacCabe, Jos. _Peter Abelard_.
* Munro, D. C., and Sellery, G. E. _Mediaeval Civilization_.
  Poole, R. L. _Illustrations of Mediaeval Thought_.
* Rashdall, H. _Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_, vol. I.
  Routledge, R. _Popular History of Science_.
  Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. i.
  Scott, J. F. _Historical Essays on Apprenticeship and Vocational
    Education_. (England.)
* Sedgwick, W. J., and Tyler, H. W. _A Short History of Science_.
  Taylor, H. C. _The Mediaeval Mind_.
  Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_.
  Townsend, W. J. _The Great Schoolmen of the Middle Ages_.




CHAPTER IX

THE RISE OF THE UNIVERSITIES


EVOLUTION OF THE _STUDIUM GENERALE_. In the preceding chapter we described
briefly the new movement toward association which characterized the
eleventh and the twelfth centuries--the municipal movement, the merchant
guilds, the trade guilds, etc. These were doing for civil life what
monasticism had earlier done for the religious life. They were collections
of like-minded men, who united themselves into associations or guilds for
mutual benefit, protection, advancement, and self-government within the
limits of their city, business, trade, or occupation. This tendency toward
association, in the days when state government was weak or in its infancy,
was one of the marked features of the transition time from the early
period of the Middle Ages, when the Church was virtually the State, to the
later period of the Middle Ages, when the authority of the Church in
secular matters was beginning to weaken, modern nations were beginning to
form, and an interest in worldly affairs was beginning to replace the
previous inordinate interest in the world to come.

We also noted in the preceding chapters that certain cathedral and
monastery schools, but especially the cathedral schools, [1] stimulated by
the new interest in Dialectic, were developing into much more than local
teaching institutions designed to afford a supply of priests of some
little education for the parishes of the bishopric. Once York and later
Canterbury, in England, had had teachers who attracted students from other
bishoprics. Paris had for long been a famous center for the study of the
Liberal Arts and of Theology. Saint Gall had become noted for its music.
Theologians coming from Paris (1167-68) had given a new impetus to study
among the monks at Oxford. A series of political events in northern Italy
had given emphasis to the study of law in many cities, and the Moslems in
Spain had stimulated the schools there and in southern France to a study
of medicine and Aristotelian science. Rome was for long a noted center for
study. Gradually these places came to be known as _studia publica_, or
_studia generalia_, meaning by this a generally recognized place of study,
where lectures were open to any one, to students of all countries and of
all conditions. [2] Traveling students came to these places from afar to
hear some noted teacher read and comment on the famous textbooks of the
time.

From the first both teachers and students had been considered as members
of the clergy, and hence had enjoyed the privileges and immunities
extended to that class, but, now that the students were becoming so
numerous and were traveling so far, some additional grant of protection
was felt to be desirable. Accordingly the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa,
[3] in 1158, issued a general proclamation of privileges and protection
(R. 101). In this he ordered that teachers and students traveling "to the
places in which the studies are carried on" should be protected from
unjust arrest, should be permitted to "dwell in security," and in case of
suit should be tried "before their professors or the bishop of the city."
This document marks the beginning of a long series of rights and
privileges granted to the teachers and students of the universities now in
process of evolution in western Europe.

THE UNIVERSITY EVOLUTION. The development of a university out of a
cathedral or some other form of school represented, in the Middle Ages, a
long local evolution. Universities were not founded then as they are to-
day. A teacher of some reputation drew around him a constantly increasing
body of students. Other teachers of ability, finding a student body
already there, also "set up their chairs" and began to teach. Other
teachers and more students came. In this way a _studium_ was created.
About these teachers in time collected other university servants--
"bedells, librarians, lower officials, preparers of parchment, scribes,
illuminators of parchment, and others who serve it," as Count Rupert
enumerated them in the Charter of Foundation granted, in 1386, to
Heidelberg (R. 103). At Salerno, as we have already seen (p. 199), medical
instruction arose around the work of Constantine of Carthage and the
medicinal springs found in the vicinity. Students journeyed there from
many lands, and licenses to practice the medical art were granted there as
early as 1137. At Bologna, we have also seen (p. 195), the work of
Irnerius and Gratian early made this a great center for the study of civil
and canon law, and their pupils spread the taste for these new subjects
throughout Europe. Paris for two centuries had been a center for the study
of the Arts and of Theology, and a succession of famous teachers--William
of Champeaux, Abelard, Peter the Lombard--had taught there. So important
was the theological teaching there that Paris has been termed "the Sinai
of instruction" of the Middle Ages.

By the beginning of the thirteenth century both students and teachers had
become so numerous, at a number of places in western Europe, that they
began to adopt the favorite mediaeval practice and organized themselves
into associations, or guilds, for further protection from extortion and
oppression and for greater freedom from regulation by the Church. They now
sought and obtained additional privileges for themselves, and, in
particular, the great mediaeval document--a charter of rights and
privileges. [4] As both teachers and students were for long regarded as
_clerici_ the charters were usually sought from the Pope, but in some
cases they were obtained from the king. [5] These associations of
scholars, or teachers, or both, "born of the need of companionship which
men who cultivate their intelligence feel," sought to perform the same
functions for those who studied and taught that the merchant and craft
guilds were performing for their members. The ruling idea was association
for protection, and to secure freedom for discussion and study; the
obtaining of corporate rights and responsibilities; and the organization
of a system of apprenticeship, based on study and developing through
journeyman into mastership, [6] as attested by an examination and the
license to teach. In the rise of these teacher and student guilds [7] we
have the beginnings of the universities of western Europe, and their
organization into chartered teaching groups (R. 100) was simply another
phase of that great movement toward the association of like-minded men for
worldly purposes which began to sweep over the rising cities in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. [8]

The term _universitas_, or _university_, which came in time to be applied
to these associations of masters and apprentices in study, was a general
Roman legal term, practically equivalent to our modern word _corporation_.
At first it was applied to any association, and when used with reference
to teachers and scholars was so stated. Thus, in addressing the masters
and students at Paris, Pope Innocent, in 1205, writes: "_Universis
magistris et scholaribus Parisiensibus_", that is, "to the corporation of
masters and scholars at Paris." Later the term _university_ became
restricted to the meaning which we give it to-day.

The university mothers. Though this movement for association and the
development of advanced study had manifested itself in a number of places
by the close of the twelfth century, two places in particular led all the
others and became types which were followed in charters and in new
creations. These were Bologna and Paris. [9] After one or the other of
these two nearly all the universities of western Europe were modeled.
Bologna or Paris, or one of their immediate children, served as a pattern.
Thus Bologna was the university mother for almost all the Italian
universities; for Montpellier and Grenoble in southern France; for some of
the Spanish universities; and for Glasgow, Upsala, Cracow, and for the Law
Faculty at Oxford. Paris was the university mother for Oxford, and through
her Cambridge; for most of the northern French universities; for the
university of Toulouse, which in turn became the mother for other southern
French and northern Spanish universities; for Lisbon and Coimbra in
Portugal; for the early German universities at Prague, Vienna, Cologne,
and Heidelberg; and through Cologne for Copenhagen. Through one of the
colleges at Cambridge--Emmanuel--she became, indirectly, the mother of a
new Cambridge in America--Harvard--founded in 1636. Figure 61 shows the
location of the chief universities founded before 1600. Viewed from the
standpoint of instruction, Paris was followed almost entirely in Theology,
and Bologna in Law, while the three centers which most influenced the
development of instruction in medicine were Salerno, Montpellier, and
Salamanca.

[Illustration: FIG. 61. SHOWING LOCATION OF THE CHIEF UNIVERSITIES FOUNDED
BEFORE 1600]

While the earlier universities gradually arose as the result of a long
local evolution, it in time became common for others to be founded by a
migration of professors from an older university to some cathedral city
having a developing _studium_. In the days when a university consisted
chiefly of master and students, when lectures could be held in any kind of
a building or collection of buildings, and when there were no libraries,
laboratories, campus, or other university property to tie down an
institution, it was easy to migrate. Thus, in 1209, the school at
Cambridge was created a university by a secession of masters from Oxford,
much as bees swarm from a hive. Sienna, Padua, Reggio, Vicenza, Arezzo
resulted from "swarmings" from Bologna; and Vercelli from Vicenza. In
1228, after a student riot at Paris which provoked reprisals from the
city, many of the masters and students went to the studium towns of
Angers, Orleans, and Rheims, and universities were established at the
first two. Migrations from Prague helped establish many of the German
universities. In this way the university organization was spread over
Europe. In 1200 there were but six _studia generalia_ which can be
considered as having evolved into universities--Salerno, Bologna, and
Reggio, in Italy; Paris and Montpellier, in France; and Oxford, in
England. By 1300 eight more had evolved in Italy, three more in France,
Cambridge in England, and five in Spain and Portugal. By 1400 twenty-two
additional universities had developed, five of which were in German lands,
and by 1500 thirty-five more had been founded, making a total of eighty.
By 1600 the total had been raised to one hundred and eight (R. 100, for
list by countries, dates, and method of founding). Some of these
(approximately thirty) afterwards died, while in the following centuries
additional ones were created. [10]

PRIVILEGES AND IMMUNITIES GRANTED. The grant of privileges to physicians
and teachers made by the Emperor Constantine, in 333 A.D. (R. 26), and the
privileges and immunities granted to the clergy (_clerici_) by the early
Christian Roman Emperors (R. 38), doubtless formed a basis for the many
grants of special privileges made to the professors and students in the
early universities. The document promulgated by Frederick Barbarossa, in
1158 (R. 101), began the granting of privileges to the _studia generalia_,
and this was followed by numerous other grants. The grant to students of
freedom from trial by the city authorities, and the obligation of every
citizen of Paris to seize any one seen striking a student, granted by
Philip Augustus, in 1200 (R. 102), is another example, widely followed, of
the bestowal of large privileges. Count Rupert I, in founding the
University of Heidelberg, in 1386, granted many privileges, exempted the
students from "any duty, levy, imposts, tolls, excises, or other exactions
whatever" while coming to, studying at, or returning home from the
university (R. 103). The exemption from taxation (R. 104) became a matter
of form, and was afterwards followed in the chartering of American
colleges (R. 187). Exemption from military service also was granted.

So valuable an asset was a university to a city, and so easy was it for a
university to move almost overnight, that cities often, and at times even
nations, encouraged not only the founding of universities, but also the
migration of both faculties and students. An interesting case of a city
bidding for the presence of a university is that of Vercelli (R. 105),
which made a binding agreement, as a part of the city charter, whereby the
city agreed with a body of masters and students "swarming" from Padua to
loan the students money at lower than the regular rates, to see that there
was plenty of food in the markets at no increase in prices, and to protect
the students from injustice. An instance of bidding by a State is the case
of Cambridge, which obtained quite an addition by the coming of striking
Paris masters and students in 1229, in response to the pledge of King
Henry III (R. 109), who "humbly sympathized with them for their sufferings
at Paris," and promised them that if they would come "to our kingdom of
England and remain there to study" he would assign to them "cities,
boroughs, towns, whatsoever you may wish to select, and in every fitting
way will cause you to rejoice in a state of liberty and tranquillity."

One of the most important privileges which the universities early
obtained, and a rather singular one at that, was the right of _cessatio_,
which meant the right to stop lectures and go on a strike as a means of
enforcing a redress of grievances against either town or church authority
(R. 107). This right was for long jealously guarded by the university, and
frequently used to defend itself from the smallest encroachments on its
freedom to teach, study, and discipline the members of its guild as it saw
fit, and often the right not to discipline them at all. Often the
_cessatio_ was invoked on very trivial grounds, as in the case of the
Oxford _cessatio_ of 1209 (R. 108), the Paris _cessatio_ of 1229 (R. 109),
and the numerous other _cessationes_ which for two centuries [11]
repeatedly disturbed the continuity of instruction at Paris.

DEGREES IN THE GUILD. The most important of the university rights,
however, was the right to examine and license its own teachers (R. 110),
and to grant the license to teach (Rs. 111, 112). Founded as the
universities were after the guild model, they were primarily places for
the taking of apprentices in the Arts, developing them into journeymen and
masters, and certifying to their proficiency in the teaching craft. [12]
Their purpose at first was to prepare teachers, and the giving of
instruction to students for cultural ends, or a professional training for
practical use aside from teaching the subject, was a later development.

Accordingly it came about in time that, after a number of years of study
in the Arts under some master, a student was permitted to present himself
for a test as to his ability to define words, determine the meaning of
phrases, and read the ordinary Latin texts in Grammar, Rhetoric, and Logic
(the _Trivium_), to the satisfaction of other masters than his own. In
England this test came to be known by the term _determine_. Its passage
was equivalent to advancing from apprenticeship to the ranks of a
journeyman, and the successful candidate might now be permitted to assist
the master, or even give some elementary instruction himself while
continuing his studies. He now became an assistant or companion, and by
the fourteenth century was known as a _baccalaureus_, a term used in the
Church, in chivalry, and in the guilds, and which meant a _beginner_.
There was at first, though, no thought of establishing an examination and
a new degree for the completion of this first step in studies. The
bachelor's degree was a later development, sought at first by those not
intending to teach, and eventually erected into a separate degree.

When the student had finally heard a sufficient number of courses, as
required by the statutes of his guild, he might present himself for
examination for the teaching license. This was a public trial, and took
the form of a public disputation on some stated thesis, in the presence of
the masters, and against all comers. It was the student's "masterpiece,"
analogous to the masterpiece of any other guild, and he submitted it to a
jury of the masters of his craft. [13] Upon his masterpiece being adjudged
satisfactory, he also became a master in his craft, was now able to define
and dispute, was formally admitted to the highest rank in the teaching
guild, might have a seal, and was variously known as master, doctor, or
professor, all of which were once synonymous terms. [14] If he wished to
prepare himself for teaching one of the professional subjects he studied
still further, usually for a number of years, in one of the professional
faculties, and in time he was declared to be a Doctor of Law, or Medicine,
or of Theology.

[Illustration: FIG 62. SEAL OF A DOCTOR, UNIVERSITY OF PARIS]

THE TEACHING FACULTIES. The students for a long time grouped themselves
for better protection (and aggression) according to the nation from which
they came, [15] and each "nation" elected a _councilor_ to look after the
interests of its members. Between the different nations there were
constant quarrels, insults were passed back and forth, and much bad blood
engendered. [16] On the side of the masters the organization was by
teaching subjects, and into what came to be known as _faculties_. [17]
Thus there came to be four faculties in a fully organized mediaeval
university, representing the four great divisions of knowledge which had
been evolved--Arts, Law, Medicine, and Theology. Each faculty elected a
_dean_, and the deans and councilors elected a _rector_, who was the head
or president of the university. The _chancellor_, the successor of the
cathedral school _scholasticus_, was usually appointed by the Pope and
represented the Church, and a long struggle ensued between the rector and
the chancellor to see who should be the chief authority in the university.
The rector was ultimately victorious, and the position of chancellor
became largely an honorary position of no real importance.

[Illustration: FIG. 63. NEW COLLEGE, AT OXFORD
One of the oldest of the Oxford colleges, having been founded in 1379. The
picture shows the chapel, cloisters (consecrated in 1400), and a tall
tower, once forming a part of the Oxford city walls. Note the similarity
of this early college to a monastery, as in Plate 1.]

The Arts Faculty was the successor of the old cathedral-school instruction
in the Seven Liberal Arts, and was found in practically all the
universities. The Law Faculty embraced civil and canon law, as worked out
at Bologna. The Medical Faculty taught the knowledge of the medical art,
as worked out at Salerno and Montpellier. The Theological Faculty, the
most important of the four, prepared learned men for the service of the
Church, and was for some two centuries controlled by the scholastics. The
Arts Faculty was preparatory to the other three. As Latin was the language
of the classroom, and all the texts were Latin texts, a reading and
speaking knowledge of Latin was necessary before coming to the university
to study. This was obtained from a study of the first of the Seven Arts--
Grammar--in some monastery, cathedral, or other type of school. Thus a
knowledge of Latin formed practically the sole requirement for admission
to the mediaeval university, and continued to be the chief admission
requirement in our universities up to the nineteenth century (R. 186 a).
In Europe it is still of great importance as a preparatory subject, but in
South American countries it is not required at all.

Very few of the universities, in the beginning, had all four of these
faculties. The very nature of the evolution of the earlier ones precluded
this. Thus Bologna had developed into a _studium generale_ from its
prominence in law, and was virtually constituted a university in 1158, but
it did not add Medicine until 1316, or Theology until 1360. Paris began
sometime before 1200 as an arts school, Theology with some instruction in
Canon Law was added by 1208, a Law Faculty in 1271, and a Medical Faculty
in 1274. Montpellier began as a medical school sometime in the twelfth
century. Law followed a little later, a teacher from Bologna "setting up
his chair" there. Arts was organized by 1242. A sort of theological school
began in 1263, but it was not chartered as a faculty until 1421. So it was
with many of the early universities. These four traditional faculties were
well established by the fourteenth century, and continued as the typical
form of university organization until modern times. With the great
university development and the great multiplication of subjects of study
which characterized the nineteenth century, many new faculties and schools
and colleges have had to be created, particularly in the United States, in
response to new modern demands. [18]

NATURE OF THE INSTRUCTION. The teaching material in each faculty was much
as we have already indicated. After the recovery of the works of Aristotle
he came to dominate the instruction in the Faculty of Arts. [19] The
Statutes of Paris, in 1254, giving the books to be read for the A.B. and
the A.M. degrees (R. 113), show how fully Aristotle had been adopted there
as the basis for instruction in Logic, Ethics, and Natural Philosophy by
that time. The books required for these two degrees at Leipzig, in 1410
(R. 114), show a much better-balanced course of instruction, though the
time requirements given for each subject show how largely Aristotle
predominated there also. Oxford (R. 115) kept up better the traditions of
the earlier Seven Liberal Arts in its requirements, and classified the new
works of Aristotle in three additional "philosophies"--natural, moral, and
metaphysical. From four to seven years were required to complete the arts
course, though the tendency was to reduce the length of the arts course as
secondary schools below the university were evolved. [20]

In the Law Faculty, after Theology the largest and most important of all
the faculties in the mediaeval university, the _Corpus Juris Civilis_ of
Justinian (p. 195) and the _Decretum_ of Gratian (p. 196) were the
textbooks read, with perhaps a little more practical work in discussion
than in Arts or Medicine. The Oxford course of study in both Civil and
Canon Law (R. 116 b-c) gives a good idea as to what was required for
degrees in one of the best of the early law faculties.

In the Medical Faculty a variety of books--translations of Hippocrates (p.
197), Galen (p. 198), Avicenna (p. 198), and the works of certain writers
at Salerno and Jewish and Moslem writers in Spain--were read and lectured
on. The list of medical books used at Montpellier, [21] in 1340, which at
that time was the foremost place for medical instruction in western
Europe, shows the book-nature and the extent of the instruction given at
the leading school of medicine of the time. It was, moreover, customary at
Montpellier for the senior students to spend a summer in visiting the sick
and doing practical work. We have here the merest beginnings of clinical
instruction and hospital service, and at this stage medical instruction
remained until quite modern times. The medical courses at Paris (R. 117)
and Oxford (R. 116 d) were less satisfactory, only book instruction being
required.

[Illustration: FIG. 64. A LECTURE ON CIVIL LAW BY GUILLAUME BENEDICTI
(After a sixteenth-century wood engraving, now in the National Library,
Paris, Cabinet of Designs)]

Both Law and Medicine were so dominated by the scholastic ideal and
methods that neither accomplished what might have been possible in a freer
atmosphere.

In the Theological Faculty the _Sentences_ of Peter Lombard (p. 189) and
the _Summa Theologiae_ of Thomas Aquinas (p. 191) were the textbooks used.
The Bible was at first also used somewhat, but later came to be largely
overshadowed by the other books and by philosophical discussions and
debates on all kinds of hair-splitting questions, kept carefully within
the limits prescribed by the Church. The requirements at Oxford (R. 116 a)
give the course of instruction in one of the best of the theological
faculties of the time. The teachers were scholastics, and scholastic
methods and ideals everywhere prevailed. Roger Bacon's (1214-1294)
criticism of this type of theological study (R. 118), which he calls
"horse loads, not at all [in consonance] with the most holy text of God,"
and "philosophical, both in substance and method," gives an idea of the
kind of instruction which came to prevail in the theological faculties
under the dominance of the scholastic philosophers.

Years of study were required in each of these three professional
faculties, as is shown by the statement of requirements as given for
Montpellier, Paris (R. 117), and Oxford (R. 116 a).

[Illustration: FIG. 65. LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LEYDEN, IN HOLLAND
(After an engraving by J. C. Woudanus, dated 1610)
This shows well the chained books, and a common type of bookcase in use in
monasteries, churches, and higher schools. Counting 35 books to the case,
this shows a library of 35 volumes on mathematics; 70 volumes each on
literature, philosophy, and medicine; 140 volumes of historical books; 175
volumes on civil and canon law; and 160 volumes on theology, or a total of
770 volumes--a good-sized library for the time.]

METHODS OF INSTRUCTION. A very important reason why so long a period of
study was required in each of the professional faculties, as well as in
the Faculty of Arts, is to be found in the lack of textbooks and the
methods of instruction followed. While the standard textbooks were
becoming much more common, due to much copying and the long-continued use
of the same texts, they were still expensive and not owned by many. [22]

[Illustration: PLATE 4. A LECTURE ON THEOLOGY BY ALBERTUS MAGNUS
An illuminated picture in a manuscript of 1310, now in the royal
collection of copper engravings, at Berlin. The master in his chair is
here shown "reading" to his students.]

To provide a loan collection of theological books for poor students we
find, in 1271, a gift by will to the University of Paris (R. 119) of a
private library, containing twenty-seven books. Even if the students
possessed books, the master "read" [23] and commented from his "gloss" at
great length on the texts being studied. Besides the mere text each
teacher had a "gloss" or commentary for it--that is, a mass of explanatory
notes, summaries, cross-references, opinions by others, and objections to
the statements of the text. The "gloss" was a book in itself, often larger
than the text, and these standard glosses, [24] or commentaries, were used
in the university instruction for centuries. In Theology and Canon Law
they were particularly extensive.

All instruction, too, was in Latin. The professor read from the Latin text
and gloss, repeating as necessary, and to this the student listened.
Sometimes he read so slowly that the text could be copied, but in 1355
this method was prohibited at Paris (R. 121), and students who tried to
force the masters to follow it "by shouting or whistling or raising a din,
or by throwing stones," were to be suspended for a year. The first step in
the instruction was a minute and subtle analysis of the text itself, in
which each line was dissected, analyzed, and paraphrased, and the comments
on the text by various authors were set forth. Next all passages capable
of two interpretations were thrown into the form of a question; _pro_ and
_contra_, after the manner of Abelard. The arguments on each side were
advanced, and the lecturer's conclusion set forth and defended. The text
was thus worked over day after day in minute detail. Having as yet but
little to teach, the masters made the most of what they had. A good
example of the mediaeval plan of university instruction is found in the
announcement of Odofredus, a distinguished teacher of Law at Bologna,
about the middle of the thirteenth century, which Rashdall thinks is
equally applicable to methods in other subjects. Odofredus says:

    First, I shall give you summaries of each title before I proceed to
    the text; secondly, I shall give you as clear and explicit a statement
    as I can of the purport of each Law (included in the title); thirdly,
    I shall read the text with a view to correcting it; fourthly, I shall
    briefly repeat the contents of the Law; fifthly, I shall solve
    apparent contradictions, adding any general principles of Law (to be
    extracted from the passage), and any distinctions and subtle and
    useful problems arising out of the Law with their solutions, as far as
    the Divine Providence shall enable me. And if any Law shall seem
    deserving, by reason of its celebrity or difficulty, of a Repetition,
    I shall reserve it for an evening Repetition.

It will be seen that both students and professors were bound to the text,
as were the teachers of the Seven Liberal Arts in the cathedral schools
before them. There was no appeal to the imagination, still less to
observation, experiment, or experience. Each generation taught what it had
learned, except that from time to time some thinker made a new
organization, or some new body of knowledge was unearthed and added.

Another method much used was the debate, or disputation, and participation
in a number of these was required for degrees (R. 116). These disputations
were logical contests, not unlike a modern debate, in which the students
took sides, cited authorities, and summarized arguments, all in Latin.
Sometimes a student gave an exhibition in which he debated both sides of a
question, and summarized the argument, after the manner of the professors.
As a corrective to the memorization of lectures and texts, these
disputations served a useful purpose in awakening intellectual vigor and
logical keenness. They were very popular until into the sixteenth century,
when new subject-matter and new ways of thinking offered new opportunities
for the exercise of the intellect.

[Illustration: FIG. 66. A UNIVERSITY DISPUTATION
(From Fick's _Auf Deutschland's Höhen Schulen_)]

In teaching equipment there was almost nothing at first, and but little
for centuries to come. Laboratories, workshops, _gymnasia_, good buildings
and classrooms--all alike were equally unknown. Time schedules of lectures
(Rs. 122, 123) came in but slowly, in such matters each professor being a
free lance. Nor were there any libraries at first, though in time these
developed. For a long time books were both expensive and scarce (Rs. 78,
119, 120). After the invention of printing (first book printed in 1456),
university libraries increased rapidly and soon became the chief feature
of the university equipment. Figure 65 shows the library of the University
of Leyden, in Holland, thirty-five years after its foundation, and about
one hundred and fifty years after the beginnings of printing. It shows a
rather large increase in the size of book collections [25] after the
introduction of printing, and a good library organization.

[ILLUSTRATION: FIG 67. A UNIVERSITY LECTURE AND LECTURE ROOM
(From a woodcut printed at Strassburg, 1608)]

VALUE OF THE TRAINING GIVEN. Measured in terms of modern standards the
instruction was undoubtedly poor, unnecessarily drawn out, and the
educational value low. We could now teach as much information, and in a
better manner, in but a fraction of the time then required. Viewed also by
the standards of instruction in the higher schools of Greece and Rome the
conditions were almost equally bad. Viewed, though, from the standpoint of
what had prevailed in western Europe during the dark period of the early
Middle Ages, it represented a marked advance in method and content--except
in pure literature, where there was an undoubted decline due to the
absorbing interest in Dialectic--and it particularly marked a new spirit,
as nearly critical as the times would allow. Despite the heterogeneous and
but partially civilized student body, youthful and but poorly prepared for
study, the drunkenness and fighting, the lack of books and equipment, the
large classes and the poor teaching methods, and the small amount of
knowledge which formed the grist for their mills and which they ground
exceeding small, these new universities held within themselves, almost in
embryo form, the largest promise for the intellectual future of western
Europe which had appeared since the days of the old universities of the
Hellenic world (R. 124). In these new institutions knowledge was not only
preserved and transmitted, but was in time to be tremendously advanced and
extended. They were the first organizations to break the monopoly of the
Church in learning and teaching; they were the centers to which all new
knowledge gravitated; under their shadow thousands of young men found
intellectual companionship and in their classrooms intellectual
stimulation; and in encouraging "laborious subtlety, heroic industry, and
intense application", even though on very limited subject-matter, and in
training "men to think and work rather than to enjoy" (R. 124), they were
preparing for the time when western Europe should awaken to the riches of
Greece and Rome and to a new type of intellectual life of its own. From
these beginnings the university organization has persisted and grown and
expanded, and to-day stands, the Synagogue and the Catholic Church alone
excepted, as the oldest organized institution of human society.

The manifest tendency of the universities toward speculation, though for
long within limits approved by the Church, was ultimately to awaken
inquiry, investigation, rational thinking, and to bring forth the modern
spirit. The preservation and transmission of knowledge was by the
university organization transferred from the monastery to the school, from
monks to doctors, and from the Church to a body of logically trained men,
only nominally members of the _clerici_. Their successors would in time
entirely break away from connections with either Church or State, and
stand forth as the independent thinkers and scholars in the arts,
sciences, professions, and even in Theology. University graduates in
Medicine would in time wage a long struggle against bigotry to lay the
foundations of modern medicine. Graduates in Law would contend with kings
and feudal lords for larger privileges for the as yet lowly common man,
and would help to usher in a period of greater political equality. The
university schools of Theology were in time to send forth the keenest
critics of the practices of the Church. Out of the university cloisters
were to come the men--Dante, Petrarch, Wycliffe, Huss, Luther, Calvin,
Copernicus, Galileo, Newton--who were to usher in the modern spirit.

The universities as a public force. Almost from the first the universities
availed themselves of their privileges and proclaimed a bold independence.
The freedom from arrest and trial by the civil authorities for petty
offenses, or even for murder, and the right to go on a strike if in any
way interfered with, were but beginnings in independence in an age when
such independence seemed important. These rights were in time given up,
[26] and in their place the much more important rights of liberty to study
as truth seemed to lead, freedom in teaching as the master saw the truth,
and the right to express themselves as an institution on public questions
which seemed to concern them, were slowly but definitely taken on in place
of the earlier privileges. Virtually a new type of members of society--a
new Estate--was evolved, ranking with Church, State, and nobility, and
this new Estate soon began to express itself in no uncertain tones on
matters which concerned both Church and State. The universities were
democratic in organization and became democratic in spirit, representing a
heretofore unknown and unexpressed public opinion in western Europe. They
did not wait to be asked; they gave their opinions unsolicited. "The
authority of the University of Paris," writes one contemporary, "has risen
to such a height that it is necessary to satisfy it, no matter on what
conditions." The university "wanted to meddle with the government of the
Pope, the King, and everything else," writes another. We find Paris
intervening repeatedly in both church and state affairs, [27] and
representing French nationality before it had come into being, as the so-
called Holy Roman Empire represented the Germans, and the Papacy
represented the Italians. In Montpellier, professors of Law were
considered as knights, and after twenty years of practice they became
counts. In Bologna we find the professors of Law one of the three
assemblies of the city. Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, and the Scottish
universities were given representation in Parliament. The German
universities were from the first prominent in political affairs, and in
the reformation struggle of the early sixteenth century they were the
battle-grounds.

In an age of oppression these university organizations stood for freedom.
In an age of force they began the substitution of reason. In the centuries
from the end of the Dark Ages to the Reformation they were the homes of
free thought. They early assumed national character and proclaimed a bold
independence. Questions of State and Church they discussed with a freedom
before unknown. They presented their grievances to both kings and popes,
from both they obtained new privileges, to both they freely offered their
advice, and sometimes both were forced to do their bidding. At times
important questions of State, such as the divorce of Philip of France and
that of Henry VIII of England, were submitted to them for decision. They
were not infrequently called upon to pass upon questions of doctrine or
heresy. "Kings and princes," says Rashdall, in an excellent summary as to
the value and influence of the mediaeval university instruction (R. 124),
"found their statesmen and men of business in the universities, most
often, no doubt, among those trained in the practical science of Law."
Talleyrand is said to have asserted that "their theologians made the best
diplomats." For the first time since the downfall of Rome the
administration of human affairs was now placed once more in the hands of
educated men. By the interchange of students from all lands and their
hospitality, such as it was, to the stranger, the universities tended to
break down barriers and to prepare Europe for larger intercourse and for
more of a common life.

On the masses of the people, of course, they had little or no influence,
and could not have for centuries to come. Their greatest work, as has been
the case with universities ever since their foundation, was that of
drawing to their classrooms the brightest minds of the times, the most
capable and the most industrious, and out of this young raw material
training the leaders of the future in Church and State. Educationally, one
of their most important services was in creating a surplus of teachers in
the Arts who had to find a market for their abilities in the rising
secondary schools. These developed rapidly after 1200, and to these we owe
a somewhat more general diffusion of the little learning and the
intellectual training of the time. In preparing future leaders for State
and Church in law, theology, and teaching, the universities, though
sometimes opposed and their opinions ignored, nevertheless contributed
materially to the making and moulding of national history. The first great
result of their work in training leaders we see in the Renaissance
movement of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, to which we next turn.
In this movement for a revival of the ancient learning, and the subsequent
movements for a purer and a better religious life, the men trained by the
universities were the leaders.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Why would the _studia publica_ tend to attract a different type of
scholar than those in the monasteries, and gradually to supersede them in
importance?

2. Show how the mediaeval university was a gradual and natural evolution,
as distinct from a founded university of to-day.

3. Show that the university charter was a first step toward independence
from church and state control.

4. Show the relation between the system of apprenticeship developed for
student and teacher in a mediaeval university, and the stages of student
and teacher in a university of to-day.

5. Show how the chartered university of the Middle Ages was an
"association of like-minded men for worldly purposes."

6. To what university mother does Harvard go back, ultimately?

7. Show how the English and the German universities are extreme evolutions
from the mediaeval type, and our American universities a combination of
the two extremes.

8. Do university professors to-day have privileges akin to those granted
professors in a mediaeval university?

9. What has caused the old Arts Faculty to break up into so many groups,
whereas Law, Medicine, and Theology have stayed united?

10. Do universities, when founded to-day, usually start with all four of
the mediaeval faculties represented?

11. Which of the professional faculties has changed most in the nature and
character of its instruction? Why has this been so?

12. Enumerate a number of different things which have enabled the modern
university greatly to shorten the period of instruction?

13. Aside from differences in teachers, why are some university subjects
today taught much more compactly and economically than other subjects?

14. After admitting all the defects of the mediaeval university, why did
the university nevertheless represent so important a development for the
future of western civilization?

15. What does the long continuance, without great changes in character, of
the university as an institution indicate as to its usefulness to society?

16. Does the university of to-day play as important a part in the progress
of society as it did in the mediaeval times? Why?

17. Is the chief university force to-day exerted directly or indirectly?
Illustrate.

18. What is probably the greatest work of any university, in any age?

19. Compare the influence of the mediaeval university, and the Greek
universities of the ancient world.

20. Explain the evolution of the English college system as an effort to
improve discipline, morals, and thinking. Has it been successful in this?

21. Show how the mediaeval university put books in the place of things,
whereas the modern university tries to reverse this.

22. Show how the rise of the universities gave an educated ruling class to
Europe, even though the nobility may not have attended them.

23. Show how, in an age of lawlessness, the universities symbolized the
supremacy of mind over brute force.

24. Show how the mediaeval universities aided civilization by breaking
down, somewhat, barriers of nationality and ignorance among peoples.

25. Show how the university stood, as the crowning effort of its time, in
the slow upward struggle to rebuild civilization on the ruins of what had
once been.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  100. Rashdall and Minerva: University Foundations before 1600.
  101. Fr. Barbarossa: Privileges for Students who travel for Study.
  102. Philip Augustus: Privileges granted Students at Paris.
  103. Count Rupert: Charter of the University of Heidelberg.
  104. Philip IV: Exemption of Students and Masters from Taxation.
  105. Vercelli: Privileges granted to the University by the City.
  106. Villani: The Cost to a City of maintaining a University.
  107. Pope Gregory IX: Right to suspend Lectures (_Cessatio_).
  108. Roger of Wendover: a _Cessatio_ at Oxford.
  109. Henry III: England invites Scholars to leave Paris.
  110. Pope Gregory IX: Early Licensing of Professors to teach.
  111. Pope Nicholas IV: The Right to grant Licenses to teach.
  112. Rashdall: A University License to teach.
  113. Paris Statutes, 1254: Books required for the Arts Degree.
  114. Leipzig Statutes, 1410: Books required for the Arts Degree.
  115. Oxford Statutes, 1408-31: Books required for the Arts Degree.
  116. Oxford, Fourteenth Century: Requirements for the Professional
       Degrees.
       (a) In Theology.   (c) In Civil Law.
       (b) In Canon Law.  (d) In Medicine.
  117. Paris Statutes, 1270-74: Requirements for the Medical Degree.
  118. Roger Bacon: On the Teaching of Theology.
  119. Master Stephen: Books left by Will to the University of Paris.
  120. Roger Bacon: The Scarcity of Books on Morals.
  121. Balaeus: Methods of Instruction in the Arts Faculty of Paris.
  122. Toulouse: Time-Table of Lectures in Arts, 1309.
  123. Leipzig: Time-Table of Lectures in Arts, 1519.
  124. Rashdall: Value and Influence of the Mediaeval University.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. What does a glance at the page giving the university foundations before
1600 (100) show as to the rate and direction of the university movement?

2. How do you account for the very large privileges granted university
students in the early grants (101, 102) and charters (103)? Should a
university student to-day have any privileges not given to all citizens?
Why?

3. Do universities, when founded to-day, secure a charter? If so, from
whom, and what terms are included? Do normal schools? What form of a
charter, if any, has your university or normal school?

4. Compare the freedom from taxation granted to masters and students at
Paris (104) with the grant to professors at Brown University (187b). Was
the Brown University grant exceptional, or common in other American
foundations?

5. Do any American cities to-day maintain colleges or universities, as did
the Italian cities (105)? Normal schools? Are somewhat similar ends
served?

6. What does the _cessatio_, as exercised by the mediaeval university
(107, 108), indicate as to standards of conduct on the part of teachers
and students?

7. Why is the licensing of university professors to teach not followed in
our American universities? What has taken the place of the license? What
did the mediaeval license (110, 111, 112) really signify?

8. Compare the license to teach (112) with a modern doctor's diploma.

9. Compare the requirements for the Arts degree (113, 114, 115) with the
requirements for the Baccalaureate degree at a modern university.

10. Compare the additional length of time for professional degrees (116,
117).

11. How do you account for the American practice of admitting students to
the professional courses without the Arts course? What is the best
American practice in this matter to-day, and what tendencies are
observable?

12. Characterize the medical course at Paris (117) from a modern point of
view.

13. Compare the instruction in medicine at Paris (117) and Toulouse (122).
How do you account for the superiority shown by one? Which one?

14. What does the extract from Roger Bacon (118) indicate as to the
character of the teaching of Theology?

15. What was the nature and extent of the library of Master Stephen (119)?
Compare such a library with that of a scholar of to-day.

16. Show how the Paris statute as to lecturing (121) was an attempt at an
improvement of the methods of instruction and individual thinking.

17. What do the two time-tables reproduced (122, 123) reveal as to the
nature of a university day, and the instruction given?

18. Show how Rashdall's statement (124) that lawyers have been a
civilizing agent is true.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Boase, Charles William. _Oxford_ (Historic Towns Series).
  Clark, Andrew. _The Colleges at Oxford_.
  Clark, J. W. _Libraries in the Medieval and Renaissance Periods_.
* Clark, J. W. _The Care of Books_.
  Corbin, John. _An American at Oxford_.
* Compayré, G. _Abelard, and the Origin and Early History of the
    Universities_.
* Jebb, R. C. _The Work of the Universities for the Nation_.
  Mullinger, J. B. _History of the University of Cambridge_.
* Norton, A. 0. _Readings in the History of Education; Medieval
    Universities_.
* Paetow, L. J. _The Arts Course at Mediaeval Universities_. (Univ.
    Ill. Studies, vol. in, no. 7, Jan. 1910).
* Paulsen, Fr. _The German Universities_.
  Rait, R. S. _Life of a Mediaeval University_.
* Rashdall, H. _Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages_.
  Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. I.
  Sheldon, Henry. _Student Life and Customs_.




PART III

THE TRANSITION FROM MEDIAEVAL TO MODERN ATTITUDES

THE RECOVERY OF THE ANCIENT LEARNING
THE REAWAKENING OF SCHOLARSHIP AND
THE RISE OF RELIGIOUS AND SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY




CHAPTER X

THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING


THE PERIOD OF CHANGE. The thirteenth century has often been called the
wonderful century of the mediaeval world. It was wonderful largely in that
the forces struggling against mediaevalism to evolve the modern spirit
here first find clear expression. It was a century of rapid and
unmistakable progress in almost every line. By its close great changes
were under way which were destined ultimately to shake off the incubus of
mediaevalism and to transform Europe. In many respects, though, the
fourteenth was a still more wonderful century.

The evolution of the universities which we have just traced was one of the
most important of these thirteenth-century manifestations. Lacking in
intellectual material, but impelled by the new impulses beginning to work
in the world, the scholars of the time went earnestly to work, by
speculative methods, to organize the dogmatic theology of the Church into
a system of thinking. The result was Scholasticism. From one point of view
the result was barren; from another it was full of promise for the future.
Though the workers lacked materials, were overshadowed by the mediaeval
spirit of authority, and kept their efforts clearly within limits approved
by the Church, the "heroic industry" and the "in tense application"
displayed in effecting the organization, and the logical subtlety
developed in discussing the results, promised much for the future. The
rise of university instruction, and the work of the Scholastics in
organizing the knowledge of the time, were both a resultant of new
influences already at work and a prediction of larger consequences to
follow. In a later age, and with men more emancipated from church control,
the same spirit was destined to burst forth in an effort to discover and
reconstruct the historic past.

During the thirteenth century, too, the new Estate, which had come into
existence alongside of the clergy and the nobility, began to assume large
importance. The arts-and-crafts guilds were attaining a large development,
and out of this new burgher class the great general public of modern times
has in time evolved. Trade and industry were increasing in all lands, and
merchants and successful artisans were becoming influential through their
newly obtained wealth and rights. The erection of stately churches and
town halls, often beautifully carved and highly ornamented, was taking
place. Great cathedrals, those "symphonies in stone," of which Notre Dame
(Figure 53) is a good example, were rising or being further expanded and
decorated at many places in western Europe. Mystery and miracle plays had
begun to be performed and to attract great attention. In the fourteenth
century religious pageants were added. "All art was still religion," but
an art was unmistakably arising amid cathedral-building and the setting-
forth of the Christian mysteries, and before long this was to flower in
modern forms of expression in painting, sculpture, and the drama.

THE NEW SPIRIT OF NATIONALITY. The new spirit moving in western Europe
also found expression in the evolution of the modern European States,
based on the new national feeling. As the kingly power in these was
consolidated, the developing States, each in its own domain, began to curb
the dominion of the universal Church, slowly to deprive it of the
governmental functions it had assumed and exercised for so long, and to
confine the Pope and clergy more and more to their original functions as
religious agents. The Papacy as a temporal power passed the maximum period
of its greatness early in the thirteenth century; in the nineteenth
century the last vestiges of its temporal power were taken away.

New national languages also were coming into being, and the national epics
of the people--the Cid, the Arthurian Legends, the _Chansons_, and the
_Nibelungen Lied_--were reduced to writing. With the introduction from the
East, toward the close of the thirteenth century, of the process of making
paper for writing, and with the increase of books in the vernacular, the
English, French, Spanish, Italian, and German languages rapidly took
shape. Their development was expressive of the new spirit in western
Europe, as also was the fact that Dante (1264-1321), "the first literary
layman since Boethius" (d. 524), wrote his great poem, _The Divine
Comedy_, in his native Italian instead of in the Latin which he knew so
well--an evidence of independence of large future import. New native
literatures were springing forth all over Europe. Beginning with the
_troubadours_ in southern France (p. 186), and taken up by the _trouvères_
in northern France and by the _minnesingers_ in German lands, the new
poetry of nature and love and joy of living had spread everywhere. [1] A
new race of men was beginning to "sing songs as blithesome and gay as the
birds" and to express in these songs the joys of the world here below.

TRANSFORMATION OF THE MEDIAEVAL MAN. The fourteenth century was a period
of still more rapid change and transformation. New objects of interest
were coming to the front, and new standards of judgment were being
applied. National spirit and a national patriotism were finding
expression. The mediaeval man, with his feeling of personal
insignificance, lack of self-confidence, "no sense of the past behind him,
and no conception of the possibilities of the future before him," [2] was
rapidly giving way to the man possessed of the modern spirit--the man of
self-confidence, conscious of his powers, enjoying life, feeling his
connection with the historic past, and realizing the potentialities of
accomplishment in the world here below. It was the great work of the
period of transition, and especially of the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries, to effect this change, "to awaken in man a consciousness of his
powers, to give him confidence in himself, to show him the beauty of the
world and the joy of life, and to make him feel his living connection with
the past and the greatness of the future he might create." [3] As soon as
men began clearly to experience such feelings, they began to inquire, and
inquiry led to the realization that there had been a great historic past
of which they knew but little, and of which they wanted to know much. When
this point had been reached, western Europe was ready for a revival of
learning.

THE BEGINNINGS IN ITALY. This revival began in Italy. The Italians had
preserved more of the old Roman culture than had any other people, and had
been the first to develop a new political and social order and revive the
refinements of life after the deluge of barbarism which had engulfed
Europe. They, too, had been the first to feel the inadequacy of mediaeval
learning to satisfy the intellectual unrest of men conscious of new
standards of life. This gave them at least a century of advance over the
nations of northern Europe. The old Roman life also was nearer to them,
and meant more, so that a movement for a revival of interest in it
attracted to it the finest young minds of central and northern Italy and
inspired in them something closely akin to patriotic fervor. They felt
themselves the direct heirs of the political and intellectual eminence of
Imperial Rome, and they began the work of restoring to themselves and of
trying to understand their inheritance.

[Illustration: FIG. 68. PETRARCH (1304-74)
"The Morning Star of the Renaissance"]

In Petrarch (1304-74) we have the beginnings of the movement. He has been
called "the first modern scholar and man of letters." Repudiating the
other-worldliness ideal and the scholastic learning of his time, [4]
possessed of a deep love for beauty in nature and art, a delight in
travel, a desire for worldly fame, a strong historical sense, and the
self-confidence to plan a great constructive work, he began the task of
unearthing the monastic treasures to ascertain what the past had been and
known and done. At twenty-nine he made his first great discovery, at
Liège, in the form of two previously unknown orations of Cicero. Twelve
years later, at Verona, he found half of one of the letters of Cicero
which had been lost for ages. All his life he collected and copied
manuscripts. His letter to a friend telling him of his difficulty in
getting a work of Cicero copied, and his joy in doing the work himself (R.
125), is typical of his labors. He began the work of copying and comparing
the old classical manuscripts, and from them reconstructing the past. He
also wrote many sonnets, ballads, lyrics, and letters, all filled with a
new modern classical spirit. He also constructed the first modern map of
Italy.

[Illustration: FIG. 69. BOCCACCIO (1313-75)
"The Father of Italian Prose"]

Through Boccaccio, whom he first met in 1350, Petrarch's work was made
known in Florence, then the wealthiest and most artistic and literary city
in the world, [5] and there the new knowledge and method were warmly
received. Boccaccio equaled Petrarch in his passion for the ancient
writers, hunting for them wherever he thought they might be found. One of
his pupils has left us a melancholy picture of the library at Monte
Cassino, as Boccaccio found it at the time of his visit (R. 126). He wrote
a book of popular tales and romances, filled with the modern spirit, which
made him the father of Italian prose as Dante was of Italian poetry;
prepared the first dictionaries of classical geography and Greek
mythology; and was the first western scholar to learn Greek.

  "In the dim light of learning's dawn they stand,
  Flushed with the first glimpses of a long-lost land."

A CENTURY OF RECOVERY AND RECONSTRUCTION. The work done by these two
friends in discovering and editing was taken up by others, and during the
century (1333-1433) dating from the first great "find" of Petrarch the
principal additions to Latin literature were made. The monasteries and
castles of Europe were ransacked in the hope of discovering something new,
or more accurate copies of previously known books. At monasteries and
churches as widely separated as Monte Cassino, near Naples: Lodi, near
Milan; Milan, itself; and Vercelli, in Italy: Saint Gall and other
monasteries, in Switzerland: Paris; Cluny, near the present city of Macon;
Langres, near the source of the Marne; and monasteries in the Vosges
Mountains, in France: Corvey, in Westphalia; and Hersfeld, Cologne, and
Mainz in Germany--important finds were made. [6] Thus widely had the old
Latin authors been scattered, copied, and forgotten. In a letter to a
friend (R. 127 a) the enthusiast, Poggio Bracciolini, tells of finding
(1416) the long-lost _Institutes of Oratory_ of Quintilian, at Saint Gall,
and of copying it for posterity. This, and the reply of his friend (R. 127
b), reveal something of the spirit and the emotions of those engaged in
the recovery of Latin literature and the reconstruction of Roman history.

The finds, though, while important, were after all of less value than the
spirit which directed the search, or the careful work which was done in
collecting, comparing, questioning, inferring, criticizing, and editing
corrected texts, and reconstructing old Roman life and history. [7] We
have in this new work a complete break with scholastic methods, and we see
in it the awakening of the modern scientific spirit. [8] It was this same
critical, constructive spirit which, when applied later to Christian
practices, brought on the Reformation; when applied to the problems of the
universe, revealed to men the wonderful world of science; and when applied
to problems of government, led to the questioning of the theory of the
divine right of kings, and to the evolution of democracy. We have here a
modern spirit, a craving for truth for its own sake, an awakening of the
historical sense, [9] and an appreciation of beauty in literature and
nature which was soon to be followed by an appreciation of beauty in art.
A worship of classical literature and classical ideas now set in, of which
rich and prosperous Florence became the center, with Venice and Rome, as
well as a number of the northern Italian cities, as centers of more than
minor importance.

THE REVIVAL OF GREEK IN THE WEST. With the new interest in Latin
literature it was but natural that a revival of the study of Greek should
follow. While a knowledge of Greek had not absolutely died out in the West
during the Middle Ages, there were very few scholars who knew anything
about it, and none who could read it. [10] It was natural, too, that the
revival of it should come first in Italy. Southern Italy (_Magna Graecia_)
had remained under the Eastern Empire and Greek until its conquest by the
Normans (1041-71), and to southern Italy a few Greek monks had from time
to time migrated. With southern Italy, though, papal Italy and the western
Christian world seem to have had little contact. In 1339, and again in
1342, a Greek monk from southern Italy visited the Pope, coming as an
ambassador from Constantinople, and from him Petrarch learned the Greek
alphabet. In 1353 another envoy brought Petrarch a copy of Homer. This he
could not read, but in time (1367) a poor translation into Latin was
effected. Boccaccio studied Greek, being the first western scholar to read
Homer in the original.

Near the end of the fourteenth century it became known in Florence that
Manuel Chrysoloras (c. 1350-1415), a Byzantine of noble birth, a teacher
of rhetoric and philosophy at Constantinople, and the most accomplished
Greek scholar of his age, had arrived in Venice as an envoy from the
Eastern Emperor. Florentine scholars visited him, and on his return
accompanied him to Constantinople to learn Greek. In 1396 Chrysoloras was
invited by Florence to accept an appointment, in the university there, to
the first chair of Greek letters in the West, and accepted. From 1396 to
1400 he taught Greek in the rich and stately city of Florence, at that
time the intellectual and artistic center of Christendom. For a few years,
beginning in 1402, he also taught Greek at the University of Pavia. He had
earlier written a _Catechism of Greek Grammar_, and at Pavia he began a
literal rendering of Plato's _Republic_ into Latin. From his visit dates
the enthusiasm for the study of Greek in the West.

OTHER GREEK SCHOLARS ARRIVE IN ITALY. Chrysoloras returned to
Constantinople for a time, in 1403, and Guarino of Verona, who had been
one of his pupils, accompanied him and spent five years there as a member
of his household. When he returned to Italy he brought with him about
fifty manuscripts, and before his death he had translated a number of them
into Latin. He also prepared a Greek grammar which superseded that of
Chrysoloras. In 1412 he was elected to the chair at Florence formerly held
by Chrysoloras, and later he established an important school at Ferrara,
based largely on instruction in the Latin and Greek classics, which will
be referred to again in the next chapter.

A rage for Greek learning and Greek books now for a time set in. Aurispa,
a Sicilian, went to Constantinople, learned Greek, and returned to Italy,
in 1422, with 238 Greek manuscripts. Messer Filelfo, of Padua, after seven
years at Constantinople, returned, in 1427, with forty manuscripts and
with the grand-niece of Chrysoloras as his wife. In 1448 Theodorus Gaza
(c. 1400-75), a learned Greek from the city of Thessalonica, who had fled
from his native city just before its capture by the Turks (1430), came to
Ferrara as the first professor of Greek in the university there. He made
many translations, prepared a very popular Greek grammar, and in 1451
became professor of philosophy at Rome.

Another Greek of importance was Demetrius Chalcondyles of Athens (1424-
1511), who reached Italy in 1447. In 1450 he became professor of Greek at
Perugia, and of his lectures there one of his enthusiastic pupils [11]
wrote:

    A Greek has just arrived, who has begun to teach me with great pains,
    and I to listen to his precepts with incredible pleasure, because he
    is a Greek, because he is an Athenian, and because he is Demetrius. It
    seems to me that in him is figured all the wisdom, the civility, and
    the elegance of those so famous and illustrious ancients. Merely
    seeing him you fancy you are looking on Plato; far more when you hear
    him speak.

In 1463 Demetrius transferred to Padua as professor of Greek, and was the
first professor of Greek in a western European university to be paid a
fixed salary. He also taught for a time at Milan, and from 1471 to 1491
was professor of Greek at Florence.

A number of other learned Greeks had reached Italy prior to the fall of
Constantinople (1453) before the advancing Turks, [12] and after its fall
many more sought there a new home. Many of these found, on landing, that
their knowledge of Greek and the possession of a few Greek books were an
open sesame to the learned circles of Italy.

[Illustration: FIG. 70. DEMETRIUS CHALCONDYLES (1424-1511)
(Drawn from a picture of a fresco by Ghirlandajo, painted in 1490, on the
walls of the church of Santa Maria Novella, at Florence)]

ENTHUSIASM FOR THE NEW MOVEMENT; LIBRARIES AND ACADEMICS FOUNDED. The
enthusiasm for the recovery and restoration of ancient literature and
history which this work awakened among the younger scholars of Italy can
be imagined. While most of the professors in the universities and most of
the church officials at first had nothing to do with the new movement,
being wedded to scholastic methods of thinking, the leaders of the new
learning drew about them many of the brightest and most energetic of the
young men who came to those universities which were hospitable to the new
movement. [13] Greek scholars in the university towns were followed by
admiring bands of younger students, [14] who soon took up the work and
superseded their masters. Academies, named after the one conducted by
Plato in the groves near Athens, whose purpose was to promote literary
studies, were founded in all the important Italian cities (R. 129). The
members usually Latinized their names, and celebrated the ancient
festivals. In Venice a Greek Academy was formed in which all the
proceedings were in Greek, and the members were known by Greek names. The
_Academia of Aldus_, at Venice, of which his celebrated press was a
department, became a veritable university for classical learning, and to
participate in its proceedings scholars came from many lands. It was the
curious and enthusiastic Italians who, more than the Greek scholars who
taught them the language, opened up the literature and history of Athens
to the comprehension of the western world.

The financial support of the movement came from the wealthy merchant
princes, reigning dukes, and a few church authorities, who assisted
scholars and spent money most liberally in collecting manuscripts and
accumulating books. Says Symonds:

    Never was there a time in the world's history when money was spent
    more freely upon the collection and preservation of MSS., and when a
    more complete machinery was put in motion for the sake of securing
    literary treasures. Prince vied with prince, and eminent burgher with
    burgher, in buying books. The commercial correspondents of the Medici
    and other great Florentine houses, whose banks and discount offices
    extended over Europe and the Levant, were instructed to purchase
    relics of antiquity without regard for cost, and to forward them to
    Florence. The most acceptable present that could be sent to a king was
    a copy of a Roman historian. The best credentials which a young Greek
    arriving from Byzantium could use to gain the patronage of men like
    Palla degli Strozzi was a fragment of some ancient; the merchandise
    insuring the largest profit to a speculator who had special knowledge
    in such matters was old parchment covered with crabbed characters.
    [15]

Cosimo de' Medici (1393-1464), a banker and ruler of Florence, spent great
sums in collecting and copying manuscripts. Vespasiano, a fifteenth-
century bookseller of Florence, has left us an interesting picture of the
work of Cosimo in founding (1444) the great Medicean library [16] at
Florence (R. 130) and of the difficulties of book collecting in the days
before the invention of printing.

[Illustration: FIG. 71. BOOKCASE AND DESK IN THE MEDICEAN LIBRARY AT
FLORENCE
(Drawn from a photograph)
This library was founded in 1444. It contains to-day about 10,000 Greek
and Latin manuscripts, many of them very rare, and of a few the only
copies known. The building was designed by Michael Angelo, and its
construction was begun in 1525. The bookcases are of about this date. It
shows the early method of chaining books to the shelves, and cataloguing
the volumes on the end of each stack.]

Under Cosimo's grandson, Lorenzo the Magnificent, who died in 1492, two
expeditions were sent to Greece to obtain manuscripts for the Florentine
library. Vespasiano also describes for us the books collected (c. 1475-80)
for the great ducal library at Urbino (R. 131), the greatest library in
the Christian world at the time of its completion, and the work of Pope
Nicholas V [17] (1447-1455) in laying the foundations (1450) for the great
Vatican Library at Rome (R. 132). Nicholas was an enthusiast in the new
movement, and formed a plan for the translation of all the Greek writers
into Latin. A later Pope, Leo X (1513-1521), planned to make Rome the
international center for Greek learning.

THE MOVEMENT EXTENDS TO OTHER COUNTRIES. Petrarch made his first great
find in 1333, and up to 1450 the Revival of Learning, often termed the
Renaissance, was entirely an Italian movement. By that date the great work
in Italy had been done, and the Italians were once more in possession of
the literature and history of the past. With them the movement was
literary, historical, and patriotic in purpose and spirit. With them the
movement was known as _humanism_, from an old Roman word (_humanitas_)
meaning culture, and this term came to be applied to the new studies in
all other lands. In their work with the literatures, inscriptions, coins,
and archaeological remains of the Greeks and Romans, their own literature,
history, mythology, and political and social life was reconstructed. The
methods employed were the methods used in modern science, and the result
was to develop in Italy a new type of scholar, possessed of a literary,
artistic, and historical appreciation unknown since the days of ancient
Rome, and with the greatest enthusiasm for Latin as a living language.

By the time the revival had culminated in Italy it began to be heard of
north of the Alps. France was the first country to take up the study of
Greek, a professorship being established at Paris in 1458. There was but
little interest in the subject, however, or in any of the new studies,
until two events of political importance, forty years later, brought
Frenchmen in close touch with what had been done in northern Italy. In
1494 Charles VIII, of France, claiming Naples as his possession, took an
army into Italy, and forcibly occupied Rome and Florence. Four years later
his successor, Louis XII, claimed Milan also and seized it and Naples,
maintaining a French court at Milan from 1498 to 1512. Though both these
expeditions were unsuccessful, from a political point of view, the effect
of the direct contact with humanism in its home was lasting. New ideas in
architecture, art, and learning were carried back to France, French
scholars traveled to Italy, and early in the sixteenth century Paris
became a center for the new humanistic studies. In Greek, France
completely superseded Italy as the interpreter of Greek life and
literature to the modern world.

In 1473 a Spanish scholar, Mebrissensis (1444-1522), returned home after
twenty years in Italy and introduced Greek at Seville, Salamanca, and
Alcalà.

[Illustration: FIG. 72. TWO EARLY NORTHERN HUMANISTS

RUDOLPH AGRICOLA (1443-85) Early Dutch Humanist.
Lectured at Heidelberg (From a contemporary engraving)

THOMAS LINACRE (c. 1460-1524) English Professor of Medicine
and Lecturer on Greek (From a portrait in the British Museum)]

About 1488 Thomas Linacre (c. 1460-1524) and William Grocyn (1446-1514),
two Oxford graduates, went to Florence from England, studying Greek under
Demetrius Chalcondyles, and, returning, introduced the new learning at
Oxford. [18] Linacre, as professor of medicine, translated much of Galen
(p. 198) from the Greek, and he and Grocyn lectured on Greek at the
University. From Oxford the new learning was transmitted to Cambridge,
and, over a century afterward, to Harvard in America. A third Oxford man
to study Greek in Italy was John Colet (1467-1519), who studied in
Florence from 1493 to 1496, and returned home an enthusiastic humanist. He
was the first Englishman to attract much attention to the new studies, and
to him is chiefly due their introduction into the English secondary
school.

The first German of whom we have any record as having studied in Italy was
Peter Luder (c. 1415-74), who returned in 1456, and lectured on the new
learning at the Universities of Heidelberg, Erfurt, and Leipzig, but
awakened no response. In 1470 Johann Wessel (1420-89) and in 1476 Rodolph
Agricola (1443-85), two noted Dutch scholars, studied in Italy. On
returning, Agricola, [19] who has been called "the Petrarch of German
lands," did much "to spread the great inheritance of antiquity and the new
civilization to which it had given birth among his uncouth countrymen"
(_barbari_, he calls them). He made Heidelberg, for a time, a center of
humanistic appreciation. Johann Reuchlin (1455-1522), a German by birth,
studied in Florence and elsewhere in Italy in 1481 to 1490, and there
learned Hebrew. Returning, he became a professor at Heidelberg and the
father of modern Hebrew studies. In 1506 he published the first Hebrew
grammar. In 1493 the University of Erfurt established a professorship of
Poetry and Eloquence, this being the first German university to
countenance the new learning. In 1523 the first chair of Greek was
established at Vienna. Thus slowly did the revival of learning spread to
northern lands.

THE REVIVAL AIDED BY THE INVENTION OF PAPER AND PRINTING. Very fortunately
for the spread of the new learning an important process and a great
invention now came in at a most opportune time. The process was the
manufacture of paper; the invention that of printing.

The manufacture of paper is probably a Chinese invention, early obtained
by the Arabs. During the Mohammedan occupation of Spain paper mills were
set up there, and a small supply of their paper found its way across the
Pyrenees. The Christians who drove the Mohammedans out lost the process,
and it now came back once more from the East. By about 1250 the Greeks had
obtained the process from Mohammedan sources, and in 1276 the first paper
mill was set up in Italy. In 1340 a paper factory was established at
Padua, and soon thereafter other factories began to make paper at
Florence, Bologna, Milan, and Venice. In 1320 a paper factory was
established at Mainz, in Germany, and in 1390 another at Nuremberg. By
1450 paper was in common use and the way was now open for one of the
world's greatest inventions.

This was the invention of printing. From the difficulty experienced in
securing books for the great libraries at Florence, Urbino, and Rome, as
we have seen (Rs. 130, 131, 132), and the great cost of reproducing single
copies of books, we can see that the work of the humanists of the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Italy probably would have had but
little influence elsewhere but for the invention of printing. To
disseminate a new learning involving two great literatures by copying
books, one at a time by hand, would have prevented instruction in the new
subjects becoming general for centuries, and would have materially
retarded the progress of the world. The discovery of the art of printing,
coming when it did, scattered the new learning over Europe.

[Illustration: FIG. 73. AN EARLY SIXTEENTH-CENTURY PRESS
"The prynters have founde a crafte to make bokis by brasen letters sette
in ordre by a frame." An engraving, dated 1520. The man at the right is
setting type, and the one at the lever is making an impression. A number
of four-page printed sheets are seen on the table at the right of the
press.]

SPREAD AND WORK OF THE PRESS. The dates connected with this new invention
and its diffusion over Europe are:

    1423. Coster of Harlem made the first engraved single page.
    1438. Gutenberg invented movable wooden types.
    1450. Schoeffer and Faust cast first metal type.
    1456. Bible printed in Latin by Gutenberg and Faust at Mainz. This the
          first complete book printed. [20]
    1457. The Mayence Psalter, the first dated book, printed. [21]
    1462. Adolph of Nassau pillaged Mainz, drove out the printers, and in
          consequence scattered the art over Europe.
    1465. Press set up in the German monastery of Subiaco, in the Sabine
          Mountains, in Italy.
    1467. This press moved to Rome.
    1469. Presses at Paris and Vienna.
    1470. Printing introduced into Switzerland.
    1471. Presses set up at Florence, Milan, and Ferrara.
    1473. Printing introduced into Holland and Belgium.
    1474. Printing introduced into Spain.
    1474-77. Printing introduced into England. Caxton set up his press in
          1477.
    1476. First book printed in Greek at Milan.
    1490. The Aldine press established at Venice, by Aldus Manutius.
    1501. First Greek book printed in Germany, at Erfurt.
    1563. First newspaper established, in Venice.

Inventions traveled but slowly in those days, yet in time the press was to
be found in every country of Europe. The professional copyists made a
great outcry against the innovation; presses were at first licensed and
closely limited in number; in France the University of Paris was given the
proceeds of a tax levied on all books printed; and in England the
beginnings of the modern copyright are to be seen in the necessity of
obtaining a license from the ecclesiastical authorities to be permitted to
print a book.

[Illustration: FIG. 74. AN EARLY SPECIMEN OF CAXTON'S PRINTING]

In cutting and casting the first type a style of heavy-faced letter, much
like that written by the mediaeval monks--the so-called _Gothic_--was
used. Caxton, in England, used this at first, and the Germans have
continued its use up to the present time. The Italians, however, soon
devised a type with letters like those used by the old Romans--the so-
called Roman type, this type which was soon accepted in all non-German
European countries. The Italians also devised a compressed type--the
_Italic_--which enabled printers to get more words on a page.

Venice, almost from the first, became the center of the book trade, and
books literally poured from the presses there. By 1500 as many as five
thousand editions, often of as many as a thousand copies to an edition,
had been printed in Italy. [22] Of this number 2835 had been printed in
Venice, and most of them by the Aldine press of Aldus Manutius, and edited
by the _Academia_ (p. 250) connected therewith. [23] By 1500 many books
had also been printed in a number of northern cities, [24] and Lyons,
Paris, Basel, Nuremberg, Cologne, Leipzig, and London soon became centers
of the northern book trade. Caxton in England soon vied with Aldus in
Venice as a printer of beautiful books. When we remember that it required
fifty-three days (Sandys) to make by hand one copy of Quintilian's
_Institutes_, and forty-five copyists twenty-two months to reproduce two
hundred volumes for the Medicean Library at Florence (R. 130), the
enormous importance of an invention which would print rapidly a thousand
or more copies of a book, all exactly alike and free from copyist errors,
can be appreciated. It tremendously cheapened books, [25] made the
general use of the textbook method of teaching possible, and paved the way
for a great extension of schools and learning (R. 134). From now on the
press became a formidable rival to the pulpit and the sermon, and one of
the greatest of instruments for human progress and individual liberty.
From this time on educational progress was to be much more rapid than it
had been in the past. From an educational point of view the invention of
printing might almost be taken as marking the close of the mediaeval and
the beginning of modern times.

RISE OF GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY. The new influences awakened by the Revival
of Learning found expression in other directions. One of these was
geographical discovery, itself an outgrowth of that series of movements
known as the _Crusades_, with the accompanying revival of trade and
commerce. These led to travel, exploration, and discovery. By the latter
part of the thirteenth century the most extensive travel which had taken
place since the days of ancient Rome had begun, and in the next two and a
half centuries a great expansion of the known world took place.

[Illustration: FIG. 75. THE WORLD AS KNOWN TO CHRISTIAN EUROPE BEFORE
COLUMBUS]

Marco Polo and Sir John Mandeville made extended travels to the Orient,
and returning (Polo returned, 1295) described to a wondering Europe the
new lands and peoples they had seen. The _Voyages_ of Polo and the
_Travels_ of Mandeville were widely read. By the beginning of the
fourteenth century the compass had been perfected, in Naples, and a great
era of exploration had been begun. In 1402 venturesome sailors, out beyond
the "Pillars of Hercules," discovered the Canary Islands; in 1419 the
Madeira Islands were reached; in 1460 the Cape Verde Islands were found;
in 1497 Bartholomew Diaz rounded the southern tip of Africa; and in 1497
Vasco da Gama discovered the long-hoped-for sea route to India. Five years
later, sailing westward with the same end in view, Columbus discovered the
American continent. Finally, in 1519-22, Magellan's ships circumnavigated
the globe, and, returning safely to Spain, proved that the world was
round. In 1507 Waldenseemüller published his _Introduction to Geography_,
a book that was widely read, and one which laid the foundations of this
modern study.

The effect of these discoveries in broadening the minds of men can be
imagined. The religious theories and teachings of the Middle Ages as to
the world were in large part upset. New races and new peoples had been
found, a round earth instead of a flat one had been proved to exist, new
continents had been discovered, and new worlds were now ready to be opened
up for scientific exploration and colonization.

ABOUT 1500 A STIMULATING TIME. The latter part of the fifteenth century
and the earlier part of the sixteenth was a stimulating period in the
intellectual development of Christian Europe. The Turks had closed in on
Constantinople (1453) and ended the Eastern Empire, and many Greek
scholars had fled to the West. Though the Revival of Learning had
culminated in Italy, its influence was still strongly felt in such cities
as Florence and Venice, while in German lands and in England the reform
movement awakened by it was at its height. Greek and Hebrew were now
taught generally in the northern universities. Everywhere the old
scholastic learning and methods were being overturned by the new humanism,
and scholastic teachers were being displaced from their positions in the
universities and schools. The new humanistic university at Wittenberg,
founded in 1502, was exerting large influence among German scholars and
attracting to it the brightest young minds in German lands. Erasmus was
the greatest international scholar of the age, though ably seconded by
distinguished humanistic scholars in Italy, France, England, the Low
Countries, and German lands. The court schools of Italy (R. 135) and the
municipal colleges of France (R. 136) were marking out new lines in the
education of the select few. Colet was founding his reformed grammar
school (1510) at Saint Paul's, in London (R. 138), the first of a long
line of English humanistic grammar schools. Leonardo da Vinci, Raphael,
and Michael Angelo were adding new fame to Italy, and carrying the
Renaissance movement over into that art which the world has ever since
treasured and admired.

The Italian cities, particularly Genoa and Venice, had become rich from
their commerce, as had many cities in northern lands. Everywhere the
cities were centers for the new life in western Christendom. England was
rapidly changing from an agricultural to a manufacturing nation. The serf
was evolving into a free man all over western Europe. Italian navigators
had discovered new sea routes and lands, and robbed the ocean of its
terrors. Columbus had discovered a new world, soon to be peopled and to
become the home of a new civilization. Magellan had shown that the world
was round and poised in space, instead of flat and surrounded by a
circumfluent ocean. The printing-press had been perfected and scattered
over Europe, and was rapidly multiplying books and creating a new desire
to read (R. 134). The Church was more tolerant of new ideas than it had
been in the past, or soon was to be for centuries to come. All of these
new influences and conditions combined to awaken thought as had not
happened before since the days of ancient Rome. The world seemed about
ready for rapid advances in many new directions, and great progress in
learning, education, government, art, commerce, and invention seemed
almost within grasp. Unfortunately the promise was not to be fulfilled,
and the progress that seemed possible in 1500 was soon lost amid the
bitterness and hatreds engendered by a great religious conflict, then
about to break, and which was destined to leave, for centuries to come, a
legacy of intolerance and suspicion in all lands.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. In what way was the fact that Dante wrote his _Divine Comedy_ in
Italian instead of Latin an evidence of large independence?

2. Was it a good thing for peace and civilization that the modern
languages arose, instead of all speaking and writing Latin? Why?

3. Of what value to one is a "sense of the past behind him, and a
conception of the possibilities of the future before him," by way of
giving perspective and self-confidence? Do we have many mediaeval-type
people to-day?

4. Show how the work of Petrarch required a man with a strong historic
sense.

5. Show the awakening of the modern scientific spirit in the critical and
reconstructive work of the scholars of the Revival.

6. Of what was the exposure of the forgery of the "Donation of
Constantine" a precursor?

7. Contrast the modern and the mediaeval spirit as related to learning.

8. Suppose that we should unexpectedly unearth in Mexico a vast literature
of a very learned and scholarly people who once inhabited the United
States, and should discover a key by which to read it. Would the interest
awakened be comparable with that awakened by the revival of Greek in
Italy? Why?

9. What does the fact that no copy of Quintilian's _Institutes_, a very
famous Roman book, was known in Europe before 1416 indicate as to the
destruction of books during the early Christian period?

10. What does the fact that the Christians knew little about Greek
literature or scholarship for centuries, and that the awakening was in
large part brought about by the pressure of the Turks on the Eastern
Empire, indicate as to intercourse among Mediterranean peoples during the
Middle Ages?

11. How do you explain the fact that the recovery of the ancient learning
was very largely the work of young men, and that older professors in the
universities frequently held aloof from any connection with the movement?

12. Compare the financial support of the Revival in Italy with the support
of universities and of scientific undertakings in America during recent
times.

13. Explain the long-delayed interest in the Revival in the northern
countries.

14. Trace the larger steps in the transference of Greek literature and
learning from Athens, in the fifth century B.C., to its arrival at
Harvard, in Massachusetts, in 1636.

15. What was the importance of the rediscovery of Hebrew?

16. Show how the invention of printing was a revolutionary force of the
first magnitude.

17. Why should a license from the Church have been necessary to print a
book? Have we any remaining vestiges of this church control over books?

18. Do you see any special reason why Venice should have become the early
center of the book trade?

19. Show how the printing-press became "a formidable rival to the pulpit
and the sermon, and one of the greatest instruments for human progress and
liberty."

20. One writer has characterized the Revival of Learning as the beginnings
of the emergence of the individual from institutional control, and the
substitution of the humanities for the divinities as the basis of
education. Is this a good characterization of a phase of the movement?

21. Counting each edition of a printed book at only three hundred copies,
how many volumes had been printed before 1500 at the places listed in
footnote 3, page 257?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  125. Petrarch: On copying a Work of Cicero.
  126. Benvenuto: Boccaccio's Visit to the Library at Monte Cassino.
  127. Symonds: Finding of Quintilian's _Institutes_ at Saint Gall.
      (a) Letter of Poggio Bracciolini on the "Find."
      (b) Reply of Lionardo Bruni.
  128. MS.: Reproducing Books before the Days of Printing.
  129. Symonds: Italian Societies for studying the Classics.
  130. Vespasiano: Founding of the Medicean Library at Florence.
  131. Vespasiano: Founding of the Ducal Library at Urbino.
  132. Vespasiano: Founding of the Vatican Library at Rome.
  133. Green: The New Learning at Oxford.
  134. Green: The New Taste for Books.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Is it probable that Petrarch's explanation (125) of why many of the
older Latin books were copied so infrequently, psalters being preferred
instead, is correct?

2. How do you explain the later neglect of so valuable a library as that
at Monte Cassino (126) or Saint Gall (127 a)?

3. Was Lionardo Bruni's letter to Poggio (127 b) overdrawn?

4. Was there anything unnatural about the work and customs of the Italian
societies for studying the classics (129)? Compare with a modern literary
or scientific society, or with the National Dante Society.

5. What does the extract from Vespasiano, telling how he got books for
Cosimo de' Medici (130), indicate as to the scarcity of books in Italy
toward the middle of the fifteenth century?

6. The library of the Duke of Urbino (131) was the most complete collected
up to that time. List the larger classifications of the books copied, as
to the lines represented in a great library of that day.

7. What does the work of Pope Nicholas V, in establishing the Vatican
Library (132), indicate as to his interest in the new humanistic movement?

8. Show from the selection from Green (133) that the revival movement in
England was essentially a religious revival.

9. Explain Green's cause-and-effect theory, as given in selection 134.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_.
  Blades, William. _William Caxton_.
  Duff, E. G. _Early Printed Books_.
* Field, Lilian F. _Introduction to the Study of the Renaissance_.
* Howells, W. D. _Venetian Days_ (Venetian commerce).
* Keane, John. _The Evolution of Geography_.
  La Croix, Paul. _The Arts in the Middle Ages and at the Period of the
    Renaissance_.
* Loomis, Louise. _Mediaeval Hellenism_.
  Oliphant, Mrs. _Makers of Venice_.
* Robinson, J. H., and Rolfe, H. W. _Petrarch, the First Modern Scholar
    and Man of Letters_.
  Sandys, J. E. _History of Classical Scholarship_, vol. II.
* Sandys, J. E. _Harvard Lectures on the Revival of Learning_.
  Scaife, W. B. _Florentine Life during the Renaissance_.
  Sedgwick, H. D. _Italy in the Thirteenth Century_.
* Symonds, J. A. _The Renaissance in Italy_; vol. II, _The Revival
    of Learning_.
  Thorndike, Lynn. _History of Mediaeval Europe_.
  Whitcomb, M. _Source Book of the Italian Renaissance_.
* Walsh, Jas. J. _The Thirteenth, Greatest of Centuries_.




CHAPTER XI

EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING


SIGNIFICANCE OF THE REVIVAL OF LEARNING. It is often stated that the roots
of all our modern educational practices in secondary education lie buried
deep in the great Italian Revival of Learning. If we limit the statement
to the time preceding the middle of the nineteenth century we shall be
more nearly correct, as tremendous changes in both the character and the
purpose of secondary education have taken place since that time. The
important and outstanding educational result of the revival of ancient
learning by Italian scholars was that it laid a basis for a new type of
education below that of the university, destined in time to be much more
widely opened to promising youths than the old cathedral and monastic
schools had been. This new education, based on the great intellectual
inheritance recovered from the ancient world by a relatively small number
of Italian scholars, dominated the secondary-school training of the middle
and higher classes of society for the next four hundred years. It clearly
began by 1450, it clearly controlled secondary education until at least
after 1850. Out of the efforts of Italian scholars to resurrect,
reconstruct, understand, and utilize in education the fruits of their
legacy from the ancient Greek and Roman world, arose modern secondary
education, as contrasted with mediaeval church education.

Mediaeval education, after all, was narrowly technical. It prepared for
but one profession, and one type of service. There was little that was
liberal, cultural, or humanitarian about it. It prepared for the world to
come, not for the world men live in here. The new education developed in
Italy aimed to prepare directly for life in the world here, and for useful
and enjoyable life at that. Combining with the new humanistic (cultural)
studies the best ideals and practices of the old chivalric education--
physical training, manners and courtesy, reverence--the Italian pioneers
devised a scheme of education, below that of the universities, which they
claimed prepared youths not only for an intellectual appreciation of the
great and wonderful past of which they were descendants, but also for
intelligent service in the two great non-church occupations of Italy in
the fifteenth century--public service for the City-State, and commerce and
a business life. This new type of education spread to other lands, and a
new type of secondary-school training, actuated by a new and a modern
purpose, thus came out of the revival of learning in Italy.

THE MOVEMENT IN ITALY PATRIOTIC. The inspiration for the revival of
learning in Italy did not originate with the universities. Even the new
chairs when established in the universities were regarded as inferior,
and, in true university fashion, the occupants were tolerated by the other
professors rather than approved of by them. Some of the universities--
Pavia and Bologna, in particular--had practically nothing to do with the
new movement. [1] Even in the rich and learned city of Florence, the head
and front of the revival movement, the church scholars and many university
men took little or no part in the restoration of the old studies. The
learned archbishop, Saint Antoninus, who presided over the cathedral at
Florence during the brightest days of that city's history, pursued his
mediaeval scholastic instruction undisturbed, and even wrote a _Summa
Theologica_ of his own.

[Illustration: FIG. 76. SAINT ANTONINUS AND HIS SCHOLARS
Saint Antoninus (1380-1459) was the learned and pious Archbishop of
Florence from 1446 until his death. The picture of him giving instruction
is from the Venice (1503) edition of his _Summa Theologica_.]

The revival movement, on the contrary, was directed in its beginnings by a
small group of patriotic Italians possessed of a modern spirit, and was
financed by intelligent and patriotic merchants, bankers, and princes.
Surrounded on all sides by monuments and remains testifying to Roman
greatness, and with Roman speech in constant use by the scholars of the
Church, the revival of Latin literature meant more to Italian scholars
than to those of any other country. It seemed to them still possible to
revive Roman life and make Roman speech once more the language of the
learned world. The revival of Latin literature, too, meant much more to
them than the revival of Greek. The chief value of the latter was to open
up a still greater past, and through this to illuminate Roman life and
literature. After about 1500 the enthusiasm for Greek rapidly died out in
Italy, and the further interpretation of Greek life and thought was left
to the northern nations.

In this effort to revive the old Roman world the Italian scholars received
the sympathy of the great men of wealth, and of some of the popes of the
time. It was the Medici family at Florence who aided the movement
liberally there, rejuvenated the university of Florence along new
humanistic lines, accumulated libraries there (R. 130) and at Venice, and
aided scholars all over Italy. At Milan the Visconti family paid the
expenses of a chair of Latin and Greek, established in the university
there in 1440. Popes Nicholas V and Leo X were prodigal in their support
of the new learning at Rome (R. 132), and the university there was
reconstructed along modern lines. At Venice the rulers gave large
financial and other support to the leaders of the new learning. Academies
(R. 129), under the patronage of the nobility, were founded in almost all
the northern Italian cities, and those in political power did much to make
their cities notable centers for classical studies.

NEW SCHOOLS CREATED. The "finds" began with Petrarch's discovery of two
orations of Cicero, in 1333, and by the time "the century of finds" (1333-
1433) was drawing to a close the materials for a new type of secondary
education had been accumulated. Not only was the old literature discovered
and edited, but the finding of a complete copy of Quintilian's "Institutes
of Oratory" at Saint Gall (R. 127), in 1416, gave a detailed explanation
of the old Roman theory of education at its best. A number of "court
schools" now arose in the different cities, to which children from the
nobility and the banking and merchant classes were sent to enjoy the
advantages they offered over the older types of religious schools.

[Illustration: FIG. 77. TWO EARLY ITALIAN HUMANIST EDUCATORS

GUARINO DA VERONA (1374-1460)
(Drawn from a photograph of a contemporary painting. School at Ferrara,
1429-1460)

VITTORINO DA FELTRE (1378-1446)
(Drawn from a medallion in the British Museum. School at Mantua, 1423-46)]

Two of the most famous teachers in these court schools were Vittorino da
Feltre, who conducted a famous school at Mantua from 1423 to 1446, and
Guarino da Verona, who conducted another almost equally famous school at
Ferrara from 1429 to 1460. Taking boys at nine or ten and retaining them
until twenty or twenty-one, their schools were much like the best private
boarding-schools of England and America to-day. Drawing to them a selected
class of students; emphasizing physical activities, manners, and morals;
employing good teaching processes; and providing the best instruction the
world had up to that time known--the influence of these court schools was
indeed large. Many of the most distinguished leaders in Church and State
and some of the best scholars of the time were trained in them. By better
methods they covered, in shorter time, as much or more than was provided
in the Arts course of the universities, and so became rivals of them. The
ultimate result was that, with the evolution of a series of secondary
schools which prepared for admission to the universities, the gradual
"humanizing" of the universities, and the introduction of printed
textbooks, the Arts courses in the universities were advanced to a much
higher plane. We have here one of the first of a number of subsequent
steps by means of which new knowledge, organized into teaching shape, has
been passed on down to lower schools to teach, while the universities have
stepped forward into new and higher fields of endeavor.

THE HUMANISTIC COURSE OF STUDY. The new instruction was based on the study
of Greek and Latin, combined with the courtly ideal and with some of the
physical activities of the old chivalric education. Latin was begun with
the first year in school, and the regular Roman emphasis was placed on
articulation and proper accent. After some facility in the language had
been gained, easy readings, selected from the greatest Roman writers, were
attempted. As progress was made in reading and writing and speaking Latin
as a living language, Cicero and Quintilian among prose writers, and
Vergil, Lucan, Horace, Seneca, and Claudian among the poets, were read and
studied. History was introduced in these schools for the first time and as
a new subject of study, though the history was the history of Greece and
Rome and was drawn from the authors studied. Livy and Plutarch were the
chief historical writers used. Nothing that happened after the fall of
Rome was deemed as of importance. Much emphasis was placed on manners,
morality, and reverence, with Livy and Plutarch again as the great guides
to conduct. Throughout all this the use of Latin as a living language was
insisted upon; declamation became a fine art; and the ability to read,
speak, and compose in Latin was the test. Cicero, in particular, because
of the exquisite quality of his Latin style, became the great prose model.
Quintilian was the supreme authority on the purpose and method of teaching
(R. 25). Greek also was begun later, though studied much less extensively
and thoroughly. The Greek grammar of Theodorus Gaza (p. 248) was studied,
followed by the reading of Xenophon, Isocrates, Plutarch, and some of
Homer and Hesiod.

This thorough drill in ancient history and literature was given along with
careful attention to manners and moral training, and each pupil's health
was watchfully supervised--an absolutely new thought in the Christian
world. Such physical sports and games as fencing, wrestling, playing ball,
football, running, leaping, and dancing were also given special emphasis.
Competitive games between different schools were held, much as in modern
times.

The result was an all-round physical, mental, and moral training, vastly
superior to anything previously offered by the cathedral and other church
schools, and which at once established a new type which was widely copied.
A number of these new teachers, called _humanists_, wrote treatises on the
proper order of studies, the methods to be employed, the right education
of a prince, liberal education, and similar topics. [2] One of these,
Battista Guarino, describing the education provided in the school which
his father founded at Ferrara (R. 135), laid down a dictum which was
accepted widely until the middle of the nineteenth century, when he wrote:

    I have said that ability to write Latin verse is one of the essential
    marks of an educated person. I wish now to indicate a second, which is
    of at least equal importance, namely, familiarity with the literature
    and language of Greece. The time has come when we must speak in no
    uncertain voice upon this vital requirement of scholarship.

HUMANISM IN FRANCE. From Italy the new humanism was carried to France,
along with the retreating armies that had occupied Naples, Florence, and
Milan (p. 252), and when Francis I came to the French throne, in 1515, the
new learning found in him a willing patron. Though there had been
beginnings before this, the new learning really found a home in France now
for the first time. Here, too, it became associated with court and noble,
and the schools created to furnish this new instruction were provided at
the instigation of some form of public authority. The greatest humanistic
scholar in France at the time, Budaeus, was made royal librarian, in 1522.
His study of the old Roman coinage, upon which he spent nine years, would
pass to-day as a study representing a high grade of scholarship, and was
in marked contrast with the scholastic methods of the university. In his
writings Budaeus set forth for France the dictum that every man, even if
he be a king, should be devoted to letters and liberal learning, and that
this culture can be obtained only through Greek and Latin, and of these,
unlike the Italians, he held Greek to be the more important. Other
scholars now helped to transfer the center for Greek scholarship to Paris,
where it remained for the next two centuries.

[Illustration: FIG. 78. GUILLAUME BUDAEUS (1467-1540)]

A royal press was set up in Paris, in 1526, to promote the introduction of
the new learning. Libraries were built up, as in Italy. Humanist scholars
were made secretaries and ambassadors. The _College de France_ was
established at Paris, by direction of the King, with chairs in Latin,
Greek, Hebrew, and mathematics. To Hebrew the Italians had given almost no
attention, but in France, and particularly in Germany, Hebrew became an
important study. The development of schools in northern France was
hindered by the dissensions following the religious revolts of Luther and
Calvin, but in southern France many of the cities founded municipal
colleges, much like the court schools of northern Italy in type. The work
of the city of Bordeaux in reorganizing its town school along the new
lines was typical of the work of other southern cities. Good teachers,
liberal instruction, and a broad-minded attitude on the part of the
governing authorities [3] made this school, known as the _Collège de
Guyenne_, notable not only for humanistic instruction, but for intelligent
public education during the second half of the sixteenth century. The
picture of this college (school) left us by its greatest principal, Elie
Vinet (R. 136), gives an interesting description of its work.

[Illustration: FIG. 79. COLLÈGE DE FRANCE
Founded at Paris, in 1530, by King Francis I. for instruction in the new
humanistic learning]

HUMANISM IN GERMANY. The French language and life was closely related to
that of northern Italy, and French religious thought had always been so
closely in touch with that of Rome that something of the Italian feeling
for the old Roman culture and institutions was felt by the humanists of
France. In Germany and England no such feeling existed, and in these
countries any effort to discredit the rising native languages was much
more likely to be regarded as mere pedantry. In both these countries,
though, Latin was still the language of the Church, of the universities,
of all learned writing, and the means of international intercourse, and
after the new humanism had once obtained a foothold it was welcomed by
scholars as a great addition to existing knowledge. Erasmus, the foremost
scholar of his day, not only labored hard to introduce the new learning in
the schools, but welcomed the restored Roman tongue as an international
language for scholarship, as a potent weapon for destroying barriers of
language, religion, law, and possibly in time governments based on
nationality, and for the promise it gave of peace in international
relationships. In both Germany and England, in place of the patriotic
fervor of the Italians, religious zeal, as we shall see later on, was
kindled by the new humanistic studies.

[Illustration: FIG. 80. JOHANN REUCHLIN (1455-1522)
"Father of modern Hebrew Studies"]

Among the universities Vienna, Heidelberg, Erfurt, Tübingen, and Leipzig
(see Figure 61) were foremost in the introduction of the new learning.
Erfurt became the center of a group of humanistic scholars during the
closing years of the fifteenth century, and the first Greek book printed
in Germany appeared there, in 1501. At both Tübingen and Heidelberg
Reuchlin (p. 254) taught for a time, and both institutions early became
centers for the study of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. At Leipzig the reigning
duke brought various humanistic scholars to the university to lecture,
after 1507, and in 1519 entirely reformed the university by subordinating
the mediaeval disciplines to the new studies. Four new universities--
Wittenberg (1502), Marburg (1527), Königsberg (1544), and Jena (1558)--
were established on the new humanistic basis, and from their beginning
were centers for the new learning. At Wittenberg, Martin Luther had been
made Professor of Theology, in 1508, when but twenty-five years of age,
and to Wittenberg the Electoral Prince, in 1518, brought the young
Melanchthon, then but twenty-one, as Professor of Greek. The universities
of Germany were more profoundly affected by the introduction of the new
learning than were those of any other country. The monastic orders and the
Scholastics, who had for long controlled the German institutions, were
overthrown by the aid of the ruling princes, and by the close of the first
quarter of the sixteenth century the new humanism was everywhere
triumphant in German lands.

GERMAN SECONDARY SCHOOLS. The enthusiasm of the humanists for the new
learning led them to urge the establishment of humanistic secondary
schools in the German cities. The schools of "The Brethren of the Common
Life" (Hieronymians), a teaching order founded by Gerhard Grote at
Deventer, Holland, in 1384, and which had established forty-five houses by
the time the new learning came into the Netherlands from Italy, at once
adopted the new studies, soon trebled the number of its houses, and for
decades supplied teachers of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew to all the
surrounding countries. [4] Wessel, Agricola, Hegius, Reuchlin, and Sturm
were among their greatest teachers, and Erasmus their greatest pupil. Here
and there in German cities Latin schools, teaching the subjects of the
_Trivium_, but principally the elements of Latin and grammar, had been
established in the course of the later Middle Ages, and to these scholars
trained in the new learning gradually made their way, secured employment,
and thus quietly introduced a purified Latin and the intellectual part of
the new humanistic course of study. Up to 1520 this method was followed
entirely in German lands.

As in Italy, the commercial cities were among the first to provide schools
of the new type. In 1526 the commercial city of Nuremberg, in southern
Germany, opened one of the first of the new city humanistic secondary
schools, Melanchthon being present and giving the dedicatory address. A
number of similar schools were founded about this time in various German
cities--Ilfeld, Frankfort, Strassburg, Hamburg, Bremen, Dantzig--among the
number. Many of these failed, as did the one at Nuremberg, to meet the
needs of the people in essentially commercial cities. Whatever might have
been true in more cultured Italy, in German cities a rigidly classical
training for youth and early manhood was found but poorly suited to the
needs of the sons of wealthy burghers destined to a commercial career. The
rising commerce of the world apparently was to rest on native languages,
and not on elegant Latin verse and prose. The commercial classes soon fell
back on burgher schools, elementary vernacular schools, writing and
reckoning schools, business experience, and travel for the education of
their sons, leaving the Latin schools of the humanists to those destined
for the service of the Church, the law, teaching, or the higher state
service.

[Illustration: FIG. 81. JOHANN STURM (1507-89)
(After a contemporary engraving by Stofflin)]

THE WORK OF JOHANN STURM. The most successful classical school in all
Germany, and the one which formed the pattern for future classical
creations, was the _gymnasium_ [5] at Strassburg, under the direction
(1536-82) of the famous Johann Sturm, or Sturmius, as he came to call
himself. This was one of the early classical schools founded by the
commercial cities, but it had not been successful. In 1536 the authorities
invited Sturm, a graduate of the University of Louvain, and at that time a
teacher of classics and dialectic at Paris, where he had come in contact
with the humanism brought from Italy, to become head of the school and
reorganize it. This he did, and during the forty-five years he was head of
the school it became the most famous classical school in continental
Europe. His _Plan of Organization_, published in 1538; his _Letters to the
Masters_ on the course of study, in 1565; and the record of an examination
of each class in the school, conducted in 1578, all of which have been
preserved, give us a good idea as to the nature of the organization and
instruction (R. 137).

Sturm was a strong and masterful man, with a genius for organization.
Probably adopting the plan of the French colleges (R. 136), he organized
his school into ten classes, [6] one for each year the pupil was to spend
in the school, and placed a teacher in charge of each. The aim and end of
education, as he stated it, was "piety, knowledge, and the art of
speaking," and "every effort of teachers and pupils" should bend toward
acquiring "knowledge, and purity and elegance of diction." Of the ten
years the pupil was to spend in the _gymnasium_, seven were to be spent in
acquiring a thorough mastery of pure idiomatic Latin, and the three
remaining years to the acquisition of an elegant style. Cicero was the
great model, but Vergil, Plautus, Terence, Martial, Sallust, Horace, and
other authors were read and studied. Except that the Catechism was first
studied in the native German, Latin was made the language of the
classroom. Great emphasis was placed on letter-writing, declamation, and
the acting of plays. Rhetoric, too, was made a very important subject of
study. Greek was begun in the fifth year of school and continued
throughout, all instruction in Greek being given through the medium of the
Latin. [7] The instruction in both Latin and Greek was much like that of
the court schools of Italy, except that in Greek the New Testament was
read in addition. The plays and games and physical training of the Italian
schools, however, were omitted; much less emphasis was placed on manners
and gentlemanly conduct; and in educational purpose a narrow drill was
substituted for the broad cultural spirit of the French and Italian
schools.

Sturm was the greatest and most successful schoolman of his day. In
clearly defined aim, thorough organization, carefully graded instruction,
good teaching, and sound scholarship, his school surpassed all others.
Sturm's aim was to train pious, learned, and eloquent men for service in
Church and State, using religion and the new learning as means, and in
this he was very successful. In a short time after taking charge his
_gymnasium_ had six hundred pupils, and in 1578 there were "thousands of
pupils, representing eight nations," in attendance. Sturm became widely
known throughout northern Europe, and scholars and princes passing through
Strassburg stopped to visit his school and secure his advice. He
corresponded with scholars in many lands, and the influence of his
institution was enormous. He was the author of many school textbooks, and
of half a dozen works on the theory and practice of education. He fixed
both the type and the name--_gymnasium_--of the German classical secondary
school, which to-day is not very materially changed from the form and
character which Sturm gave it. Sturm's work deeply influenced many later
foundations in Germany, and also helped to mould the educational system
devised later on by the Jesuits.

[Illustration: FIG. 82. DESIDERIUS ERASMUS (1467-1536)
A contemporary portrait by the German artist, Hans Holbein the Younger, in
the Louvre, Paris]

HUMANISM IN ENGLAND. Grocyn, Linacre, and Colet had introduced the new
learning at Oxford, as we have already seen (p. 253), in the closing years
of the fifteenth century (R. 133), but had made but little impression.
They were ably seconded by Erasmus, who taught Greek at Cambridge (1510-
14), and who labored hard to substitute true classical culture for the
poor Latin and the empty scholasticism of his time. He wrote textbooks [8]
to help introduce the new learning, urged the importance of history,
geography, and science as serving to elucidate the classics, edited
editions of the classical authors, wrote two treatises of importance on
education, [9] and in two other books [10] ridiculed those who mistook the
form for the spirit of the ancient learning. His Latin Greek edition of
the New Testament definitely fixed the place of the New Testament in the
humanistic schools.

In spite of the opposition of monks and scholastics in the universities of
Oxford and Cambridge, and in the face of the coming religious turmoil in
the days of Henry VIII, the new learning made steady progress in the
universities, [11] with the court, and among the scholars and statesmen of
the time. With the coming of Elizabeth to the throne, [12] in 1558, the
court, from the Queen down, was imbued with the spirit of the new learning
(R. 139). Elizabeth appointed new chancellors for the two universities,
and these institutions were soon transformed from places for the training
of mediaeval scholars and theologians into places for the production of a
"due supply of fit persons to serve God in Church and State." As Sir
Thomas Elyot so well expressed it, in his _The Governour_ (1544)--a book
on the education of rulers for a State, and which was permeated by the new
spirit--"the new political order requires qualified instruments for its
administration, and a trained governing class must henceforth take the
place of the privileged caste and the clerk [cleric] education under the
mediaeval disciplines."

COLET AND SAINT PAUL'S SCHOOL. The first real establishment of the new
learning in England came through the secondary schools, and through the
refounding of the cathedral school of Saint Paul's, in London, by the
humanist John Colet, in 1510. Colet had become Dean of Saint Paul's
Church, and Erasmus urged him to embrace the opportunity to reconstruct
the school along humanistic lines. This he did, endowing it with all his
wealth, and in a series of carefully drawn-up Statutes (R. 138), which
were widely copied in subsequent foundations, Colet laid special emphasis
on the school giving training in the new learning and in Christian
discipline. Erasmus gave much of his time for years to finding teachers
and writing textbooks for the school. William Lily (1468-1522), another
early humanist recently returned from study in Italy, and the author of a
widely known and much used textbook [13]--_Lily's Latin Grammar_ (R. 140)
--was made headmaster of the school.

[Illustration: FIG. 83. SAINT PAUL'S SCHOOL, LONDON]

The course of study was of the humanistic type already described, coupled
with careful religious instruction. In place of the monkish Latin pure
Latin and Greek were to be taught, and the best classical authors took the
place of the old mediaeval disciplines. The school met with much
opposition, was denounced as a temple of idolatry and heathenism by the
men of the old schools, and even the Bishop of London tried twice to
convict Colet of heresy and suppress the instruction. Notwithstanding this
the school became famous for its work, not only in London but throughout
England. From its desks came a long line of capable statesmen, learned
clergy, brilliant scholars, and literary men.

[Illustration: FIG. 84. GIGGLESWICK GRAMMAR SCHOOL
One of the chief schools of Yorkshire, England, and dating back to 1499.
This building was erected in 1507-12 by a chantry priest named James Carr
(Ker). Drawn from an old print. On the front of the building was a Latin
tablet (shown in the drawing), now in the British Museum, which,
translated, read: "Kindly mother of God, defend James Ker from ill. For
priests and young clerks this house is made, in 1512. Jesus, have mercy on
us. Old men and children praise the name of the Lord."]

INFLUENCE ON OTHER ENGLISH GRAMMAR SCHOOLS. In a preceding chapter (p.
152) we mentioned the founding of many English grammar schools after 1200.
At the time Saint Paul's School was refounded there were something like
three hundred of these, of all classes, in England. They existed in
connection with the old monasteries, cathedrals, collegiate churches,
guilds, and charity foundations in connection with parish churches, while
a few were due to private benevolence and had been founded independently
of either Church or State. The Sevenoaks Grammar School, founded by the
will of William Sevenoaks, in 1432 (R. 141), and for which he stated in
his will that he desired as master "an honest man, sufficiently advanced
and expert in the science of Grammar, B.A., by no means in holy orders,"
and the chantry grammar school founded by John Percyvall, in 1503 (R.
142), are examples of the parish type. The famous Winchester Public
School, founded by Bishop William of Wykeham, in 1382, to emphasize
grammar, religion, and manners, and to prepare seventy scholars for New
College, at Oxford, [14] where they were to be trained as priests; and
Eton College, founded by Henry VI, in 1440, to prepare students for King's
College, at Cambridge, are examples of the larger private foundations. A
few, such as the grammar school at Sandwich (1579), owed their origin (R.
143) to the initiative of the city authorities. Most of these grammar
schools were small, but a few were large and wealthy establishments.

These old foundations, with their mediaeval curriculum, after a time began
to feel the influence of Colet's school. Within a century, due to one
influence or another, practically all had been remodeled after the new
classical type set up by Colet. In the course of study given for Eton (R.
144), for 1560, we see the new learning fully established, and in the
course of study for a small country grammar school, in 1635 (R. 145), we
see how fully the new learning, with its emphasis on Latin as a living
language, had by this time extended to even the smallest of the English
grammar schools. The new foundations, after 1510, were almost entirely
new-learning grammar schools, with large emphasis on grammar, good Latin
and Greek, games and sports, and the religious spirit. One of the most
conspicuous of these later foundations was Merchant Taylor's School, [15]
founded in London in 1561, and of which Richard Mulcaster (1531-1611), the
author of two important books on educational theory, [16] was for long the
headmaster. The first American Latin grammar school (Boston, 1635) was a
direct descendant of these English influences and traditions.

[Illustration: PLATE 5. STRATFORD-ON-AVON GRAMMAR SCHOOL
Established by the Holy Cross Guild of Stratford-on-Avon, at the beginning
of the fifteenth century. The Grammar School was built in 1426, of wood,
and at a cost of £10, 5_s_., 3-1/2_d_. The school was held on the upper
floor, the lower being used as a guild-hall. Here Shakespeare went to
school, and saw companies of strolling players in the hall below. The
lower picture shows the grammar-school room after its "restoration," in
1892.]

THE REACTION AGAINST MEDIAEVALISM. Having traced the introduction of the
new learning by countries, it still remains to point out certain
significant educational features of the movement which were common in all
lands, and which profoundly modified subsequent educational practice. Both
the purpose and the method of education were permanently changed.

Up to about the middle of the fourth Christian century the aim of both
Greek and Roman education had been to prepare men to become good and
useful citizens in the State. Then the Church gained control of education,
and for a thousand years the chief object was to prepare for the world to
come. Success and good citizenship in this world counted for little,
religious devotion took the place of the old state patriotism, the
salvation of souls took the place of the promotion of the social welfare,
and the aim and end of life here was to attain everlasting bliss in the
world to come. To be able to appease the dread Judge at the Day of
Judgment, prayer, penance, and holy contemplation were the important
things here below. It was preëminently the age of the self-abasing monk,
and this mental attitude dominated all thinking and learning.

The spirit behind the Revival of Learning was a protest against this
mediaeval attitude, and the protest was vigorous and successful. The
Revival of Learning was a clear break with mediaeval traditions and with
mediaeval authority. It restored to the world the ideals of earlier
education--self-culture, and preparation for usefulness and success in the
world here. In Italy, France, Germany, and England the movement, too, met
with the most thorough approval from modern men--merchants, court
officials, and scholars who were ready to break with the mediaeval type of
thinking. The court and other types of secondary schools now established
were popular with the higher classes in society, and this aristocratic
stamp the humanistic schools and courses have ever since retained. These
schools restored to the world the practical education of the days of
Cicero, and preparation for intelligent service in the Church, State, and
the larger business life became one of their important purposes. Supported
as they were by the ruling classes, the new schools were close to the most
progressive forces in the national life of the different countries. They
represented an unmistakable reaction against the world of the mediaeval
monk and the Scholastic, and their early success was in large part because
of this.

MODIFICATION OF THE MEDIAEVAL CURRICULUM. The mediaeval curriculum, as we
have seen (chap. VII), was based on instruction in the Seven Liberal Arts.
Grammar at first was the great subject, but later Dialectic became the
master science. Knowledge was regarded as an organic whole, capable of
being stated in a brief encyclopaedia, and each man could learn it all.
With the rise of university instruction some new knowledge was added,
chiefly from Moslem sources, and the old knowledge was minutely re-ground.
With the revival of the ancient learning there came, within a little more
than a century, an enormous increase in the world's sum of knowledge, and
the invention of printing came just in time to multiply and scatter this
new knowledge throughout western Europe. To all the old subjects a new
wealth of detail was added which made teaching encyclopaedias impossible.
New purposes in education now came to prevail, and the great mediaeval
teaching curriculum was changed in content and in relative importance.

Of the subjects in the old _Trivium_, Dialectic or Logic, which
Scholastics had raised to the place of first importance, was dethroned,
and relegated to a minor position in university instruction. In its place
Grammar, as Quintilian knew and used the term (R. 76) and as based on and
including Literature, was raised once more to the place of first
importance. Out of this, Literature--at first the classical and later the
modern--later came as a separate study, as did also the study of History
and Mythology. By the latter part of the sixteenth century technical
Grammar had been separated from Literature, and made a more elementary
subject, while Rhetoric had developed into a critical study of literary
art. Of the subjects of the _Quadrivium_, Arithmetic, Geometry, and
Astronomy were each greatly expanded, as a result of the introduction of
much new knowledge, and each was reduced to textbook form, while Algebra
and Trigonometry were now organized as teaching subjects. Due to their
newness and difficulty these subjects were taught chiefly in the
universities. There they remained for a long time before being passed down
to the secondary schools. Out of the very elemental instruction given in
Geography and Astronomy were in time evolved all the biological and
physical sciences, though this development belongs to a later chapter
(XVII), and these new subjects did not reach the secondary schools until
well into the nineteenth century. The last of the quadrivial subjects,
Music, experienced a different history in different countries. In the
Germanic countries it continued to receive its old emphasis, while in
England and France much less was made of it. After the setting-in of
Puritanism in England, when music was regarded with great disfavor, it in
large part passed out of the English curriculum. As a result the Germanic
and Scandinavian nations are to-day singing nations, while the English and
American are not. In early America, in particular, was the religious
reaction against music especially strong.

[Illustration: FIG. 85. THE EVOLUTION OF MODERN STUDIES
The great study of each period is in CAPITALS; subjects in _italics_
indicate that they also were quite important. Least important subjects in
ordinary type.]

NEW TEACHING METHODS. Such important changes naturally called for a
progressively evolving series of printed textbooks, and these now came
fast from the presses. The day of one textbook, which could dominate all
instruction for hundreds of years, was over forever. A few books, such as
Lily's or Melanchthon's Latin grammars and the textbooks of Erasmus, were
still used for a long time, but throughout the sixteenth century, before
the schools became formalized and lost their earlier purpose, each
textbook issued was soon superseded by a better one. The invention of
printing, too, changed teaching from a reading-by-the-professor to a
textbook method, and tremendously shortened the time necessary to give
instruction in any subject. With the manufacture of paper the written
theme, too, displaced the disputation, with great gains in accuracy of
thinking and refinement in the use of words. It was still the Latin theme
or verse or oration, to be sure, and the object of the new instruction was
to teach Latin as a living language, but before long the time was to come
when the same methods would be transferred to instruction in the native
tongues and for national ends.

To make the instruction as practical as possible, and thus prepare the
pupils for service as Latin scholars in public or scholarly pursuits, the
ancient literature was studied in part as a storehouse of adequate and
elegant expression, and numerous phrase books [17] were written for use in
the schools. When we remember that Latin was still the language of all
learned literature, of the university classroom, of most diplomatic and
legal documents, and a practical necessity for travel or communication
abroad, we can realize why so much emphasis was placed on the constant use
of Latin as the language of the school. [18] As Leach [19] so well puts
it:

    "The learned professions required a competent knowledge of Latin far
    more directly then than now. A need for Latin was not confined to the
    Church and the priest. The diplomatist, the lawyer, the civil servant,
    the physician, the naturalist, the philosopher, wrote, read, and to a
    large extent spoke and perhaps thought in Latin. Nor was Latin only
    the language of the higher professions. A merchant, or a bailiff of a
    manor, wanted it for his accounts; every town clerk or guild clerk
    wanted it for his minute book. Columbus had to study for his voyages
    in Latin; the general had to study tactics in it. The architect, the
    musician, every one who was neither a mere soldier nor a mere
    handicraftsman, wanted, not a smattering of grammar, but a living
    acquaintance with the tongue, as a spoken as well as a written
    language."

THE SCHOOLS BECOME FORMAL. After the new learning had obtained a firm
footing in the schools there happened what has often happened in the
history of new educational efforts--that is, the new learning became
narrow, formal, and fixed, and lost the liberal spirit which actuated its
earlier promoters. In the beginning the Italian humanists had aimed at
large personal self-culture and individual development, and the northern
humanists at moral and religious reform and preparation for useful
service, both using the classics as a means to these new ends. After about
1500 in Italy, and 1600 in the northern countries, when the new-learning
schools had become well established and thoroughly organized, the tendency
arose to make the means an end in itself. Instead of using the classical
literatures to impart a liberal education, give larger vision, and prepare
for useful public service, they came to be used largely for disciplinary
ends. The teaching of Campion at Prague (1574) well illustrates this
degeneracy (R. 146). This change alienated practical men from the schools.
French now in turn became the language of the court and of diplomacy, and
the work of the schools tended to be confined largely to preparing
students to enter the universities or the service of the Church. Men of
the world hence turned to a new type of schools which now arose (chapter
xvii), and which made preparation for social efficiency in a modern world
their aim.

In consequence the aim of the new humanistic education came in time to be
thought of in terms of languages and literatures, instead of in terms of
usefulness as a preparation for intelligent living, and educational effort
was transferred from the larger human point of view of the early
humanistic teachers to the narrower and much less important one of
mastering Greek and Latin, writing verses, and cultivating a good
(Ciceronian) Latin style. Sturm's school at Strassburg clearly shows the
beginnings of such a transformation (R. 137). As Latin came to be less and
less used by scholars in writing, passed out of use as the language of
government and of international communication, was replaced by French as
the language of polite society, and was gradually superseded in the
university lecture room by the vernaculars, the practical motive for
learning Latin died out, except for service in the Church, and the
disciplinary and cultural value of the study of the classics alone
remained. The disciplinary, being easier to give, and better within the
understanding of most teachers, gradually won over the cultural. As a
result, classical education gradually became narrow and formal, and drill
in composition and declamation and imitation of the style of ancient
authors--particularly Cicero, whence the term "Ciceronianism" which came
to be applied to it--grew to be the ruling motives in instruction. By the
end of the sixteenth century this change had taken place in both the
secondary schools and the universities, and this narrow linguistic
attitude continued to dominate classical education, in German lands until
the mid-eighteenth, and in all other western European countries and in
America until near the middle of the nineteenth century. It was not until
vigorously challenged by the enthusiasts for modern scientific studies
that the teachers of the classics awoke to the need of improving their
instruction and restoring something of the old cultural value to what they
were teaching.

The new learning in northern and western Europe was also much changed in
character by the violent religious dissensions, following the Protestant
Revolt, to a consideration of which we next turn.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Explain just what is meant by the statement that mediaeval education
was narrowly technical.

2. State the educational ideals of the new secondary schools evolved by
the Italian humanistic scholars, and show whether these ideals have been
best embodied in the German _gymnasium_ or the English grammar school.

3. How do you explain the merchants and bankers and princes of Italy being
more interested in the revival-of-learning movement than the Church and
university scholars? Do such classes to-day show the same type of interest
in aiding learning?

4. What was the particular importance of the recovery of Quintilian's
_Institutes_? Of Cicero's _Orations_ and _Letters_?

5. What better methods could the Italian court schools have used to enable
them to cover the university Arts course in shorter time? How would this
have advanced the character of the instruction in Arts in the university?

6. Show how the type of education developed in the Italian court schools
was superior to that of the best of the cathedral schools. To that
developed by Sturm.

7. Show how the new type of secondary schools was naturally associated
with court and nobility and men of large worldly affairs, and how in
consequence the new secondary education became and for long continued to
be considered as aristocratic education.

8. Explain how the terms _college_, _lycée_, _gymnasium_, _academy_, and
_grammar school_ all came to be employed, in different countries, to
designate about the same type of secondary school.

9. Had the purified Latin been restored, as the general international
language of learning and government, would it have helped materially in
bringing about the civilizing influences Erasmus saw in it?

10. Has the development of separate nationalities and different national
languages aided in advancing international peace and civilization? Why?

11. Why should the new humanistic studies have developed religious fervor
in Germany and England, in place of the patriotic fervor of the Italian
scholars?

12. Was the struggle against the introduction of the new learning into the
German universities parallel to the late struggle against the introduction
of science into American universities?

13. Contrast the aim of Sturm's school with that of the Italian court
schools, and the English grammar schools. Point out the new tendencies in
his work.

14. Does the sentence quoted from Elyot's _Governour_ express well the
changed conditions in England at the middle of the sixteenth century? Do
such changed conditions always demand educational reorganizations?

15. What basis, if any, did the opponents of Colet's school have for
denouncing it as a temple of idolatry and heathenism?

16. Show how it was natural that the first American school should have
been a Latin grammar school in type.

17. Show that the new conception as to education, as expressed by the new
humanism, found a public ready to support it. What was the nature of this
public?

18. Show how the new schools were "close to the most progressive forces in
the national life," and the influence of this, particularly in England and
America, in fixing classical training as the approved type of secondary
education.

19. Explain how the written theme of to-day is the successor of the
mediaeval disputation.

20. Show how the methods of instruction employed in the new Latin grammar
schools have been passed over to the native-language schools.

21. From the paragraph quoted from Leach (p. 282), explain why a knowledge
of Latin was for so long regarded as synonymous with being educated.

22. Show how instruction in Latin, by being changed from cultural to
disciplinary ends, made French the language of diplomacy and society,
tended to elevate all the vernacular tongues, and marked the beginnings of
the end of the importance of Latin as a school study except for the
purposes of the Roman Catholic Church.

23. What was the purpose of the Latin instruction, as you received it?

24. Does it require a higher quality of teaching to impart the cultural
aspect of a study than is required for the disciplinary?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  135. Guarino: On Teaching the Classical Authors.
  136. Vinet: The Collège de Guyenne at Bordeaux.
  137. Sturm: Course of Study at Strassburg.
  138. Colet: Statutes for St. Paul's School, London.
       (a) Religious Observances.
       (b) Admission of Children.
       (c) The Course of Study.
  139. Ascham: On Queen Elizabeth's Learning.
  140. Colet: Introduction to Lily's Latin Grammar.
  141. William Sevenoaks: Foundation Bequest for Sevenoaks Grammar School.
  142. John Percyvall: Foundation Bequest for a Chantry Grammar School.
  143. Sandwich: A City Grammar School Foundation.
  144. Eton: Course of Study in 1560.
  145. Martindale: Course of Study in an English Country Grammar School.
  146. Simpson: Degeneracy of Classical Instruction.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Show the large scope of Grammar, as outlined by Guarino (135).

2. How generally was his dictum that a knowledge of Latin and Greek were
essential for a well-educated gentleman (135) accepted?

3. Compare the course of study in Sturm's school (137) with that at
Bordeaux (136), and with that at Eton (144) a little later.

4. From Ascham's statements (139), what do you infer as to the reception
of the new learning at the English court?

5. Show how Colet (138 a) and William Sevenoaks (141) both aimed to
provide for real teachers, specialized for the service, and not for
teaching as an adjunct to priestly duties. What was the significance of
these provisions?

6. Show that Colet (138 b) desired to train leaders, rather than
followers.

7. Show that he clearly provided (138 c) for a humanistic school of the
reformed type.

8. Characterize Colet's Introduction to Lily's Grammar (140).

9. What was the educational significance of such a bequest as that of
William Sevenoaks (141)?

10. What did the founding of a chantry grammar school (142), instead of a
song school, indicate as to the progress of education?

11. Would the action taken by the authorities of the City of Sandwich
(143) indicate that the humanistic grammar school had taken a deep hold on
English thought, or not? The same with reference to the course given in a
small English country grammar school, as described by Martindale (145)?

12. Just what does the instruction described as given by Campion (146)
indicate?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_.
  Jebb, R. C. _Humanism in Education_.
  Laurie, S. S. _Development of Educational Opinion since the
    Renaissance_.
  Laurie, S. S. "The Renaissance and the School, 1440-1580"; in _School
    Review_, vol. 4, pp. 140-48, 202-14.
* Lupton, J. H. _A Life of John Colet_.
  Palgrave, F. T. "The Oxford Movement in the Fifteenth Century"; in
    _Nineteenth Century_, vol. 28, pp. 812-30. (Nov. 1890.)
  Seebohm, F. _The Oxford Reformers of 1498; Colet, Erasmus, More_.
* Stowe, A. M. _English Grammar Schools in the Reign of Queen
    Elizabeth_.
* Thurber, C. H. "Vittorino da Feltre"; in School _Review_, vol. 7,
    pp. 295-300.
  Watson, Foster. _English Grammar Schools to 1660_.
* Woodward, W. H. _Vittorino da Feltre, and other Humanistic
    Educators_.
* Woodward, W. H. _Education during the Renaissance_.
  Woodward, W. H. _Desiderius Erasmus, Concerning the Method and Aim of
    Education_.




CHAPTER XII

THE REVOLT AGAINST AUTHORITY


THE NEW QUESTIONING ATTITUDE. The student can hardly have followed the
history of educational development thus far without realizing that a
serious questioning of the practices and of the dogmatic and repressive
attitude of the omnipresent mediaeval Church was certain to come, sooner
or later, unless the Church itself realized that the mediaeval conditions
which once demanded such an attitude were rapidly passing away, and that
the new life in Christendom now called for a progressive stand in
religious matters as in other affairs. The new life resulting from the
Crusades, the rise of commerce and industry, the organization of city
governments, the rise of lawyer and merchant classes, the formation of new
national States, the rise of a new "Estate" of tradesmen and workers, the
new knowledge, the evolution of the university organizations, and the
discovery of the art of printing--all these forces had united to develop a
new attitude toward the old problems and to prepare western Europe for a
rapid evolution out of the mediaeval conditions which had for so long
dominated all action and thinking. This the Church should have realized,
and it should have assumed toward the progressive tendencies of the time
the same intelligent attitude assumed earlier toward the rise of
scholastic inquiry. But it did not, and by the fifteenth century the
situation had been further aggravated by a marked decline in morality on
the part of both monks and clergy, which awakened deep and general
criticism in all lands, but particularly among the northern peoples.

The Revival of Learning was the first clear break with mediaevalism. In
the critical and constructive attitude developed by the scholars of the
movement, their renunciation of the old forms of thinking, the new craving
for truth for its own sake which they everywhere awakened, and their
continual appeal to the original sources of knowledge for guidance, we
have the definite beginnings of a modern scientific spirit which was
destined ultimately to question all things, and in time to usher in modern
conceptions and modern ways of thinking. The authority of the mediaeval
Church would be questioned, and out of this questioning would come in time
a religious freedom and a religious tolerance unknown in the mediaeval
world. The great world of scientific truth would be inquired into and the
facts of modern science established, regardless of what preconceived
ideas, popular or religious, might be upset thereby. The divine right of
kings to rule, and to dispose of the fortunes and happiness of their
peoples as they saw fit, was also destined to be questioned, and another
new "Estate" would in time arise and substitute, instead, in all
progressive lands, the divine right of the common people. Religious
freedom and toleration, scientific inquiry and scholarship, and the
ultimate rise of democracy were all involved in the critical, questioning,
and constructive attitude of the humanistic scholars of the Renaissance.
These came historically in the order just stated, and in this order we
shall consider them.

HUMANISM BECAME A RELIGIOUS REFORM MOVEMENT IN THE NORTH. In Italy the
Revival of Learning was classical and scientific in its methods and
results, and awakened little or no tendency toward religious and moral
reform. Instead it resulted in something of a paganization of religion,
with the result that the Papacy and the Italian Church probably reached
their lowest religious levels at about the time the great religious
agitation took place in northern lands. In the latter, on the contrary,
the introduction of humanism awakened a new religious zeal, and religious
reform and classical learning there came to be associated almost as one
movement. In England, Germany, the Low Countries, and in large parts of
northern France, the new learning was at once directed to religious and
moral ends. The patriotic emotions roused in the Italians by the
humanistic movement were in the northern countries superseded by religious
and moral emotions, and the constant appeal to sources turned the northern
leaders almost at once back to the Church Fathers and the original Greek
and Hebrew Testaments for authority in religious matters.

Colet, from England, who had spent the years 1493-96 in Florence (p. 254),
during the period when Savonarola (1452-98) was preaching moral reform
there, returned home, not only a humanist, but a religious reformer as
well, and began to lecture at Oxford on the Epistles of Saint Paul in the
Greek. Linacre, Grocyn, Colet, Erasmus, and Sir Thomas More (author of
_Utopia_), among others, formed a little group of humanists all of whom
were also deeply interested in a reform of the practices of the Church.
Erasmus, in particular, labored hard by his writings to remove religious
abuses. His _Colloquies_ (1519), a widely used Latin reading book, was
banned from the classrooms of the University of Paris (1528), and
forbidden to be used in Catholic lands by the Church Council of Trent
(1564), because of the way in which it held up to ridicule the abuses in
the Church, the superstitions of the age, and the immoralities in the
lives of the monks and clergy. His work as Professor of Divinity at
Cambridge, his numerous editions of the writings of the Church Fathers,
and his Latin-Greek edition (1516), of the New Testament [1] all alike
tended to turn theological scholars back to the original sources instead
of to the scholastics for the foundations of their religious faith. In
Germany such men as Hegius (p, 271), Reuchlin (p. 254), and Melanchthon
(p. 270) began, by similar methods, to go back to Greek and Hebrew sources
and to the Church Fathers for new interpretations as to religious
doctrines. In so doing they discovered that many practices and demands of
the Church, all of which had grown up during the long mediaeval period,
were not in harmony with the earlier teachings of Christ, the Apostles, or
the early Fathers. In France, Jacques Lefèvre (c. 1455-1536), a humanist
and a pioneer Protestant, contended for the rule of the Scriptures and for
justification by faith, and translated the Bible into the French (New
Testament, 1523; complete, 1530) that the people might read it.

EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION. The reaction against the mediaeval dogmas of the
Church and the demand by the humanists of the North for a return to the
simpler religion of Christ gradually grew, and in time became more and
more insistent. This demand was not something which broke out all at once
and with Luther, as many seem to think. Had this been so he would soon
have been suppressed, and little more would have been heard of him.
Instead, the literature of the time clearly reveals that there had been,
for two centuries, an increasing criticism of the Church, and a number of
local and unsuccessful efforts at reform had been attempted. The demand
for reform was general, and of long standing, outside of Italy and
southern France. Had it been heeded probably much subsequent history might
have been different. A few of the more important attempts at reform may be
mentioned here, as a background for our study.

The first organized revolt against the Church occurred in southern France,
in the early thirteenth century, and the revolters (_Albigenses_) were so
fearfully punished by fire and sword that it was not attempted there
again.

[Illustration: FIG. 86. JOHN WYCLIFFE (1320?-84)
A popular English preacher (Drawn from an old print)]

In 1378 there was a disputed papal election, and for nearly forty years
there were two Popes, one at Rome, and one at Avignon in southern France,
each attempting to control the Church and each denouncing the other as
Antichrist. The discussions which accompanied this "Great Schism" did much
to weaken the authority of the Church in all Christian lands. In England a
popular preacher and Oxford divinity graduate by the name of John Wycliffe
was led, by the sad condition of the Church there, to a careful study of
the Bible. He came to the conclusion that many of the claims of the Popes
and many practices of the Church were wrong (R. 147) and he refused to
accept teachings of the Church for which he could not find sanction in the
Bible. His revolt was as direct and vigorous as that of Luther, in German
lands, a century and a half later (R. 148). So great was his zeal for
reform that he and his scholars attempted a translation of the Bible [2]
into English (see Figure 93), that the people might read it, and he and
his followers (called _Lollards_) went about the country teaching what
they believed to be the true Christianity. What had before in England been
a widespread but undefined feeling of disaffection for the rich and
careless clergy and monks, the work of Wycliffe organized into a political
and social force.

Due to the then close connection of the English and Bohemian courts,
through royal marriages, Wycliffe's teachings were carried to Bohemia,
where a popular preacher and university theologian by the name of John
Huss (1373-1415) expounded them. He denounced the evil conduct of the
clergy, and he and his followers tried to introduce several new customs
into the Church. For this Huss was first excommunicated, and then burned
at the stake as a dangerous heretic. [3] After a series of terrible
massacres his followers were forced, in large part, to accept once more
the old system.

[Illustration: FIG. 87. RELIGIOUS WARFARE IN BOHEMIA
Sacking a village in true German style (From a picture in the Germanic
Museum at Nuremberg)]

In 1414 a Council of the Church was called at Constance, in Switzerland,
to heal the papal schism, and this Council made a serious attempt at
church reform. After reuniting the Church under one Pope, it drew up a
list of abuses which it ordered remedied (R. 149). It also attempted to
establish a democratic form of organization for the government of the
Church, with Church Councils meeting from time to time to advise with the
Pope and formulate church policy, much like the government of a modern
parliament and king. Had this succeeded, much future history might have
been different [4] and the civilization of the world to-day much advanced.
But the attempt failed, and the absolutism of the reunited Papacy became
stronger than ever before. Protests of princes, actions of legislative
assemblies, [5] protests sometimes of bishops, [6] the failing allegiance
of men of affairs, the increasing condemnation and ridicule from laymen
and scholars--all signs of a strong undercurrent of public opinion--seemed
to have no effect on those responsible for the policy of the Church.

That the different rebellions and refusals of reform helped directly to
the ultimate break of Luther is not probable, as Luther seems to have
worked out his position by himself. Each of these earlier defiances of
authority and the later defiance of Luther were alike, though, in two
respects. Each demanded a return to the usages and beliefs and practices
of the earlier Christian Church, as derived from a study of the Bible and
of the writings of the early Christian Fathers; and each insisted that
Christians should be permitted to study the Bible for themselves, and
reach their own conclusions as to Christian duty. In this demand to be
allowed to go back to the original sources for authority, and the
assertion of the right to personal investigation and conclusions, we see
the new intellectual standards established by the Revival of Learning in
full force. After 1500 the rising demands for moral reform and the
recognition of individual judgment could not be put aside much longer.
Unless there could be evolution there would be revolution. Evolution was
refused, [7] and revolution was the result.

DISCONTENT IN GERMAN LANDS. It happened that the first revolt to be
successful in a large way broke out in Germany, and about the person of an
Augustinian monk and Professor of Theology in the University of Wittenberg
by the name of Martin Luther (1483-1546). Had it not centered about Luther
the revolt would have come about some one else; had it not come in Germany
it would have come in some other land. It was the modern scientific spirit
of inquiry and reason in conflict with the mediaeval spirit of dogmatic
authority, and two such forces are sooner or later destined to clash.
Whether we be Catholic or Protestant, and whether we approve or disapprove
of what Luther did or of his methods, makes little difference in this
study. Over a question involving so much religious partisanship we do not
need to take sides. All that we need concern ourselves with is that a
certain Martin Luther lived, did certain things, made certain stands for
what he believed to be right, and what he did, whether right or wrong,
whether beneficial to progress and civilization or not, stands as a great
historical fact with which the student of the history of education must
take account. That the same or even better results might have been arrived
at in time by other methods may be true, but what we are concerned with is
the course which history actually took. [8]

There were special reasons why the trouble, when once it broke, made such
rapid entry in German lands. The Germans had a long-standing grudge
against the Italian papal court, chiefly because it had for long been
draining Germany of money to support the Italian Church. Germany's
greatest minnesinger, Walther von der Vogelweide (1170-1228), three
centuries before Luther had sung to the German people how the Pope made
merry over the stupid Germans.

  "All their goods will be mine,
    Their silver is flowing into my far-away chest;
  Their priests are living on poultry and wine,
    And leaving the silly layman to fast."

Many positions in the German Church had been filled by the Pope with
Italians, who not infrequently drew the perquisites, but did not reside in
Germany. The princely and feudal Archbishops of Mayence, Treves, Cologne,
and Salzburg, with their fortified castles and lands and troops and large
governmental powers, frequently proved to be serious sources of
irritation. The most widespread discontent, though, arose over the heavy
church taxation, which drained the money of the people to Italy. The whole
German people, from the princes down to the peasants, felt themselves
unjustly treated, that the German money which flowed to Rome should be
kept at home, and that the immoral and inefficient clergy should be
replaced by upright, earnest men who would attend better to their
religious duties (R. 150). It was these conditions which prepared the
Germans for revolt, and enabled Luther to rally so many of the princes and
people to his side when once he had defied authority.

THE GERMAN REVOLT. The crisis came over the sale of indulgences for sins
by the papal agent, Tetzel, who began the practice in the neighborhood of
Wittenberg, where Luther was a Professor of Theology, in 1516. There is
little doubt but that Tetzel, in his zeal to raise money for the
rebuilding of the church of Saint Peter's at Rome, a great undertaking
then under way, exceeded his instructions and made claims as to the nature
and efficacy of indulgences which were not warranted by church doctrines.
Such would be only human. The sale, however, irritated Luther, and he
appealed to the Archbishop of Magdeburg to prohibit it. Failing to obtain
any satisfaction, he followed the old university custom, made out ninety-
five theses, or reasons, why he did not believe the practice justifiable,
detailed the abuses, set forth what he conceived to be the true Christian
doctrine in the matter, and challenged all comers to a debate on the
theses (R. 151). Following true university custom, also, these theses were
made out in Latin, and in October, 1517, Luther followed still another
university custom and nailed them to the church door in Wittenberg. Luther
was probably as much surprised as any one to find that these were at once
translated into German, printed, and in two weeks had been scattered all
over Germany. Within a month they were known in all the important centers
of the Western Christian world. They had been carried everywhere on the
currents of discontent. Luther at first intended no revolt from the
Church, but only a protest against its practices. From one step to
another, though, he was gradually led into open rebellion, and finally, in
1520, was excommunicated from the Church. He then expressed his defiance
by publicly burning the bull of excommunication, together with a volume of
the canon law. This was open rebellion, and such heresy (R. 152) must
needs be stamped out. Luther took his stand on the authority of the
Scriptures, and the battle was now joined between the forces representing
the authority of the Church _versus_ the authority of the Bible, and
salvation through the Church _versus_ salvation through personal faith and
works. [9] Luther also forced the issue for freedom of thought in
religious matters. It was, to be sure, some three centuries before freedom
in religious thinking and worship became clearly recognized, but what the
early university masters and scholars had stood for in intellectual
matters, Luther now asserted in religious affairs as well.

[Illustration: FIG. 88. SHOWING THE RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS]

We do not need to follow the details of the conflict. Suffice it to know
that great portions of northern and western Germany followed Luther, as is
shown in Figure 88, and that the Western Church, which had remained one
for so many centuries and been the one great unifying force in western
Europe, was permanently split by the Protestant Revolt. The large success
of Luther is easily explained by the new life which now permeated western
Europe. The world was rapidly becoming modern, while the Church, with a
perversity almost unexplainable, insisted upon remaining mediaeval and
tried to force others to remain mediaeval with it. Adams expresses the
situation well when he says: [10]

    A revolution had been wrought in the intellectual world in the century
    between Huss and Luther. At the death of Huss the world had only just
    begun the study of Greek. Since that date, the great body of classical
    literature had been recovered, and the sciences of philology and
    historical criticism thoroughly established. As a result Luther had at
    his command a well-developed method ... impossible to any earlier
    reformer.... The world also had become familiar with independent
    investigation, and with the proclamation of new views and the
    upsetting of old ones. By no means the least of the great services of
    Erasmus to civilization had been to hold up before all the world so
    conspicuous an example of the scholar following, as his inalienable
    right, the truth as he found it and wherever it appeared to lead him,
    and honest in his public utterances as to the results of his
    studies.... His was the crowning work of a century which had produced
    in the general public a greatly changed attitude of mind toward
    intellectual independence since the days of Huss. The printing press
    was of itself almost enough to account for Luther's success as
    compared with his predecessors. Wycliffe made almost as direct and
    vigorous an appeal to the public at large, and with "an amazing
    industry he issued tract after tract in the tongue of the people," but
    Luther had the advantage in the rapid multiplication of copies and in
    their cheapness, and he covered Europe with the issues of his
    press.... Luther spoke to a very different public from that which
    Wycliffe or Huss had addressed,--a public European in extent, and one
    not merely familiar with the assertion of new ideas, but tolerant, in
    a certain way, of the innovator, and expectant of great things in the
    future.

A revolution it undoubtedly was, but a revolution in thinking much more
than a political revolution. It was but a further manifestation of the
inquiring and questioning tendency awakened by the Revival of Learning. It
might in a sense be dated from Wycliffe and Huss, as well as from Erasmus
and Luther. Luther did not create the Reformation. He rather popularized
the work of preceding protesters, giving the impress of his powerful
personality to the movement, and directing and moulding its form.

[Illustration: FIG. 89. HULDREICH ZWINGLI (1487-1531)]

REVOLTS IN OTHER LANDS. The outbreak in Germany soon spread to other
lands. Lutheranism made rapid headway in Denmark, where the German
grievances against Italian rule were equally familiar, and in 1537 the
Danish Diet severed all connection with Rome and established Lutheranism
as the religion of the country. Norway, being then a part of Denmark, was
carried for Lutheranism also. In Sweden the Church was shorn of some of
its powers and property in 1527, and in 1592 Lutheranism was definitely
adopted as the religion for the nation. This included Finland, then a part
of Sweden. An independent reform movement, closely akin to Lutheranism in
its aims, made considerable headway in German Switzerland
contemporaneously with the reform work of Luther in Germany. This was
under the leadership of a popular humanist preacher in Zurich by the name
of Huldreich Zwingli. In 1519 he began a series of sermons on real
religion, as he had learned it from a study of the New Testament writings.
Zwingli, being supported by the people, made many changes in church
practices and worship, eventually even abolishing the mass. Many other
towns took up this reform movement, and civil war was the result. Zwingli
was killed in battle between Swiss partisans of the old regime and
reformers, in 1531, but his work though checked persisted, and German
Switzerland became mixed Catholic and Protestant. [11]

In England the struggle came nominally over the divorce (1533) of Henry
VIII from Catherine of Aragon, though the independence of the English
Church had been asserted from time to time for two centuries, and a free
National Church had for long been a growing ideal with English statesmen.
In 1534 Parliament passed the Act of Supremacy (R. 153) which severed
England from Rome. By it the King was made head of the English National
Church. The change was in no sense a profound one, such as had taken place
in Lutheran Germany. The priests who took the new oath of allegiance to
the King instead of the Pope as the head of the Church, as most of them
did, continued in the churches, the service was changed to English, some
reforms were instituted, but the people did not experience any great
change in religious feeling or ideas. This new National Church became
known as the English or Anglican Church.

So far as the early history of America is concerned, the most important
reform movement was neither Lutheranism nor Anglicanism, but Calvinism. In
1537 John Calvin, a French Protestant who had fled to Switzerland, [12]
was invited to submit a plan for the educational and religious
reorganization of the city of Geneva, and in 1541 he was entrusted with
the task of organizing there a little religious City-Republic. For this he
established a combined church and city government, in which religious
affairs and the civil government were as closely connected as they had
ever been in any Catholic country. During the twenty-three years that
Calvin dominated Geneva it became the Rome of Protestantism. Calvin's _The
Institutes of Christianity_, published in Latin in 1536, and in French in
1541, was the first orderly presentation of the principles of Christian
faith from the Protestant standpoint, [13] while his French _Catechism_
(1537) was extensively used [14] in Calvinistic lands as a basis for
elementary religious instruction.

[Illustration: FIG. 90. JOHN CALVIN (1509-1564)
(Drawn from a contemporary painting)]

From Geneva a reformed Calvinistic religion spread over northern France,
[15] where its followers became known as _Huguenots_; to Scotland (1560),
where they were known as _Scotch Presbyterians_; to the Netherlands
(1572), where originated the Dutch Reformed Church; and to portions of
central England, where those who embraced it became known as _Puritans_.
Through the Puritans who settled New England, and later through the
Huguenots in the Carolinas, the Scotch Presbyterians in the central
colonies, and the Dutch in New York, Calvinism was carried to America, was
for long the dominant religious belief, and profoundly colored all early
American education. Lutheranism also came in through the Swedes along the
Delaware and the Germans in Pennsylvania, while the Anglican Church, known
in America as the _Episcopalian_, came in through the landed aristocracy
in Virginia and the later settlers in New York. The early settlement of
America was thus a Protestant settlement, while the migration to America
of large numbers of peoples from Catholic lands is a relatively recent
movement.

RELIGIOUS FREEDOM AND RELIGIOUS WARFARE. Of course the revolt against the
authority of the Church, once inaugurated, could not be stopped. The same
right to freedom in religious belief which Luther claimed for himself and
his followers had of course to be extended to others. This the Protestants
were not much more willing to grant than had been the Catholics before
them. The world was not as yet ready for such rapid advances, and
religious toleration, [16] though established in principle by the revolt,
was an idea to which the world has required a long time to become
accustomed. It took two centuries of intermittent religious warfare,
during which Catholic and Protestant waged war on one another, plundered
and pillaged lands, and murdered one another for the salvation of their
respective souls, before the people of western Europe were willing to stop
fighting and begin to recognize for others that which they were fighting
for for themselves. When religious tolerance finally became established by
law, civilization had made a tremendous advance.

The religious wars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were waged
with greatest intensity in Spain, France, and the German States, though no
land wholly escaped. The result of this religious strife was to check the
progress of the higher civilization of the people for nearly three
centuries, and to delay greatly the coming of the great blessing of
freedom in matters of religious belief, while the poverty and misery
resulting from the devastation of these religious wars left neither the
energy for nor the interest in educational or political progress.

The struggle to suppress Lutheranism in Germany was postponed for twenty-
five years--due to outside pressure, chiefly that of the Turks in
southeastern Europe--from the time that the Diet of Worms decided against
Luther (1521). Finally, in 1546, the German-Spanish Emperor Charles V felt
at last free to proceed against the Lutheran heresy, and from the
breaking-out in that year of the struggle between Charles and the German
princes who sided with Luther, to the Peace of Westphalia, in 1648,
represents a century of almost continual religious warfare in the German
States. The worst of the period was the last thirty years, when religious
ferocity and hatred reached its climax in the period known as the _Thirty
Years' War_ (1618-48). Though fought on German soil, France, Spain, and
Sweden were deeply involved in the struggle. It left Germany a ruin. From
the most prosperous State in Europe, in 1550, Germany was so reduced that
it was not until the second third of the nineteenth century that central
and southern Germany had fully recovered. More than half the population
and two thirds of the movable property were swept away. The people were so
reduced by starvation that cannibalism was openly practiced. But one tenth
of the inhabitants of the Duchy of Würtemberg were left alive. Land tilled
for centuries became a wilderness, thousands of towns were destroyed,
whole trades were swept away, and the generation which survived the war
came to manhood without knowing education, religion, law and order, or
organized industry. Not until the end of the eighteenth century was
Germany again able to make any significant contribution to education or
civilization, and not until the middle of the nineteenth century did parts
of Germany come to have as many people or cattle as before this
devastating religious war broke out.

[Illustration: FIG. 91. A FRENCH PROTESTANT (c. 1600)
A restoration, Musée d'Artillerie, Paris]

From 1560 to 1629 in France, also, a period of carnage and devastation
prevailed, due to an attempt to exterminate the Calvinistic Huguenots. In
the massacre of Saint Bartholomew's eve, in 1572, ten thousand Protestants
are said to have perished in Paris alone, and forty-five thousand
additional outside the city. Though the Edict of Nantes (1598) had granted
religious toleration, this never was fully accomplished, and in 1685 the
Edict was revoked. The Huguenots were now given fifteen days to become
Catholics or leave France. The demands were enforced with great severity,
and the sect, which embraced one tenth of the population of France, was
stamped out and France became once more a Catholic country. In a short
time four hundred thousand thrifty and highly intelligent Huguenots had
left France for other lands. In Southern German lands, Holland, England,
and America many found a new home.

CHANGED ATTITUDE TOWARD THE OLD PROBLEMS. The Peace of Westphalia (1648),
which ended the bloody Thirty Years' War, itself the culmination of a
century of bitter and vindictive religious strife, has often been regarded
as both an end and a beginning. Though the persecution of minorities for a
time continued, especially in France, this treaty marked the end of the
attempt of the Church and the Catholic States to stamp out Protestantism
on the continent of Europe. The religious independence of the Protestant
States was now acknowledged, and the beginnings of religious freedom were
established by treaty. This new freedom of conscience, once definitely
begun for the ruling princes, was certain in time to be extended further.
Ultimately the day must come, though it might be centuries away, when
individual as well as national freedom in religious matters must be
granted as a right, and one of the greatest blessings of mankind finally
be firmly established by law. [17]

The end of the period of bitter religious warfare, too, was followed by a
reaction against religious intolerance which contained within itself the
germs of much future liberty and human progress. Paulsen has well
expressed the change, in the following words: [18]

    The long and terrible wars to which the ecclesiastical schism had
    everywhere given rise--the wars of the Huguenots in France, the Thirty
    Years War, and the Civil War in England--had, in the end, created a
    feeling of indifference toward religious and theological problems. Did
    it really pay, people asked themselves, to kill each other and
    devastate each other's countries for the sake of such questions? Could
    these problems ever be decided at all? If not, was it not much more
    reasonable to let everyone believe what he could, and, instead of
    wasting breath and arguments, convincing to nobody, on
    transubstantiation, predestination, and real presence, to cultivate
    sciences which really placed lasting and verifiable truths within the
    reach of the understanding, such as mathematics and natural
    philosophy, geography and astronomy? Here were sciences which offered
    knowledge to the mind that could be turned to account in this earthly
    life, whereas those transcendental speculations were of no use at
    all.... Toward the end of the seventeenth century this spirit of
    indifference and scepticism toward theology, and sometimes even toward
    religion in general and the future world, formed a most important
    factor in the changing intellectual attitude of the times. [19]

Physically exhausted, and recognizing at last the futility of fire and
sword as means for stamping out opposing religious convictions, but still
thoroughly convinced as to the correctness of their respective points of
view, both sides now settled down to another century and more of religious
hatred, suspicion, and intolerance, and to a close supervision of both
preaching and teaching as safeguards to orthodoxy. During the century
following the Peace of Westphalia greater reliance than ever before was
placed on the school as a means for protecting the faith, and the pulpit
and the school now took the place of the sword and the torch as converting
and holding agents.

RELIGIOUS REFORM. The effect of the Protestant Revolts on the Church was
good. For the first time in history Catholic churchmen learned that they
could not rely on the general acceptance of any teachings they
promulgated, or any practices they saw fit to approve. The spirit of
inquiry which had been aroused by the methods of the humanists would in
the future force them to explain and to defend. If they were to make
headway against this great rebellion they must reform abuses, purify
church practices, and see that monks and clergy led upright Christian
lives. Unless the mass of the people could be made loyal to the Church by
reverence for it, further revolts and the ultimate break-up of the
institution were in prospect. The Council of Trent (1545-63) at last
undertook the reform which should have come at least a century before.
Better men were selected for the church offices, and bishops and clergy
were ordered to reside in their proper places and to preach regularly. New
religious orders arose, whose purpose was to prepare priests better for
the service of the Church and for ministry to the needs of the people.
Irritating practices were abandoned. The laws and doctrines of the Church
were restated, in new and better form. Moral reforms were instituted. In
most particulars the reforms forced by the work of Luther were thorough
and complete, and since the middle of the sixteenth century the Catholic
Church, in morals and government, has been a reformed Church. Above all,
attention was turned to education rather than force as a means of winning
and holding territory. A rigid quarantine was, however, established in
Catholic lands against the further spread of heretical text books and
literature. Especially was the reading of the Bible, which had been the
cause of all the trouble, for a time rigidly prohibited. [20]

Such, in brief, are the historical facts connected with the various
revolts against authority which split the Roman Catholic Church in the
sixteenth century. These have been stated, as briefly and as impartially
as possible, because so much of future educational history arose out of
the conditions resulting from these revolts. The early educational history
of America is hardly understandable without some knowledge of the
religious forces awakened by the work of the Protestants. To the
educational significance and consequences of these revolts we next turn.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. How do you explain the difference in the effect, on the scholars of the
time, of the Revival of Learning in Italy and in northern lands?

2. How do you explain the serious church opposition to the different
attempts of northern scholars to try to turn the Church back to the
simpler religious ideals and practices of early Christianity?

3. Explain how opposition to the practices of the Church could be
organized into a political force.

4. Explain the analogy of a heretic in the fifteenth century and an
anarchist of to-day.

5. Assuming that the Church had encouraged progressive evolution as a
policy, and thus warded off revolution and disruption, in what ways might
history have been different?

6. How can the bitter opposition to the reading and study of the Bible be
explained?

7. Show the analogy between the freedom of thinking demanded by Luther,
and that obtained three centuries earlier by the scholars in the rising
universities. Why were the universities not opposed?

8. Enumerate the changes which had taken place in western Europe between
the days of Wycliffe and Huss and the time of Luther, which enabled him to
succeed where they had failed.

9. Explain in what ways the Protestant Revolt was essentially a revolution
in thinking, and that, once started, certain other consequences must
inevitably follow in time.

10. Was it perfectly natural that the reformers should refuse to their
followers the same right to revolt, and separate off into smaller and
still different sects, which they had contended for for themselves? Why?

11. On what basis could Catholic and Protestant wage war on one another to
try to enforce their own particular belief?

12. Compare the individualism of the Greek Sophists with that of the
Protestant reformers. Did Greece attempt to deal with them in the same
way?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  147. Wycliffe: On the Enemies of Christ.
  148. Wycliffites: Attack the Pope and the Practice of Indulgences.
  149. Council of Constance: List of Church Abuses demanding Reform.
  150. Geiler: A German Priest's View as to Coming Reform.
  151. Luther: Illustrations from his Ninety-Five Theses.
  152. Saint Thomas Aquinas: On the Treatment of Heresy.
  153. Henry VIII: The English Act of Supremacy.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Was Wycliffe's attack (147) as direct and fierce as Luther's (151)?

2. Explain the difference in the results attained by the two attacks?

3. Was the challenge of Wycliffe's followers on indulgences (148) any less
direct than that of Luther (151)?

4. Does the list of items drawn up by the Church Council of Constance
(149) indicate a general recognition of the need for extensive Church
reform?

5. Try to state the possible change in the progress of human history and
civilization, had the demands of the Council of Constance (149) been
carried out in good faith.

6. Considering the nature of heresy at the time, does the extract from
Thomas Aquinas (152) indicate a narrow or a liberal attitude?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_.
  Beard, Charles. _Martin Luther and the Reformation_.
  Beard, Charles. _The Reformation of the Sixteenth Century in its
    Relation to Modern Thought and Knowledge_. (Hibbert Lectures,
    1883.)
  Fisher, George P. _History of the Reformation_.
  Gasquet, F. A. _Eve of the Reformation_.
  Johnson, A. H. _Europe in the Sixteenth Century_.
  Perry, George G. _History of the Reformation in England_.




CHAPTER XIII

EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS


I. AMONG LUTHERANS AND ANGLICANS

ULTIMATE CONSEQUENCES OF THE BREAK WITH AUTHORITY. That the Protestant
Revolts in the different lands produced large immediate and permanent
changes in the character of the education provided in the revolting States
is no longer accepted as being the case. In every phase of educational
history growth has proceeded by evolution rather than by revolution, and
this applies to the Protestant Revolts as well as to other revolutions.
Many changes naturally resulted at once, some of which were good and some
of which were not, while others which were enthusiastically attempted
failed of results because they involved too great advances for the time.
Much, too, of the progress that was inaugurated was lost in the more than
a century of religious strife which followed, and the additional century
and more of suspicion, hatred, religious formalism, and strict religious
conformity which followed the period of religious strife. The educational
significance of the reformation movement, though, lies in the far-reaching
nature of its larger results and ultimate consequences rather than in its
immediate accomplishments, and because of this the importance of the
immediate changes effected have been overestimated by Protestants and
underestimated by Catholics.

The dominant idea underlying Luther's break with authority, and for that
matter the revolts of Wycliffe, Huss, Zwingli, and Calvin as well, was
that of substituting the authority of the Bible in religious matters for
the authority of the Church; of substituting individual judgment in the
interpretation of the Scriptures and in formulating decisions as to
Christian duty for the collective judgment of the Church; and of
substituting individual responsibility for salvation, in Luther's
conception of justification through personal faith and prayer, for the
collective responsibility for salvation of the Church. [1] Whether one
believes that the Protestant position was sound or not depends almost
entirely upon one's religious training and beliefs, and need not concern
us here, as it makes no difference with the course of history. We can
believe either way, and the course that history took remains the same. The
educational consequences of the position taken by the Protestants, though,
are important.

Under the older theory of collective judgment and collective
responsibility for salvation--that is, the judgment of the Church rather
than that of individuals--it was not important that more than a few be
educated. Under the new theory of individual judgment and individual
responsibility promulgated by the Protestants it became very important, in
theory at least, that every one should be able to read the word of God,
participate intelligently in the church services, and shape his life as he
understood was in accordance with the commandments of the Heavenly Father.
This undoubtedly called for the education of all. Still more, from
individual participation in the services of the Church, with freedom of
judgment and personal responsibility in religious matters, to individual
participation in and responsibility for the conduct of government was not
a long step, and the rise of democratic governments and the provision of
universal education were the natural and ultimate corollaries, though not
immediately attained of the Protestant position regarding the
interpretation of the Scriptures and the place and authority of the
Church. This was soon seen and acted upon. The great struggle of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, in consequence, became one for
religious freedom and toleration; the great struggle of the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries has been for political freedom and political rights;
to supply universal education has been left to the nineteenth and the
twentieth centuries.

SCHOOLS AND LEARNING BEFORE THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. After the rise of the
universities, as we have seen, many Latin secondary schools were founded
in western Europe, and a more extensive development of the cathedral and
other larger church schools took place. Rashdall (R. 154) thinks that by
1400 the opportunity to attend a Latin grammar school was rather common,
an opinion in which Leach and Nohle concur. After the humanistic learning
had spread to northern lands these opportunities were increased and
improved. In England, for example, some two hundred and fifty Latin
grammar schools are known to have been in existence by 1500. In Germany,
as we have seen (chapter xi), many such schools were founded before the
time of Luther. These offered a form of advanced education, in the
language of the educated classes of the time, for those intending to go to
the universities to prepare for service in either Church or State, and for
teaching. The Church had also for long maintained or exercised control
over a number of types of more elementary schools--parish, song, chantry,
hospital (chapter VII)--the chief purpose of which was to prepare for
certain phases of the church service, or to enter the secondary schools.
These schools, too, were taught partly or wholly in Latin. In consequence,
while Latin schools came to be rather widely diffused, schools in the
vernacular hardly existed outside of a few of the larger commercial cities
of the north. Even the burgh and guild schools (p. 205), established in
the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, were essentially Latin schools.

[Illustration: PLATE 6. EDUCATIONAL LEADERS IN PROTESTANT GERMANY
(From a painting dated 1543, by Lucas Cranach, a German contemporary of
both men, and now in the Uffizi Gallery, at Florence)

MARTIN LUTHER (1483-1546)
Professor of Theology at Wittenberg

PHILIPP MELANCHTHON (1497-1560)
Professor of Greek at Wittenberg]

In the commercial cities of the North, however, though often only after
quite a struggle with the local church authorities, which throughout the
Middle Ages had maintained a monopoly of all instruction as a protection
to orthodoxy, different types of elementary vernacular schools had been
developed to meet local commercial needs, such as writing-schools to train
writers, [2] and reckoning-schools to train young men to handle accounts.
[3] Reading, manners, and religion were also taught in these schools.
Other city schools, largely Latin in type, but containing some vernacular
instruction to meet local business needs not met by the cathedral or
parish schools of the city, were also developed. Up to the time of the
Protestant Revolts, however, there was almost no instruction in the
vernacular outside of the commercial cities, nor was there any particular
demand for such instruction elsewhere. If one wished to be a scholar, a
statesman, a diplomat, a teacher, a churchman, or to join a religious
brotherhood, he needed to study the learned language of the time,--Latin.
With this he could be at home with people of his kind anywhere in western
Europe. The vernacular he could leave to tradesmen, craftsmen, soldiers,
laborers, and the servant classes.

[Illustration: FIG. 92. TWO EARLY VERNACULAR SCHOOLS
GERMAN (From a woodcut, printed at Nuremberg, 1505)
FRENCH (After a drawing by Soquand, 1528)]

These people, on the other hand, had practically no need for a written
language, aside from a very small amount for business needs. Even here the
sign of the cross would do. There were but few books written in the
vernacular tongues, and these had to be copied by hand and, in
consequence, were scarce and expensive. There were no newspapers (first
newspaper, Venice, 1563) or magazines. Spectacles for reading were not
known until the end of the thirteenth century, and were not common for two
centuries after that. There was little knowledge that could not pass from
mouth to mouth. Such little vernacular literature as did exist was
transmitted orally, and no great issue which appealed to the imagination
of the masses had as yet come to the front to create any strong desire for
the ability to read. As a result, the education of the masses was in hand
labor, the trades, and religion, and not in books, and the need for book
education was scarcely felt.

A NEW DEMAND FOR VERNACULAR SCHOOLS. The invention of printing and the
Protestant Revolts were in a sense two revolutionary forces, which in
combination soon produced vast and far-reaching changes. The discovery of
the process of making paper and the invention of the printing press
changed the whole situation as to books. These could now be reproduced
rapidly and in large numbers, and could be sold at but a small fraction of
their former cost. The printing of the Bible in the common tongue did far
more to stimulate a desire to be able to read than did the Revival of
Learning (Rs. 155, 170). Then came the religious discussions of the
Reformation period, which stirred intellectually the masses of the people
in northern lands as nothing before in history had ever done. In an effort
to reach the people the reformers originated small and cheap pamphlets,
written in the vernacular, and these, sold for a penny or two, were
peddled in the market-places and from house to house. While there had been
imperfect translations of the Bible in German before Luther's, his
translation (New Testament, 1522) was direct from the original Greek and
so carefully done that it virtually fixed the character of the German
language. [4] Calvin's _Institutes of Christianity_ (French edition, 1541)
in a similar manner fixed the character of the French language, [5] and
Tyndale's translation of the New Testament (1526) was into such simple and
homely language [6] that it fixed the character of the English tongue, and
was made the basis for the later Authorized translation.

[Illustration: FIG. 93. THE FIRST PAGE OF WYCLIFFE'S BIBLE
Translated between 1382 and 1384. Facsimile of the first verses of
Genesis]

The leaders of the Protestant Revolts, too, in asserting that each person
should be able to read and study the Scriptures as a means to personal
salvation, created an entirely new demand, in Protestant lands, for
elementary schools in the vernacular. Heretofore the demand had been for
schools only for those who expected to become scholars or leaders in
Church or State, while the masses of the people had little or no interest
in learning. Now a new class became desirous of learning to read, not
Latin, but the language which they had already learned to speak. Wycliffe,
Huss, Zwingli, Luther, Calvin, and Knox alike insisted on the importance
of the study of the Bible as a primary necessity in the religious life. In
an effort to bring the Bible within reach of the people Wycliffe's
followers had attempted the laborious and impossible task of multiplying
by hand (p. 290) copies of his translation. Zwingli had written a pamphlet
on _The Manner of Instruction and Bringing up Boys in a Christian Way_
(1524), in which he urged the importance of religious education. Luther,
besides translating the Bible, had prepared two general Catechisms, one
for adults and one for children, had written hymns [7] and issued numerous
letters and sermons in behalf of religious education. All these were
printed in the vernacular and scattered broadcast. Luther thought that
"every human being, by the time he has reached his tenth year, should be
familiar with the Holy Gospels, in which the very core and marrow of his
life is bound." In his sermons and addresses he urged a study of the Bible
and the duty of sending children to school. Calvin's Catechism similarly
was extensively used in Protestant lands.


1. _Lutheran School Organization_

EDUCATIONAL IDEAS OF LUTHER. Luther enunciated the most progressive ideas
on education of all the German Protestant reformers. In his _Letter to the
Mayors and Aldermen of all the Cities of Germany in behalf of Christian
Schools_ (1524) (R. 156), and in his _Sermon on the Duty of Sending
Children to School_ (1530), we find these set forth. That his ideas could
be but partially carried out is not surprising. There were but few among
his followers who could understand such progressive proposals, they were
entirely too advanced for the time, there was no body of vernacular
teachers [8] or means to prepare them, the importance of such training was
not understood, and the religious wars which followed made such
educational advantages impossible, for a long time to come. The sad
condition of the schools, which he said were "deteriorating throughout
Germany," awakened his deep regret, and he begged of those in authority
"not to think of the subject lightly, for the instruction of youth is a
matter in which Christ and all the world are concerned." All towns had to
spend money for roads, defense, bridges, and the like, and why not some
for schools? This they now could easily afford, "since Divine Grace has
released them from the exaction and robbery of the Roman Church." Parents
continually neglected their educational duty, yet there must be civil
government. "Were there neither soul, heaven, nor hell," he declared, "it
would still be necessary to have schools for the sake of affairs here
below.... The world has need of educated men and women to the end that men
may govern the country properly and women may properly bring up their
children, care for their domestics, and direct the affairs of their
households." "The welfare of the State depends upon the intelligence and
virtue of its citizens," he said, "and it is therefore the duty of mayors
and aldermen in all cities to see that Christian schools are founded and
maintained" (R. 156).

[Illustration: FIG. 94. LUTHER GIVING INSTRUCTION
An ideal drawing, though representative of early Protestant popular
instruction]

The parents of children he held responsible for their Christian and civic
education. This must be free, and equally open to all--boys and girls,
high and low, rich and poor. It was the inherent right of each child to be
educated, and the State must not only see that the means are provided, but
also require attendance at the schools (R. 158). At the basis of all
education lay Christian education. The importance of the services of the
teacher was beyond ordinary comprehension (R. 157). Teachers should be
trained for their work, and clergymen should have had experience as
teachers. A school system for German people should be a state system,
divided into:

    1. _Vernacular Primary Schools._ Schools for the common people,
    to be taught in the vernacular, to be open to both sexes, to include
    reading, writing, physical training, singing, and religion, and to
    give practical instruction in a trade or in household duties. Upon
    this attendance should be compulsory. "It is my opinion," he said,
    "that we should send boys to school for one or two hours a day, and
    have them learn a trade at home the rest of the time. It is desirable
    that these two occupations march side by side."

    2. _Latin Secondary Schools._ Upon these he placed great emphasis
    (R. 156) as preparatory schools by means of which a learned clergy was
    to be perpetuated for the instruction of the people. In these he would
    teach Latin, Greek, Hebrew, rhetoric, dialectic, history, science,
    mathematics, music, and gymnastics.

    3. _The Universities._ For training for the higher service in
    Church and State.

[Illustration: FIG. 95. JOHANNES BUGENHAGEN (1485-1558)
Father of the Lutheran _Volksschule_ in northern Germany]

THE ORGANIZING WORK OF BUGENHAGEN. Luther assisted in reorganizing the
churches at Wittenberg (1523), Leipzig (1523), and Magdeburg (1524), in
connection with all of which he provided for Lutheran-type schools. [9]
Luther, though, was not essentially an organizer. The organizing genius of
the Reformation, in central and southern Germany, was Luther's colleague,
Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560), Professor of Greek at the University of
Wittenberg. In northern Germany it was Johannes Bugenhagen (1485-1558),
another of Luther's colleagues at Wittenberg. More than any other Germans
these two directed the necessary reorganization of religion and education
in those parts of Germany which changed from Roman Catholicism to German
Lutheranism. The churches, of course, had to be reorganized as Lutheran
churches, and the schools connected with them refounded as Lutheran
schools. For the reorganization of each of these a more or less detailed
_Ordnung_ had to be written out (Rs. 159, 160). In this change cathedral
and other large church schools became Latin secondary schools, while the
song, chantry, and other types of parish elementary schools were
transformed into Lutheran vernacular parish schools.

Bugenhagen was sent to reorganize the churches of northern Germany. Being
in close sympathy with Luther's ideas, he made good provision for Lutheran
parish schools in connection with each of the churches he reorganized. At
Brunswick (1528), Hamburg (1529) (R. 159), Lübeck (1530), for his native
State of Pomerania (1534), for Schleswig-Holstein (1537), and elsewhere in
northern Germany, he drew up church and school plans (_Kirchen und Schule-
Ordnungen_) which formed models (Rs. 159, 160) for many northern German
cities and towns. Besides providing for a Latin school for the city, he
organized elementary vernacular schools in each parish, for both boys and
girls, in which instruction in reading, writing, and religion was to be
given in the German tongue. He has been called the father of the German
_Volksschule_, though probably much of what he did was merely the
redirection of existing schools. In 1537 he was called to Denmark, by the
Danish King, to reorganize the University of Copenhagen and the Danish
Church and schools as Lutheran institutions.

Efforts were also made to create Protestant schools in the Scandinavian
countries. In Denmark writing-schools for both boys and girls were
organized, and the sexton of each parish was ordered to gather the
children together once a week for instruction in the Catechism. In Sweden
little was done before 1686, when Charles XI ordained that the sacristan
of each parish should instruct the children in reading, while the
religious instruction should be conducted by the clergy, and carried on by
means of sermons, the Catechism, and a yearly public examination. The
ability to read and a knowledge of the Catechism was made necessary for
communion. A Swedish law of this same time also ordered that, "No one
should enter the married state without knowing the lesser Catechism of
Luther by heart and having received the sacrament." This latter regulation
drove the peasants to request the erection of children's schools in the
parishes, to be supported by the State, though it was not for more than a
century that this was generally brought about. The general result of this
legislation was that the Scandinavian countries, then including Finland,
early became literate nations.

THE REORGANIZING WORK OF MELANCHTHON. Melanchthon, unlike Bugenhagen, was
essentially a humanistic scholar, and his interest lay chiefly In the
Latin secondary schools. He prepared plans for schools in many cities and
smaller States of central and southern Germany, among which were Luther's
native town, Eisleben (1525), and for Nuremberg (1526), Herzeberg (1538),
Cologne (1543), and Wittenberg (1545) among cities; and Saxony (1528),
Mecklenberg (1552), and the Palatinate (1556) among States. The schools he
provided for Saxony may be described as typical of his work.

In 1527 he was asked by the Elector of Saxony to head a commission of
three to travel over the kingdom and report on its needs as to schools. In
his _Report, or Book of Visitation_, which was probably the first school
survey report in history, he outlined in detail plans for school
organization for the State (R. 161), of which the following is an
abstract:

    Each school was to consist of three classes. In the first class there
    was to be taught the beginnings of reading and writing, in both the
    vernacular and in Latin, Latin grammar (Donatus), the Creed, the
    Lord's prayer, and the prayers and hymns of the church service. In the
    second class Latin became the language of instruction, and Latin
    grammar was thoroughly learned. Latin authors were read, and religious
    instruction was continued. In the third class more advanced work in
    reading Latin (Livy, Sallust, Vergil, Horace, and Cicero) was given,
    and rhetoric and dialectic were studied.

These were essentially humanistic schools with but a little preparatory
work in the vernacular, and their purpose was to prepare those likely to
become the future leaders of the State for entrance to the universities.
How different was Melanchthon's conception as to the needs for education
from the conceptions of Luther and Bugenhagen may easily be seen. Yet, so
great were his services in organizing and advising, and so well did such
schools meet the great demand of the time for educational leaders that he
has, very properly, been called "the Preceptor of Germany." His work was
copied by other leaders, and the result was the organization of a large
number of humanistic _gymnasia_ throughout northern Germany, in which the
new learning and the Protestant faith were combined. Sturm's school at
Strassburg (p. 272) was one of the more important and better organized of
this type, many of which have had a continuous existence up to the
present. By 1540 the process was begun of endowing such schools from the
proceeds of old monasteries, confiscated by the State, and many German
_gymnasia_ of to-day trace their origin back to some old monastic
foundation, altered by state authority to meet modern needs and purposes.

EARLY GERMAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEMS. Melanchthon's Saxony plan was put into
partial operation as a Lutheran Church school system, but the first German
State to organize a complete system of schools was Würtemberg (R. 162), in
southwestern Germany, in 1559. This marks the real beginning of the German
state school systems. Three classes of schools were provided for:

    (1) Elementary schools, for both sexes, in which were to be taught
    reading, writing, reckoning, singing, and religion, all in the
    vernacular. These were to be provided in every village in the Duchy.

    (2) Latin schools (_Particularschulen_), with five or six
    classes, in which the ability to read, write, and speak Latin,
    together with the elements of mathematics and Greek in the last year,
    were to be taught.

    (3) The universities or colleges of the State, of which the University
    of Tübingen (f. 1476) and the higher school at Stuttgart were declared
    to be constituent parts.

Acting through the church authorities, these schools were to be under the
supervision of the State.

The example of Würtemberg was followed by a number of the smaller German
States. Ten years later Brunswick followed the same plan, and in 1580
Saxony revised its school organization after the state-system plan thus
established. In 1619 the Duchy of Weimar added compulsory education in the
vernacular for all children from six to twelve years of age. In 1642, the
same date as the first Massachusetts school law (chapter XV), Duke Ernest
the Pious of little Saxe-Gotha and Altenburg established the first school
system of a modern type in German lands. An intelligent and ardent
Protestant, he attempted to elevate his miserable peasants, after the
ravages of the Thirty Years' War, by a wise economic administration and
universal education. With the help of a disciple of the greatest
educational thinker of the period, John Amos Comenius (chapter XVII), he
worked out a School Code (_Schulmethode_, 1642) which was the pedagogic
masterpiece of the seventeenth century (R. 163). In it he provided for
compulsory school attendance, and regulated the details of method,
grading, and courses of study. Teachers were paid salaries which for the
time were large, pensions for their widows and children were provided, and
textbooks were prepared and supplied free. So successful were his efforts
that Gotha became one of the most prosperous little spots in Europe, and
it was said that "Duke Ernest's peasants were better educated than
noblemen anywhere else."

By the middle of the seventeenth century most of the German States had
followed the Würtemberg plan of organization. Even Duke Albrecht V of
Bavaria, which was a Catholic State, ordered the establishment of "German
schools" throughout his realm, with instruction in reading, writing, and
the Catholic creed, the schools to be responsible through the Church to
the State.

PROTESTANT STATE SCHOOL ORGANIZATION. We see here in German lands a new,
and, for the future, a very important tendency. Throughout all the long
Middle Ages the Church had absolutely controlled all education. From the
suppression of the pagan schools, in 529 A.D., to the time of the
Reformation there had been no one to dispute with the Church its complete
monopoly of education. Even Charlemagne's attempt at the stimulation of
educational activity had been clearly within the lines of church control.
Until the beginnings of the modern States, following the Crusades, the
Church had been the State as well, and for long humbled any ruler who
dared dispute its power. In the later Middle Ages nobles and rising
parliaments had at times sided with the king against the Church--warnings
of a changing Europe that the Church should have heeded--but there had
been no serious trouble with the rising nationalities before the sixteenth
century. Now, in Protestant lands, all was changed. The authority of the
Church was overthrown. By the Peace of Augsburg (1555) each German prince
and town and knight were to be permitted to make choice between the
Catholic and Lutheran faith, and all subjects were to accept the faith of
their ruler or emigrate.

This established freedom of conscience for the rulers, but for no one
else. It also gave them control of both religious and secular affairs,
thus uniting in the person of the ruler, large or small, control of both
Church and State. This was as much progress toward religious freedom as
the world was then ready for, as Church and State had been united for so
many centuries that a complete separation of the two was almost
inconceivable. It was left for the United States (1787) to completely
divorce Church and State, and to reduce the churches to the control of
purely spiritual affairs.

The German rulers, however, were now free to develop schools as they saw
fit, and, through their headship of the Church in their principality or
duchy or city, to control education therein. We have here the beginnings
of the transfer of educational control from the Church to the State,  the
ultimate fruition of which came first in German lands, and which was to be
the great work of the nineteenth century. It was through the kingly or
ducal headship of the Church, and through it of the educational system of
the kingdom or duchy, that the great educational development in
Würtemberg, Saxony, and Gotha was brought about by their rulers, and it
was through the ruling princes that the German Universities were reformed
[10] and the new Protestant universities established. [11] Even in
Catholic States, as Bavaria, the German state-control idea took root
early. Many of the important features of the modern German school systems
are to be seen in their beginnings in these Lutheran state-church schools.

[Illustration: FIG. 96. EVOLUTION OF GERMAN STATE SCHOOL CONTROL]


2. _Anglican foundations_

THE REFORMATION AND EDUCATION IN ENGLAND. The Reformation in England took
a very different direction from what it did in Germany, and its
educational results in consequence were very different. In England the
reform movement was much more political in character than in German lands.
Henry VIII was no Protestant, in the sense that Luther or Calvin or
Zwingli or Knox was. He distrusted their teachings, and was always anxious
to explain objections to the old faith. The people of England as a body,
too, had been much less antagonized by the exactions of the Roman Church
and the immoral lives of the monks and Roman clergy; the new learning had
awakened there somewhat less of a spirit of moral and religious reform;
and the reformation movement of Luther, after a decade and a half, had
roused no general interest. The change from the Roman Catholic faith to an
independent English Church, when made, was in consequence much more
nominal than had been the case in German lands. As a result the severance
from Rome was largely carried out by the ruling classes, and the masses of
the people were in no way deeply interested in it. The English National
Church merely took over most of the functions formerly exercised by the
Roman Church, in general the same priests remained in charge of the parish
churches, and the church doctrines and church practices were not greatly
altered by the change in allegiance. The changing of the service from
Latin to English was perhaps the most important change. The English
Church, in spirit and service, has in consequence retained the greatest
resemblance to the Roman Catholic Church of any Protestant denomination.
In particular, the Lutheran idea of personal responsibility for salvation,
and hence the need of all being taught to read, made scarcely any
impression in England.

By the time of Elizabeth (1558-1603) it had become a settled conviction
with the English as a people that the provision of education was a matter
for the Church, and was no business of the State, and this attitude
continued until well into the nineteenth century. The English Church
merely succeeded the Roman Church in the control of education, and now
licensed the teachers (R. 168), took their oath of allegiance (R. 167),
supervised prayers (R. 169) and the instruction, and became very strict as
to conformity to the new faith (Rs. 164-166), while the schools, aside
from the private tuition and endowed schools, continued to be maintained
chiefly from religious sources, charitable funds, and tuition fees.
Private tuition schools in time flourished, and the tutor in the home
became the rule with families of means. The poorer people largely did
without schooling, as they had done for centuries before. As a
consequence, the educational results of the change in the headship of the
Church relate almost entirely to grammar schools and to the universities,
and not to elementary education. The development of anything approaching a
system of elementary schools for England was consequently left for the
educational awakening of the latter half of the nineteenth century. When
this finally came the development was due to political and economic, and
not to religious causes.

The English Act of Supremacy (R. 153), which severed England from Rome,
had been passed by parliament in 1534. In 1536 an English Bible was issued
to the churches, [12] the services were ordered conducted in English, and
in 1549 the English Prayer Book, Psalter, and Catechism were put into use.
In 1538 the English Bible was ordered chained in the churches, [13] that
the people might read it (R. 170), and the people were ordered instructed
in English in the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten Commandments. The
change of the service to English was perhaps the largest educational gain
the masses of the people obtained as the result of the Reformation in
England. [14]

[Illustration: FIG. 97. A CHAINED BIBLE
(Redrawn from an old print showing a chained Bible in a church in York,
England)]

SUPPRESSION OF THE MONASTERIES AND THE FOUNDING OF GRAMMAR SCHOOLS.
Between 1536 and 1539 the most striking result of the Reformation in
England took place,--the dissolution of the monasteries. Their doubtful
reputation enabled Henry and Parliament to confiscate their property, and
"the dead hand of monasticism was removed from a third of the lands of
England." There were precedents for this in pre-Reformation times, the
church authorities themselves having converted several monastic
foundations into grammar schools. At one blow Parliament now suppressed
the monasteries of all England, some eight thousand monks and nuns were
driven out, many of the monasteries, nunneries, and abbey churches were
destroyed, and the monastic lands were forfeited to the Crown. It was a
ruthless proceeding, though in the long course of history beneficial to
the nation. Much of the land was given to influential followers of the
king in return for their support, and a large part of the proceeds from
sales was spent on coast defenses and a navy, though more than was
formerly thought to be the case was used in refounding grammar schools. A
number of the monasteries were converted into collegiate churches, with
schools attached. Some of the alms-houses and hospitals confiscated at the
same time were similarly used, and the cathedral churches in nine English
cities were taken from the monks (R. 171), who had driven out the regular
clergy during the tenth to the twelfth centuries, and were refounded as
cathedral church schools. The cathedral church school at Canterbury, which
Henry refounded in 1541 as a humanistic grammar school, with a song school
attached, and for the government of which he made detailed provisions (R.
172), is typical of a school which had fallen into bad repute (R. 171),
and was later refounded as a result of the confiscation of the monastic
property. The College of Christ Church at Oxford, and Trinity College at
Cambridge, were also richly endowed from the monastic proceeds.

In 1546 another Act of Parliament vested the title of all chantry
foundations, some two hundred in number, in the Crown that they might be
"altered, changed, and amended to convert them to good and godly uses as
in the erecting of grammar schools," but so pressing became the royal need
for money that, after their sale, the intended endowments were never made.
As the song schools had been established originally to train a few boys
"to help a priest sing mass," and as the service was now to be read rather
than sung, the need for choristers largely disappeared. Being regarded as
nurseries of superstition, they were abandoned without regret.

[Illustration: PLATE 7. THE FREE SCHOOL AT HARROW
One of the "Great Public" Grammar Schools of England. Founded in 1571, in
the reign of Elizabeth; building finished in 1593. The names of famous
"old boys" are seen lettered on the wall at the back. Pupils are seen
seated in "forms," reciting to the masters. (From a picture published by
Ackermann, in his illustrated _History of the Colleges of Winchester,
Eton, Westminster_, etc. London, 1816.)]

RESULT OF THE REFORMATION IN ENGLAND. The result of the change in
religious allegiance in England was a material decrease in the number of
places offering grammar-school advantages, though with a material
improvement in the quality of the instruction provided, and a consequent
decrease in the number of boys given free education in the refounded
grammar schools. As for elementary education, the abolition of the song,
chantry, and hospital schools took away most of the elementary schools
which had once existed. The clerk of the parish usually replaced them by
teaching a certain number of boys "to read English intelligently instead
of Latin unintelligently," many new parish elementary schools were
created, especially during the reign of Elizabeth, and in time the dame
school, the charity school, the writing school, and apprenticeship
training arose (chapter XVIII) and became regular English institutions.
These types of schooling constituted almost all the elementary-school
advantages provided in England until well into the eighteenth century.

The post-Reformation educational energy of England was given to the
founding of grammar schools, and during the century and a half before the
outbreak of the struggle with James II (1688) to put an end in England for
all time to the late-mediaeval theory of the divine right of kings, a
total of 558 grammar schools were founded or refounded. [15]

The grammar schools thus founded were, one and all, grammar schools of the
reformed humanistic type. What was to be taught in them was seldom
mentioned in the foundation articles, as it was assumed that every one
knew what a grammar school was, so well by this time had the humanistic
type become established. They were one and all modeled after the
instruction first provided in Saint Paul's School (p. 275) in London, and
such modifications as had been sanctioned with time, and this continued to
be the type of English secondary school instruction until well into the
nineteenth century.

THE DOMINATING RELIGIOUS PURPOSE. The religious conflicts following the
reformation movement everywhere intensified religious prejudices and
stimulated religious bigotry. This was soon reflected in the schools of
all lands. In England, after the restoration under Catholic Mary (1553-58)
and the final reëstablishment of the English Church under Elizabeth
(1558), all school instruction became narrowly religious and English
Protestant in type. By the middle of the seventeenth century the grammar
schools had become nurseries of the faith, as well as very formal and
disciplinary in character. In England, perhaps more than in any other
Protestant country, Christianity came to be identified with a strict
conformity to the teachings and practices of the Established Church, and
to teach that particular faith became one of the particular missions of
all types of schools. Bishops were instructed to hunt out schoolmasters
who were unsound in the faith (R. 164 a), and teachers were deprived of
their positions for nonconformity (R. 164 b). More effectively to handle
the problem a series of laws were enacted, the result of which was to
institute such an inquisitorial policy that the position of schoolmaster
became almost intolerable. In 1580 a law (R. 165) imposed a fine of £10 on
any one employing a schoolmaster of unsound faith, with disability and
imprisonment for the schoolmaster so offending; in 1603 another law
required a license from the bishop on the part of all schoolmasters as a
condition precedent to teaching; in 1662 the obnoxious Act of Uniformity
(R. 166) required every schoolmaster in any type of school, and all
private tutors, to subscribe to a declaration that they would conform to
the liturgy of the Church, as established by law, with fine and
imprisonment for breaking the law; in 1665 the so-called "Five-Mile Act"
forbade Dissenters to teach in any school, under penalty of a fine of £40;
and in that same year bishops were instructed to see that

    the said schoolmasters, ushers, schoolmistresses, and instructors, or
    teachers of youth, publicly or privately, do themselves frequent the
    public prayers of the Church, and cause their scholars to do the same;
    and whether they appear well affected to the Government of his
    Majesty, and the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England.

This attitude also extended upward to the universities as well, where
nonconformists were prohibited by law (1558) from receiving degrees, a
condition not remedied until 1871 (R. 305). The great purpose of
instruction came to be to support the authority and the rule of the
Established Church, and the almost complete purpose of elementary
instruction came to be to train pupils to read the Catechism, the Prayer
Book, and the Bible. This intense religious attitude in England was
reflected in early colonial America, as we shall see in a following
chapter.

THE POOR-LAW LEGISLATION, AND ITS EDUCATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE. After the
thirteenth century, due in part to the rise of the wool industry in
Flanders, England began to change from a farming to a sheep-raising
country. Accompanying this decline in the importance of farming there had
been a slow but gradual growth of trade and manufacturing in the cities,
and to the cities the surplus of rural peasantry began to drift. The cost
of living also increased rapidly after the fifteenth century. As a result
there was a marked shifting of occupations, much unemployment, and a
constantly increasing number of persons in need of poor-relief. In the
time of Elizabeth (1558-1603) it has been estimated that one half the
population of England did not have an income sufficient for sustenance,
and great numbers of children were running about without proper food or
care, and growing up in idleness and vice.

The situation, which had been growing worse for two centuries, culminated
at the time of the Reformation when the religious houses, which had
previously provided alms, were confiscated as a result of the reformation
activities. The groundwork of the old system of religious charity was thus
swept away, and the relation which had for so long existed between prayer
and penance and almsgiving and charity was altered. The nation was thus
forced to deal with the problem of poor-relief, and with the care of the
children of the poor. In the place of the old system the people were
forced, by circumstances, to develop a new conception of the State as a
community of peoples bound together by community interest, good feeling,
charity, and service.

As this new conception dawned on the English people, a series of laws were
enacted which attempted to provide for the situation which had been
created. These were progressive in character, and ranged over much of the
sixteenth century. First the poor were restricted from begging, outside of
certain specified limits. Next church collections and parish support for
the poor were ordered (1553), and the people were to be urged to give.
Then workhouses for the poor and their children, and materials with which
to work, were ordered provided, and those persons of means who would not
give freely were to be cited before the bishop first (R. 173), and the
justices later, and if necessary forcibly assessed (1563). The next step
was to permit the local authorities to raise needed funds by strictly
local taxation (1572). In 1601 the last step was taken, when the
compulsory taxation of all persons of property was ordered to provide the
necessary poor-relief, and the excessive burdens of one parish were to be
shared by neighboring parishes. Thus, after a long period of slowly
evolving legislation (R. 173), the English Poor-Law of 1601 (R. 174)
finally gave expression to the following principles:

    1. The compulsory care of the poor, as an obligation of the State.

    2. The compulsory apprenticeship of the children of the poor, male and
       female, to learn a useful trade.

    3. The obligation of the master to train his apprentices in a trade.

    4. The obligation of the overseers of the poor to supply, where
       necessary, the opportunity and the materials for such training of
       the children of the poor.

    5. The compulsory taxation of all persons of property to provide the
       necessary funds for such a purpose, and without reference to any
       benefits derived from the taxation.

    6. The excessive burdens of any one parish to be pooled throughout the
       hundred or county.

In this compulsory apprenticeship of the children of the poor, with the
obligation imposed that such children must be trained in a trade and in
proper living, with general taxation of those of property to provide
workhouses and materials for such a purpose, we have the germ, among
English-speaking peoples, of the idea of the general taxation of all
persons by the State to provide schools for the children of the State. The
apprenticing of the children of the poor to labor and the requirement that
they be taught the elements of religion soon became a fixed English
practice (R. 217), and in the seventeenth century this idea was carried to
the American colonies and firmly established there. It was on the
foundations of the English Poor-Law of 1601, above stated, that the first
Massachusetts law relating to the schooling of all children (1642) was
framed (R. 190), but with the significant Calvinistic addition that:

    7. "In euery towne ye chosen men" shall see that parents and masters
       not only train their children in learning and labor, but also "to
       read & understand the principles of religion & the capitall lawes
       of this country," with power to impose fines on such as refuse to
       render accounts concerning their children.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Why is progress that is substantial nearly always a product of slow
rather than rapid evolution?

2. Show why the evolution of many Protestant sects was a natural
consequence of the position assumed by Luther. What is the ultimate
outcome of the process?

3. Why was it not important that more than a few be educated under the
older theory of salvation?

4. Show how modern democratic government was a natural consequence of the
Protestant position.

5. Why was universal education involved as a later but ultimate
consequence of the position taken by the Protestants?

6. Explain why the local Church authorities, before 1520, tried so hard to
prevent the establishment of vernacular schools.

7. Explain why the religious discussions of the Reformation should have so
strongly stimulated a desire to read.

8. Explain the fixing in character of the German, French, and English
languages by a single book. What had fixed the Italian?

9. Was Luther probably right when he wrote, in 1524, that the schools
"were deteriorating throughout Germany"? Why?

10. Give reasons why Luther's appeals for schools were not more fruitful.

11. What was the significance of the position of Luther for the future
education of girls?

12. Was Luther's idea that a clergyman should have had some experience as
a teacher a good one, or not? Why?

13. How do you explain Luther's ideas as to coupling up elementary and
trade education in his primary schools?

14. Point out the similarity of Luther's scheme for a school system with
the German school system as finally evolved (Figure 96).

15. Show how Melanchthon's Saxony Plan differed from Luther's ideas. For
the times was it a more practical plan? Why?

16. Explain why the Lutheran idea of personal responsibility for salvation
made so little headway in England, and show that the natural educational
consequences of this resulted.

17. Show what different conditions were likely to follow, in later
centuries, from the different stands taken as to the relation of the State
and Church to education by the German people by the middle of the
sixteenth century, and by the English at the time of Elizabeth.

18. Compare the origin of the vernacular elementary-school teacher in
Germany and England.

19. Leach estimates that, in 1546, there were approximately three hundred
grammar schools in England for a total population of approximately two and
one half millions. About what opportunities for grammar-school education
did this afford?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying Book of Readings the following selections are
reproduced:

  154. Rashdall: Diffusion of Education in Mediaeval Times.
  155. Times: The Vernacular Style of the Translation of the Bible.
  156. Luther: To the Mayors and Magistrates of Germany.
  157. Luther: Dignity and Importance of the Teacher's Work.
  158. Luther: On the Duty of Compelling School Attendance.
  159. Hamburg: An Example of a Lutheran _Kirchenordnung_.
  160. Brieg: An Example of a Lutheran _Schuleordnung_.
  161. Melanchthon: The Saxony School Plan.
  162. Raumer: The School System Established in Würtemberg.
  163. Duke Ernest: The _Schulemethodus_ for Gotha.
  164. Strype: The Supervision of a Teacher's Acts and Religious Beliefs
       in England.
       (a) Letter of Queen's Council on.
       (b) Dismissal of a Teacher for non-conformity.
  165. Elizabeth: Penalties on Non-conforming Schoolmasters.
  166. Statutes: English Act of Uniformity of 1662.
  167. Carlisle: Oath of a Grammar School Master.
  168. Strype: An English Elementary-School Teacher's License.
  169. Cowper: Grammar School Statutes regarding Prayers.
  170. Green: Effect of the Translation of the Bible into English.
  171. Old MS.: Ignorance of the Monks at Canterbury and Messenden.
  172. Parker: Refounding of the Cathedral School at Canterbury.
  173. Nicholls: Origin of the English Poor-Law of 1601.
  174. Statutes: The English Poor Law of 1601.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. From the selection from Rashdall (154), what do you infer as to the
effect of the Reformation on the schools? What kind of schools does
Rashdall describe as existing?

2. Contrast the vernacular style of the Bible (155) with the Ciceronian.

3. Characterize the three extracts (156-58) from Luther.

4. How advanced was the ground taken by Luther (158)? Would we accept the
logic of his argument to-day?

5. Just what do the Hamburg (159) and Brieg (160) _Ordnungen_ indicate?

6. Compare Melanchthon's Saxony Plan (161) with Sturm's (137) and the
French Collège de Guyenne (136), and grade the three in order of
importance.

7. Show the close similarity of the Würtemberg plan of 1559-65 (162) and a
modern German state school system.

8. How advanced for the time was the work of Duke Ernest of Gotha (163)?

9. What kind of a school attitude is indicated by the close supervision of
English teachers, as described in 164 and 165?

10. What would be the natural effect on the teaching occupation of such
legislation as the Act of Uniformity (166)?

11. Compare the form of license of an elementary teacher (168) with a
modern form. What have we added and omitted?

12. What do the statutes regarding prayers (169) indicate as to the nature
of the grammar schools of the time?

13. Characterize the educational importance of the translations of the
Bible into the native tongues (170).

14. What are the marked features of the refounding act (172) for
Canterbury cathedral school? What improvements are indicated?

15. State the steps in the development (173) of the English Poor-Law of
1601, just what the law provided for (174), and just what elements
necessary to the creation of a state school system were incorporated into
it.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Adams, G. B. _Civilization during the Middle Ages_
  Barnard, Henry. _German Teachers and Educators_.
  Francke, Kuno. _Social Forces in German Literature_.
* Good, Harry E. "The Position of Luther upon Education," in _School and
    Society_, vol. 6, pp. 511-18 (Nov. 3, 1917).
* Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _State Intervention in English
    Education_.
* Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _The Progress of Education in England_.
  Painter, F. V. N. _Luther on Education_.
  Paulsen, Fr. _German Education_.
  Richard, J. W. _Philipp Melanchthon, the Protestant Preceptor of
    Germany_.
  Woodward, W. H. _Education during the Renaissance_.




CHAPTER XIV

EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS


II. AMONG CALVINISTS AND CATHOLICS


3. _Educational work of the Calvinisms_

THE ORGANIZING WORK OF CALVIN. From the point of view of American
educational history the most important developments in connection with the
Reformation were those arising from Calvinism. While the Calvinistic faith
was rather grim and forbidding, viewed from the modern standpoint, the
Calvinists everywhere had a program for political, economic, and social
progress which has left a deep impress on the history of mankind. This
program demanded the education of all, and in the countries where
Calvinism became dominant the leaders included general education in their
scheme of religious, political, and social reform. [1] In the governmental
program which Calvin drew up (1537) for the religious republic at Geneva
(p. 298), he held that learning was "a public necessity to secure good
political administration, sustain the Church unharmed, and maintain
humanity among men."

In his plan for the schools of Geneva, published in 1538, he outlined a
system of elementary education in the vernacular for all, which involved
instruction in reading, writing, arithmetic, religion, careful grammatical
drill, and training for civil as well as for ecclesiastical leadership. In
his plan of 1541 he upholds the principle, as had Luther, that "the
liberal arts and good training are aids to a full knowledge of the Word."
This involved the organization of secondary schools, or _colleges_ as he
called them, following the French nomenclature, to prepare leaders for the
ministry and the civil government through "instruction in the languages
and humane science." In the colleges (secondary schools) which he
organized at Geneva and in neighboring places to give such training, and
which became models of their kind which were widely copied, the usual
humanistic curriculum was combined with intensive religious instruction.
These colleges became famous as institutions from which learned men came
forth. The course of study in the seven classes of one of the Geneva
colleges, which has been preserved for us, reveals the nature of the
instruction (R. 175). The lowest class began with the letters, reading was
taught from a French-Latin Catechism, and the usual Latin authors were
read. Greek was begun in the fourth class, and, in addition to the usual
Greek authors, the New Testament was read in Greek. In the higher classes,
as was common also in German _gymnasia_, logic and rhetoric were taught to
prepare pupils to analyze, argue, and defend the faith. Elocution was also
given much importance in the upper classes as preparation for the
ministry, two original orations being required each month. Psalms were
sung, prayers offered, sermons preached and questioned on, and the Bible
carefully studied. The men who went forth from the colleges of Geneva to
teach and to preach the Calvinistic gospel were numbered by the hundreds.
[2]

Calvin's great educational work at Geneva has been well summarized by a
recent writer, [3] as follows:

    The strenuous moral training of the Genevese was an essential part of
    Calvin's work as an educator. All were trained to respect and obey
    laws, based upon Scripture, but enacted and enforced by
    representatives of the people, and without respect of persons. How
    fully the training of children, not merely in sound learning and
    doctrine, but also in manners, "good morals," and common sense was
    carried out is pictured in the delightful human _Colloquies_ of
    Calvin's old teacher, Corderius (once a teacher at the College of
    Guyenne, p. 269), whom he twice established at Geneva....

    Calvin's memorials to the Genevan magistrates, his drafts for civil
    law and municipal administration, his correspondence with reformers
    and statesmen, his epoch-making defense of interest taking, his
    growing tendency toward civil, religious, and economic liberty, his
    development of primary and university education, his intimate
    knowledge of the dialect and ways of thought of the common people of
    Geneva, and his broad understanding of European princes, diplomats,
    and politics mark him out as a great political, economic, and
    educational as well as a religious reformer, a constructive social
    genius capable of reorganizing and moulding the whole life of a
    people.

The world owes much to the constructive, statesman-like genius of Calvin
and those who followed him, and we in America probably most of all. Geneva
became a refuge for the persecuted Protestants from other lands, and
through such influences the ideas of Calvin spread to the Huguenots in
France, the Walloons of the Dutch and Belgian Netherlands, the Germans in
the Palatinate, the Presbyterians of Scotland, the Puritans in England,
and later to the American colonies.

[Illustration: FIG. 98. A FRENCH SCHOOL OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
(From an old woodcut by Abraham Bosse, 1611-78)]

CALVINISM IN THE OTHER LANDS. The great educational work done by the
Calvinists in France, in the face of heavy persecution, deserves to be
ranked with that of the Lutherans in Germany in its importance. Had the
Calvinists had the same opportunity for free development the Lutherans
had, and especially their state support, there can be little doubt that
their work would have greatly exceeded the Lutherans in importance and
influence on the future history of mankind. Beginning with one church in
1538, they had 2150 churches by 1561, when the severe persecutions and
religious wars began.

True to the Calvinistic teaching of putting principles into practice, they
organized an extensive system of schools, extending from elementary
education for all, through secondary schools or colleges, up to eight
Huguenot universities. As a people they were thrifty and capable of making
great sacrifices to carry out their educational ideals. The education they
provided was not only religious but civil; not only intellectual but
moral, social, and economic. Education was for all, rich and poor alike.
Their synods made liberal appropriations for the universities, while
municipalities provided for colleges and elementary education. They
emphasized, in the lower schools, the study of the vernacular and
arithmetic, and in the colleges Greek and the New Testament. The long list
of famous teachers found in their universities reveals the character of
their instruction. Foster has well summarized the distinguishing
characteristics of Huguenot education in France, before they were driven
from the land, as follows: [4]

    The significant characteristics of Huguenot education were: an
    emphasis on the education of the laity; training for "the republic"
    and "society" as well as for the Church; insistence upon virtue as
    well as knowledge; the wide-spread demand for education, and a view of
    it as essential to liberty of conscience; a comprehensive working
    system of elementary, collegiate, and university training for all,
    poor as well as rich; an astonishing familiarity with Scripture, even
    among the lowest classes; utilization of representative church
    organization for founding, supporting, and unifying education;
    readiness to sacrifice for education, a spirit of carrying a thing
    through at any cost; business-like supervision of money, and
    systematic supervision of both professors and students; a notable
    emphasis on vernacular, arithmetic, Greek, use of full texts, and
    libraries; and finally a progressive spirit of inquiry and
    investigation.

In the Palatinate (see map, Figure 88) some progress in founding churches
and schools was made, especially about Strassburg, and the universities of
Heidelberg and Marburg became the centers of Huguenot teaching. In the
Dutch Netherlands, and in that part of the Belgian Netherlands inhabited
by the Walloons, Calvinist ideas as to education dominated. The
universities of Leyden (f. 1575), Groningen (f. 1614), Amsterdam (f.
1630), and Utrecht (f. 1636) were Calvinistic, and closely in touch with
the Calvinists and Huguenots of German lands and France. Popular education
was looked after among these people as it was in Calvinistic France and
Geneva. The Church Synod of The Hague (1586) ordered the establishment of
schools in the cities, and in 1618 the Great Synod held at Dort (R. 176)
ordered that:

Schools in which the young shall be properly instructed in piety and
fundamentals of Christian doctrine shall be instituted not only in cities,
but also in towns and country places where heretofore none have existed.
The Christian magistracy shall be requested that honorable stipends be
provided for teachers, and that well-qualified persons may be employed and
enabled to devote themselves to that function; and especially that the
children of the poor may be gratuitously instructed by them and not be
excluded from the benefits of schools.

[Illustration: FIG. 99. A DUTCH VILLAGE SCHOOL
(After a painting by Adrian Ostade, dated 1662, now in the Louvre, at
Paris)]

Further provisions were made as to the certificating of schoolmasters, and
the pastors were made superintendents of the schools, to visit, examine,
encourage, advise, and report (R. 176). Provision for the free education
of the poor became common, and elementary education was made accessible to
all. The careful provision for education made by the province of Utrecht
(1590, 1612) (R. 178) was typical of Dutch activity. The province of
Drenthe ordered (1630) a school tax paid for all children over seven,
whether attending school or not. The province of Overyssel levied (1666) a
school tax for all children from eight to twelve years of age. The
province of Groningen constituted the pastors the attendance officers to
see that the children got to school. Amsterdam and many other Dutch cities
demanded an examination of all teachers before being licensed to teach. By
the middle of the seventeenth century a good system of schools seems to
have been provided generally [5] by the Dutch and the Belgian Walloons (R.
178). That the teaching of religion was the main function of the Dutch
elementary schools, as of all other vernacular schools of the time, is
seen from the official lists of the textbooks used (R. 178).

John Knox, the leader of the Scottish Reformation (1560), who had spent
some time at Geneva and who was deeply impressed by the Calvinistic
religious-state found there, introduced the Calvinistic religious and
educational ideas into Scotland. His _Book of Discipline for the Scottish
Church_ (1560), framed closely on the Genevan model, contained a chapter
devoted to education in which he proposed:

    That everie severall churche have a school-maister appointed, such a
    one as is able at least to teach Grammar and the Latin tung, yf the
    Town be of any reputation. Yf it be upaland ... then must either the
    Reider or the Minister take cayre over the children ... to instruct
    them in their first rudementie and especially in the catechisme.

[Illustration: FIG. 100. JOHN KNOX (1505?-72)]

The educational plan proposed by Knox would have called for a large
expenditure of money, and this the thrifty Scotch were not ready for. Knox
and his followers then proposed to endow the new schools from the old
church and monastic foundations, but the Scottish nobles hoped to share in
these, as had the English nobility under Henry VIII, and Knox's plan was
not approved. This delayed the establishment of a real national system of
education for Scotland until the nineteenth century. The new Church,
however, took over the superintendence of education in Scotland, and when
parish schools were finally established by decree of the Privy Council, in
1616, and by the legislation of 1633 and 1646 (R. 179), the Church was
given an important share in their organization and management. These
schools, while not always sufficient in number to meet the educational
needs, were well taught, and have deeply influenced the national
character.


4. _The Counter-Reformation of the Catholics_

THE JESUIT ORDER. The Protestant Revolt made but little headway in Italy,
Spain, Portugal, much of France, or southern Belgium (see map, p. 296).
Italy was scarcely disturbed at all, while in France, where of all these
countries the reform ideas had made greatest progress, nine tenths of the
people remained loyal to Rome. In a general way it may be stated that
those parts of western Europe which had once formed an integral part of
the old Roman Empire remained loyal to the Roman Church, while those which
had been the homes of the Germanic tribes revolted. Now it naturally
happened that the countries which remained loyal to the old Church
experienced none of the feelings of the necessity for education as a means
to personal salvation which the Lutherans and Calvinists felt. There, too,
the church system of education which had developed during the long Middle
Ages remained undisturbed and largely unchanged. The Church as an
institution, though, learned from the Protestants the value of education
as a means to larger ends, and soon set about using it. [6]

After the Church Council of Trent (1545-63), where definite church reform
measures were carried through (p. 303), the Catholics inaugurated what has
since been called a counter-reformation, in an effort to hold lands which
were still loyal and to win back lands which had been lost. Besides
reforming the practices and outward lives of the churchmen, and reforming
some church practices and methods, the Church inaugurated a campaign of
educational propaganda. In this last the chief reliance was upon a new and
a very useful organization officially known as the "Society of Jesus," but
more commonly called the "Jesuit Order." This had been founded, in 1534,
by a Spanish knight, pilgrim, man of large ideas, and scholar by the name
of Ignatius Loyola, and had been sanctioned as an Order of the Church by
Pope Paul III, in 1540. It was organized along strictly military lines,
all members being responsible to its General, and he in turn alone to the
Pope. The quiet life of the cloister was abandoned for a life of open
warfare under a military discipline. The Jesuit was to live in the world,
and all peculiarities of dress or rule which might prove an obstacle to
worldly success were suppressed. The purposes of the Order were to combat
heresy, to advance the interests of the Church, and to strengthen the
authority of the Papacy. Its motto was _Omnia ad Majorem Dei Gloriam_
(that is, All for the greater glory of God), and the means to be employed
by it to accomplish these ends were the pulpit, the confessional, the
mission, and the school. Of these the school was given the place of first
importance. Realizing clearly that the real cause of the Reformation had
been the ignorance, neglect, and vicious lives of so many monks and
priests and the extortion and neglect practiced by the Church, and that
the chief difficulty was in the higher places of authority, it became the
prime principle of the Order to live upright and industrious lives
themselves, and to try to reach and train those likely to be the future
leaders in Church and State. With the education of the masses of the
people the Order was not concerned. [7] Our interest lies only with the
educational work of this Order, a work in which it was remarkably
successful and through which it exercised a very large influence.

[Illustration: FIG. 101. IGNATIUS DE LOYOLA (1491-1556)]

GREAT SUCCESS OF THE ORDER. The service of the Order to the Church in
combating Protestant heresies was very marked. Beginning in a small way,
the Order, by 1600, had established two hundred colleges (Latin secondary
schools), universities, and training seminaries; by 1640, 372; by 1706
(150 years after the death of its founder), 769; and by 1756, 728. In
1773, when the Order was for a time abolished, [8] after it had been
driven out of a number of European countries because of the unscrupulous
methods it adopted and the continual application of its doctrine that the
end justifies the means, the Order had 22,589 members, about half of whom
were teachers. Its colleges (secondary schools) and universities were most
numerous and its work most energetically carried on in northern France,
Belgium, Holland, the German States, Austria, Poland, and Hungary. Here
was the great battle line, and here the Jesuits deeply entrenched
themselves. In these portions of Europe alone there were, in 1750, 217
colleges, 55 seminaries, 24 houses for novitiates, and 160 missions. In
France alone there were 92 colleges. They did much, single-handed, to roll
back the tide of Protestantism which had advanced over half of western
Europe, and to hold other countries true to the ancient faith.

The colleges were usually large and well-supported institutions, with
dormitories, classrooms, dining-halls; and play-grounds. The usual number
of scholars in each was about 300, though some had an attendance of 600 to
800, and a few as high as 2000. At their period of maximum influence the
colleges and universities of the Order probably enrolled a total of
200,000 students. Their graduates were prominent in every scholarly and
governmental activity of the time. As far as possible the pupils were a
selected class to whom the Order offered free instruction. The children of
the nobility and gentry, and the brightest and most promising youths of
the different lands were drawn into their schools. The children of many
Protestants, also, were attracted by the high quality of the instruction
offered. There they were given the best secondary-school education of the
time, and received, at an impressionable age, the peculiar Jesuit stamp.
[9] Bacon gave his opinion as to the success of their instruction in the
following sentence: "As for the pedagogical part, the shortest rule would
be, Consult the schools of the Jesuits; for nothing better has been put in
practice." (_De Augmentis_, VI, 4.) [10]

SUCCESS OF THE JESUIT SCHOOLS. Displaying a genius for organization worthy
of Rome, Loyola and his followers absorbed the best educational ideas of
the time as to school organization and management and curriculum, and
incorporated these into their educational plan. Too practical to make many
changes, but with a keen eye for what was best, they accepted the best and
used it much as others had worked it out. From the municipal college of
Guyenne,  the colleges of Calvin, and Sturm's organization at Strassburg,
they adopted the plan of class organization, with a teacher for each
class. From the Calvinists they obtained the idea of the careful
supervision of instruction, which was worked out in the Prefect of Studies
for their colleges. In their course of study they incorporated the
Ciceronian ideal of the humanistic learning, and as careful religious
instruction as was provided by any of the reformers. From the Italian
court schools they took the idea of physical training. The method of
instruction and classroom management which they worked out was detailed,
practical, and for their purposes excellent. The reasons for their
educational work gave them a clearly defined aim and purpose. The military
brotherhood type of organization, the lifetime of celibate service, and
the opportunity to sort the carefully selected members according to their
ability for service in the different lines of the Order gave them the
best-selected teaching force in Europe, and these men they trained for the
teaching service with a thoroughness unknown before and seldom equaled
since. Knowing why they were at work and what ends they should achieve,
intolerant of opposition, intensely practical in all their work, and
possessed of an indefatigable zeal in the accomplishment of their purpose,
they gave Europe in general and northern continental Europe in particular
a system of secondary schools and universities possessed of a high degree
of effectiveness, which, combined with religious warfare and persecution,
in time drove out or dwarfed all competing institutions in the countries
they were able to control.

That their educational system, viewed from a modern liberal-education
standpoint, equaled in effectiveness for liberal-education ends such
institutions as the court schools of Vittorino da Feltre, Battista da
Guarino, or other Italian humanistic educators of the Renaissance (p.
267); the French and Swiss colleges of Calvin (p. 331); Colet's school at
Saint Paul's (p. 275), and the better English grammar schools; or the
schools of the Brethren of the Common Life in the Netherlands (p. 271);
would hardly be contended for to-day. Such, though, was not their purpose.
To proselyte for the Church rather than to liberalize--from their point of
view there had been too much liberalizing already--was their ultimate aim,
and their educational work was organized to suppress rather than to awaken
more Protestant heresy. The work of this Order was so successful, and for
two centuries so dominated secondary and higher education in Europe, that
it will pay us to examine a little more closely their educational
organization to see more fully the reasons for their large success. In so
doing we will examine three points--their school organization, their
methods of instruction, and the training of their teachers.

JESUIT SCHOOL ORGANIZATION. Each college was presided over by a _Rector_,
who was in effect the president of the institution, and a _Prefect of
Studies_, who was the superintendent of instruction. Below these were the
_Professors_ or teachers, the _House Prefect_, the official disciplinarian
of the institution, known as the _Corrector_, the monitors, and the
students. There were two classes of students, interns and externs. Their
schools were divided into two courses. The _studia inferiora_, or lower
school, which covered the six years from ten to twelve years of age up to
sixteen to eighteen; and the _studia superiora_, which followed, and
included the higher college and university courses, with philosophy and
theology as the important subjects. For the whole, there was a very
carefully worked-out manual of instruction (R. 180) known as the _Ratio
Studiorum_. [11]

The boy entering a Jesuit college was supposed to have previously learned
how to read Latin. The first three years were given to learning Latin
grammar and a little Greek. In the fourth year Latin and Greek authors
were begun, and in the fifth and sixth years a rhetorical study of the
Latin authors was made. Latin was the language of the classroom and the
playground as well, the mother tongue being used only by permission. Greek
was studied through the medium of the Latin. The retention of Latin as the
language of all scholarly and political intercourse, and the cultivation
of the style and speech of Cicero as the standard of purity and elegance,
were the ends aimed at. Careful attention was given to the health and
sports of the pupils, and special regard was paid to moral and religious
training.

Following this lower school of six years came the so-called philosophical
course of three years (sometimes two). The study of the Latin classics and
rhetoric was continued, and dialectics (logic) and some metaphysics were
added. The nine years together covered about the same scope as Sturm's
school (R. 137) at Strassburg (p. 273), but was more formal in character
and partook more of the nature of the later formalized humanistic schools.
Slight variations were allowed in places, to meet particular local needs,
but this course of study remained practically unchanged until 1832, when
some history, geography, and elementary mathematics and science were added
to the lower schools, and advanced mathematics and science to the
philosophical course. In 1906 each Province of the Order was permitted to
change the _Ratio_ further, if necessary to adjust it better to local
needs. Above the philosophical course a course of four or six years in
philosophy and theology prepared for the higher work of the Order, the
four-year course for preaching and the six-year course for teaching.

JESUIT SCHOOL METHODS. The characteristic method of the schools was oral,
with a consequent closeness of contact of teacher and pupils. This
closeness of contact and sympathy was further retained by the system
whereby all punishment was given by the official Corrector of the
institution. Their method, like that of the modern German _Volkschule_,
was distinctly a teaching and not a questioning method. The teacher
planned and gave the instruction; the pupils received it. In the upper
classes the teacher explained the general meaning of the entire passage;
then the construction of each part; then gave the historical,
geographical, and archaeological information needed further to explain the
passage; then called attention to the rhetorical and poetical forms and
rules; then compared the style with that of other writers; and finally
drew the moral lesson. The memory was drilled; but little training of the
judgment or understanding was given. Thoroughness, memory drills, and the
disciplinary value of studies were foundation stones in the Jesuit's
educational theory. Repetition, they said, was the mother of memory. Each
day the work of the previous day was reviewed, and there were further
reviews at the end of each week, month, and year.

To retain the interest of the pupils amid such a load of memorizing
various school devices were resorted to, chief among which were prizes,
ranks, emulations, rivals, and public disputations. The system of rivals,
whereby each boy had an opponent constantly after him, as shown in Figure
102, was one of the peculiar features of their schools. While the schools
were said to have been made pleasant and attractive, the idea of the
absolute authority of the Church which they represented pervaded them and
repressed the development of that individuality which the court schools of
the Italian Renaissance, the schools of the northern humanists, and the
Calvinistic colleges had tried particularly to foster. This, however, is a
criticism made from a modern point of view. That the school represented
well the spirit of the times is indicated by their marked success as
teaching institutions.

[Illustration: FIG. 102. PLAN OF A JESUIT SCHOOLROOM
The pupils were arranged in equal numbers in opposite rows, known as
_decuriae_, and designated by the numbers. Each boy in each row had a
"rival" in the similarly numbered opposite row (one pair is designated by
dots), who rose whenever he was called on to recite, and who tried to
correct him in some error. A monitor for each group sat at _C_, and the
regular teacher at _B. A, D, E, i, o_, and _x_ represent various student
officials.]

TRAINING OF THE JESUIT TEACHER. The newest and the most distinguishing
feature of the Jesuit educational scheme, as well as the most important,
was the care with which they selected and the thoroughness with which they
trained their teachers. To begin with, every Jesuit was a picked man, and
of those who entered the Order only the best were selected for teaching.
Each entered the Order for life, was vowed to celibacy, poverty, chastity,
uprightness of life, and absolute obedience to the commands of the Order.
The six-year inferior course had to be completed, which required that the
boy be sixteen to eighteen years of age before he could take the
preliminary steps toward joining the Order. Then a two-year novitiate,
away from the world, followed. This was a trial of his real character, his
weak points were noted, and his will and determination tested. Many were
dismissed before the end of the novitiate. If retained and accepted, he
took the preliminary vows and entered the philosophical course of study.
On completing this he was from twenty-one to twenty-three years of age. He
was now assigned to teach boys in the inferior classes of some college,
and might remain there. If destined for higher work he taught in the
inferior classes for two or three years, and then entered the theological
course at some Jesuit university. This required four years for those
headed for the ministry, and six for those who were being trained for
professorships in the colleges. On completing this course the final vows
were taken, at an age of from twenty-nine to thirty-two. The training to-
day is still longer. To become a teacher in the inferior classes required
training until twenty-one at least, and for college (secondary) classes
training until at least twenty-nine. The training was in scholarship,
religion, theology, and an apprenticeship in teaching, and was superior to
that required for a teaching license in any Protestant country of Europe,
or in the Catholic Church itself outside of the Jesuit Order.

With such carefully selected and well-educated teachers, themselves models
of upright life in an age when priests and monks had been careless, it is
not surprising that they wielded an influence wholly out of proportion to
their numbers, and supplied Europe with its best secondary schools during
the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. In the loyal Catholic
countries they were virtually the first secondary schools outside of the
monasteries and churches, and the real introduction of humanism into
Spain, Portugal, and parts of France came with the establishment of the
Jesuit humanistic colleges. For their schools they wrote new school books
--the Protestant books, the most celebrated of which were those of
Erasmus, Melanchthon, Sturm, and Lily, were not possible of use--and for
a time they put new life into the humanistic type of education. Before the
eighteenth century, however, their secondary schools had become as formal
as had those in Protestant lands (R. 146), and their universities far more
narrow and intolerant.

The elements of strength and weakness in the Jesuit system of education
has been well summarized by Dabney, [12] in the following words:

    The order of the Jesuits was anti-democratic, and was founded to
    uphold authority, and to antagonize the right of private judgment.
    With masterly skill they ruled the Catholic world for about two
    centuries; and, in the beginning of their activity, performed services
    of great value to mankind. For, although they aimed, in their system
    of education, to fit pupils merely for so-called practical avocations,
    and to avoid all subjects likely to stimulate them to independent
    thought, it was nevertheless the best system which had then appeared.
    In dropping the old scholastic methods, and teaching new and fresher
    subjects, although with the intention of perverting them to their own
    ends, they sowed, in fact, the germs of their own decay. In spite of
    their wonderful organization, and their indefatigable industry as
    courtiers in royal palaces, as professors in the universities, as
    teachers in the schools, as preachers, as confessors, and as
    missionaries, they were utterly unable to crush the spirit of doubt
    and inquiry. During the first half century of their existence they
    were intellectually in advance of their age; but after that they
    gradually dropped behind it, and, instead of diffusing knowledge, saw
    that the only hope of retaining their dominion was to oppose it with
    all their might.

THE CHURCH AND ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. As was stated on a preceding page,
the countries which remained loyal to the Church experienced none of the
Protestant feeling as to the necessity for universal education for
individual salvation. In such lands the church system of education which
had grown up during the Middle Ages remained undisturbed, and was expanded
but slowly with the passage of time. The Church, never having made general
provision for education, was not prepared for such work. Teachers were
scarce, there was no theory of education except the religious theory, and
few knew what to do or how to do it. Many churchmen, too, did not see the
need for doing anything. Nevertheless the Church, spurred on by the new
demands of a world fast becoming modern, and by the exhortations of the
official representatives of the people, [13] now began to make extra
efforts, in the large cathedral cities, to remedy the deficiency of more
than a thousand years. In Paris, for example, which was typical of other
French cities, the Church organized a regular system of elementary
schools, with teachers licensed by the Precentor of the cathedral of Notre
Dame and nominally under his supervision, in which instruction was offered
to children of the artisan and laboring classes, of both sexes, "in
reading, writing, reckoning, the rudiments of Latin Grammar, Catechism,
and singing." By 1675 these "Little Schools" in Paris came to contain
"upwards of 5000 pupils, taught by some 330 masters and mistresses." All
such schools, of course, remained under the immediate control of the
Church, and modern state systems of education in the Catholic States are
late nineteenth-century productions. In Spain, Portugal, Poland, and the
Balkan States, general state systems of education have not even as yet
been evolved.

The general effect of the Reformation, though, was to stimulate the Church
to greater activity in elementary, as well as in secondary and higher
education. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries we find a large
number of decrees by church councils and exhortations by bishops urging
the extension of the existing church system of education, so as to supply
at least religious training to all the children of the faithful. As a
result a number of teaching orders were organized, the aim of which was to
assist the Church in providing elementary and religious education for the
children of the laboring and artisan classes in the cities.

TEACHING ORDERS ESTABLISHED. The teaching orders for elementary education,
founded before the eighteenth century, with the dates of their foundation,
were:

  * 1535-The Order of Ursulines. (U.S., 1729.)
    1592--The Congregation of Christian Doctrine.
  * 1598--The Sisters of Notre Dame. (U.S., 1847.)
  * 1610--The Visitation Nuns. (U.S., 1799.)
    1621--Patres piarum scholarum (Piarists). First school opened in 1597;
          authorized by the Pope, 1662.
    1627--The Daughters of the Presentation.
  * 1633--The Sisters of Charity of Saint Vincent de Paul. (U.S., 1809.)
    1637--The Port Royalists (Jansenists). (Suppressed in 1661.)
    1643--The Sisters of Providence.
  * 1650--The Sisters of Saint Joseph. Rule based on Jesuits. (U.S.,
          19th C.)
    1652--The Sisters of Mary of Saint Charles Borromeo.
    1684--The Sisters of the Presentation of the Blessed Virgin.
  * 1684--The Brothers of the Christian Schools. (U.S., 1845.)

    * Have communities in the United States, the date being that of the
    first one established. See _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. v, p.
    528.

All of these, except the Ursulines and the Piarists, were founded in
France, many of them originating in Paris. The first has long been
prominent in Italy, and is now found in all lands. The second was founded
by Father César de Bus, at Cavaillon, Avignon, in southern France, and its
purpose was to teach the Catechism to the young. The catechetical schools
of this Order were prominent in southern France up to the time of the
French Revolution. The third was founded by the Blessed Peter Fourier
(1565-1640), in 1598, and played an important part in the education of
girls in France, particularly in Lorraine, where Calvinism had made much
headway. This noted Order offered free instruction to tradesmen's
daughters, not only in religion but in "that which concerns this present
life and its maintenance" as well. The girls were taught "reading,
writing, arithmetic, sewing, and divers manual arts, honorable and
peculiarly suitable for girls" of their station of life. At a time when
handwork had not been thought of for boys, the beginnings of such work
were here introduced for girls. In 1640 Fourier gave the sisterhood a
constitution and a rule, which were revised and perfected in 1694. In this
he laid down rules for the organization and management of schools, methods
of teaching the different branches, and provided for a rudimentary form of
class organization. The following extract from the Rule illustrates the
approach to class organization which he devised:

[Illustration: FIG. 103. AN URSULINE
Order founded, 1535]

The inspectress, or mistress of the class, shall endeavor, as far as it
possibly can be carried out, that all the pupils of the same mistress have
each the same book, in order to learn and read therein the same lesson; so
that, whilst one is reading hers in an audible and intelligible voice
before the mistress, all the others, following her and following this
lesson, in their books at the same time, may learn it sooner, more
readily, and more perfectly. [14] The Piarists were established in Italy,
the first school being opened in Rome, in 1597, by a Spanish priest who
had studied at Lerida, Valencia, and Alcalá. Being struck by the lack of
educational opportunities for the poor, he opened a free school for their
instruction. By 1606 he had 900 pupils in his schools, and by 1613 he had
1200. In 1621 Pope Gregory XV gave his work definite recognition by
establishing it a teaching Order for elementary (reading, writing,
counting, religion) education, modeled on that of the Jesuits. The Order
did some work in Italy and Spain, but its chief services were in border
Catholic lands. In 1631 it began work in Moravia, in 1640 in Bohemia, in
1642 in Poland, and after 1648 in Austria and Hungary. The members wore a
habit much like that of the Jesuits, had a scheme of studies similar to
their _Ratio_, and were organized by provinces and were under discipline
as were the members of the older Order.

The Jansenists, founded by Saint Cyran, at Port Royal, conducted a very
interesting and progressive educational experiment, and their schools have
become known to history as the "Little Schools of Port Royal." The
congregation was a reaction against the work and methods of the Jesuits.
It included both elementary and secondary education, but never extended
itself, and probably never had more than sixty pupils and teachers. After
seventeen years of work it was suppressed through the opposition of the
Jesuits, and its members fled to the Netherlands. There they wrote those
books which have explained to succeeding generations what they attempted,
[15] and which have revealed what a modern type of educational experiment
they conducted. The progressive and modern nature of their teaching, in an
age of suspicion and intolerance, condemned them to extinction. Yet
despite the progressive nature of their instruction, the intense religious
atmosphere which they threw about all their work (R. 181) reveals the
dominant characteristic of most education for church ends at the time.

THE BROTHERS OF THE CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS. The largest and most influential of
the teaching orders established for elementary education was the
"Institute of the Brothers of the Christian Schools," founded by Father La
Salle at Rouen, in 1684, and sanctioned by the King and Pope in 1724. As
early as 1679 La Salle had begun a school at Rheims, and in 1684 he
organized his disciples, prescribed a costume to be worn, and outlined the
work of the brotherhood (_R. 182_). The object was to provide free
elementary and religious instruction in the vernacular for the children of
the working classes, and to do for elementary education what the Jesuits
had done for secondary education La Salle's _Conduct of Schools_, first
published in 1720, was the _ratio studiorum_ of his order. His work marks
the real beginning of free primary instruction in the vernacular in
France. In addition to elementary schools, a few of what we should call
part-time continuation schools were organized for children engaged in
commerce and industry. Realizing better than the Jesuits the need for
well-trained rather than highly educated teachers for little children, and
unable to supply members to meet the outside calls for schools, La Salle
organized at Rheims, in 1685, what was probably the second normal school
for training teachers in the world. [16] Another was organized later at
Paris. In addition to a good education of the type of the time and
thorough grounding in religion, the student teachers learned to teach in
practice schools, under the direction of experienced teachers.

The pupils in La Salle's schools were graded into classes, and the class
method of instruction was introduced. [17] The curriculum was unusually
rich for a time when teaching methods and textbooks were but poorly
developed, the needs for literary education small, and when children could
not as yet be spared from work longer than the age of nine or ten.
Children learned first to read, write, and spell French, and to do simple
composition work in the vernacular. Those who mastered this easily were
taught the Latin Psalter in addition. Much prominence was given to
writing, the instruction being applied to the writing of bills, notes,
receipts, and the like. Much free questioning was allowed in arithmetic
and the Catechism, to insure perfect understanding of what was taught.
Religious training was made the most prominent feature of the school, as
was natural. A half-hour daily was given to the Catechism, mass was said
daily, the crucifix was always on the wall, and two or three pupils were
always to be found kneeling, telling their beads. The discipline, in
contradistinction to the customary practice of the time, was mild, though
all punishments were carefully prescribed by rule. [18] The rule of
silence in the school was rigidly enjoined, all speech was to be in a low
tone of voice, and a code of signals replaced speech for many things.

[Illustration: FIG. 104. A SCHOOL OF LA SALLE AT PARIS, 1688
A visit of James II and the Archbishop of Paris to the School (From a bas-
relief on the statue of La Salle, at Rouen)]

Though the Order met with much opposition from both church and civil
authorities, it made slow but steady headway. At the time of the death of
La Salle, in 1719, thirty-five years after its foundation, the Order had
one general normal school, four normal schools for training teachers,
three practice schools, thirty-three primary schools, and one continuation
school. The Order remained largely French, and at the time of its
suppression, in 1792, had schools in 121 communities in France and 6
elsewhere, about 1000 brothers, and approximately 30,000 children in its
schools. This was approximately 1 child in every 175 of school age of the
population of France at that time. While relatively small in numbers,
their schools represented the best attempt to provide elementary education
in any Catholic country before well into the nineteenth century. The
distribution of their schools throughout France, by 1792, is shown on the
map above. In 1803 the Order was reëstablished, by 1838 it had schools in
282 communities, and in 1887, when La Salle was declared a Saint of the
Church, it had 1898 communities on four continents, 109 of which were in
the United States, and was teaching a total of approximately 300,000
primary children.

[Illustration: FIG. 105. THE BROTHERS OF THE CHRISTIAN SCHOOLS BY 1792
Map, showing the locations of their communities]


5. _General Results of the Reformation on Education_

DESTRUCTION AND CREATION OF SCHOOLS. Any such general overturning of the
established institutions and traditions of a thousand years as occurred at
the time of the Protestant Revolts, with the accompanying bitter hatreds
and religious strife, could not help but result in extensive destruction
of established institutions. Monasteries, churches, and schools alike
suffered, and it required time to replace them. Even though they had been
neglectful of their functions, inadequate in number, and unsuited to the
needs of a world fast becoming modern, they had nevertheless answered
partially the need of the times. In all the countries where revolts took
place these institutions suffered more or less, but in England probably
most of all. The old schools which were not destroyed were transformed
into Protestant schools, the grammar schools to train scholars and
leaders, and the parish schools into Protestant elementary schools to
teach reading and the Catechism, but the number of the latter, in all
Protestant lands, was very far short of the number needed to carry out the
Protestant religious theory. This, as we have seen, proposed to extend the
elements of an education to large and entirely new classes of people who
never before in the history of the world had had such advantages. Out of
the Protestant religious conception that all should be educated the
popular elementary school of modern times has been evolved. The evolution,
though, was slow, and long periods of time have been required for its
accomplishment.

In place of the schools destroyed, or the teachers driven out if no
destruction took place, the reformers made an earnest effort to create new
schools and supply teachers. This, though, required time, especially as
there was as yet in the world no body of vernacular teachers, no
institutions in which such could be trained, no theory as to education
except the religious, no supply of educated men or women from which to
draw, no theory of state support and control, and no source of taxation
from which to derive a steady flow of funds. Throughout the long Middle
Ages the Church had supplied gratuitous or nearly gratuitous instruction.
This it could do, to the limited number whom it taught, from the proceeds
of its age-old endowments and educational foundations. In the process of
transformation from a Catholic to a Protestant State, and especially
during the more than a century of turmoil and religious strife which
followed the rupture of the old relations, many of the old endowments were
lost or were diverted from their original purposes. As the Protestant
reformers were supported generally by the ruling princes, many of these
tried to remedy the deficiency by ordering schools established. The landed
nobility though, unused to providing education for their villein tenants
and serfs, were averse to supplying the deficiency by any form of general
taxation. Nor were the rising merchant classes in the cities any more
anxious to pay taxes to provide for artisans and servants what had for
ages been a gratuity or not furnished at all.

NO REAL DEMAND OF ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS. The creation of a largely new type
of schools, and in sufficient numbers to meet the needs of large classes
of people who before had never shared in the advantages of education, in
consequence proved to be a work of centuries. The century of warfare which
followed the reformation movement more or less exhausted all Europe, while
the Thirty Years' War which formed its culmination left the German States,
where the largest early educational progress had been made, a ruin. In
consequence there was for long little money for school support, and
religious interest and church tithes had to be depended on almost entirely
for the establishment and support of schools. Out of the parish sextons or
clerks a supply of vernacular teachers had to be evolved, a system of
school organization and supervision worked out and added to the duties of
the minister, and the feeling of need for education awakened sufficiently
to make people willing to support schools. In consequence what Luther and
Calvin declared at the beginning of the sixteenth century to be a
necessity for the State and the common right of all, it took until well
into the nineteenth century actually to create and make a reality.

The great demand of the time, too, was not so much for the education of
the masses, however desirable or even necessary this might be from the
standpoint of Protestant religious theory, but for the training of leaders
for the new religious and social order which the Revival of Learning, the
rise of modern nationalities, and the Reformation movements had brought
into being. For this secondary schools for boys, largely Latin in type,
were demanded rather than elementary vernacular schools for both sexes. We
accordingly find the great creations of the period were secondary schools.

[Illustration: FIG. 106. TENDENCIES IN EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN EUROPE,
1500 to 1700]

LINES OF FUTURE DEVELOPMENT ESTABLISHED.  Still more, certain lines of
future development now became clearly established. The drawing given here
will help to make this evident. It will be seen from this that not only
was the secondary school still the dominant type, though elementary
schools began for the first time to be considered as important also, but
that the secondary schools were wholly independent of the elementary
schools which now began to be created. The elementary schools were in the
vernacular and for the masses; the secondary schools were in the Latin
tongue and for the training of the scholarly leaders. Between these two
schools, so different in type and in clientèle, there was little in
common. This difference was further emphasized with time. The elementary
schools later on added subjects of use to the common people, while the
secondary schools added subjects of use for scholarly preparation or for
university entrance. The secondary schools also frequently provided
preparatory schools for their particular classes of children. As a result,
all through Europe two school systems--an elementary-school system for the
masses, and a secondary-school system for the classes--exist to-day side
by side. We in America did not develop such a class school system, though
we started that way. This was because the conception of education we
finally developed was a product of a new democratic spirit, as will be
explained later on.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Compare the attention to careful religious instruction in the secondary
schools provided by the Lutherans, Calvinists, and English. What analogous
instruction do we provide in the American high schools? Is it as thorough
or as well done?

2. Compare the scope and ideals of the educational system provided by the
Calvinists with the same for the Lutherans and Anglicans.

3. Compare the characteristics of Calvinistic (Huguenot) education, as
summarized by Foster, with present-day state educational purposes.

4. Just what kind of a school system did Knox propose (1560) for Scotland?

5. Show how the educational program of the Jesuits reveals Ignatius Loyola
as a man of vision.

6. Viewed from the purposes the Order had in mind, was it warranted in
neglecting the education of the masses?

7. Does the success of the Order show the importance to society of finding
and educating the future leader? Can all men be trained for leadership?

8. What does the statement that the Jesuits were "too practical to make
many changes," but had "a keen eye for what was best" in the work of
others, indicate as to the nature of school administration and educational
progress?

9. Indicate the advantages which the Jesuits had in their teachers and
teaching-aim over us of to-day. How could we develop an aim as clearly
defined and potent as theirs? Could we select teachers with such care?
How?

10. Compare the religious and educational propaganda of the Jesuits with
the recent political propaganda of the Germans.

11. What is meant by the statement that the Jesuit teaching method, like
that of the modern German _Volksschule_, was a teaching and not a
questioning method?

12. Compare present American standards for teacher-training for elementary
and secondary teaching with those required by the Jesuits:--(_a_) as to
length of preparation; (_b_) as to nature and scope of preparation.

13. How do you explain the introduction of sewing into the elementary
vernacular Catholic schools for girls, so long before handiwork for boys
was thought of?

14. In schools so formally organized as those of La Salle, how do you
explain the great freedom allowed in questioning on arithmetic and the
Catechism?

15. Why should La Salle's work have been so opposed by both Church and
civil authorities? Do you consider that his Order ever made what would be
called rapid progress?

16. Why must the education of leaders always precede the education of the
masses?

17. Explain how European countries came naturally to have two largely
independent school systems--a secondary school for leaders and an
elementary school for the masses--whereas we have only one continuous
system.

18. Explain why modern state systems of education developed first in the
German States, and why England and the Catholic nations of Europe were so
long in developing state school systems.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  175. Woodward: Course of Study at the College of Geneva.
  176. Synod of Dort: Scheme of Christian Education adopted.
  177. Kilpatrick: Work of the Dutch in developing Schools.
  178. Kilpatrick: Character of the Dutch Schools of 1650.
  179. Statutes: The Scotch School Law of 1646.
  180. Pachtler: The _Ratio Studiorum_ of the Jesuits.
  181. Gérard: The Dominant Religious Purpose in the Education of French
       Girls.
  182. La Salle: Rules for the "Brothers of the Christian Schools."


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Was the College at Geneva (175) a true humanistic-revival school?

2. Just what did the Synod of Dort provide for (176) in the matter of
schools, school supervision, and ministerial duties?

3. Compare the work of the Dutch (177) and the Lutherans (159-163) in
creating schools.

4. Just what type of school is indicated by selection 178?

5. Just what did the Scotch law of 1646 provide for (179)?

6. Characterize the schools provided for by La Salle (182).

7. Compare the religious care at Port Royal (181) with that suggested by
Saint Jerome (R. 45).


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Baird, C. W. _History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France_.
  Baird, C. W. _Huguenot Emigration to America_.
  Grant, Jas. _History of the Burgh Schools of Scotland_.
  Hughes, Thos. _Loyola, and the Educational System of the Jesuits_.
  Kilpatrick, Wm. H. _The Dutch Schools of New Netherlands and Colonial
    New York_.
  Laurie, S. S. _History of Educational Opinion since the
    Renaissance_.
  Ravelet, A. _Blessed J. B. de la Salle_.
  Schwickerath, R. _Jesuit Education; its History and Principles in the
    Light of Modern Educational Problems_.
  Woodward, W. H. _Education during the Renaissance_.




CHAPTER XV

EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS


III. THE REFORMATION AND AMERICAN EDUCATION

THE PROTESTANT SETTLEMENT OF AMERICA. Columbus had discovered the new
world just twenty-five years before Luther nailed his theses to the church
door at Wittenberg, and by the time the northern continent had been
roughly explored and was ready for settlement, Europe was in the midst of
a century of warfare in a vain attempt to extirpate the Protestant heresy.
By the time that the futility of fire and sword as means for religious
conversion had finally dawned upon Christian Europe and found expression
in the Peace of Westphalia (1648), which closed the terrible Thirty Years'
War (p. 301), the first permanent settlements in a number of the American
colonies had been made. These settlements, and the beginnings of education
in America, are so closely tied up with the Protestant Revolts in Europe
that a chapter on the beginnings of American education belongs here as
still another phase of the educational results of the Protestant Revolts.

Practically all the early settlers in America came from among the peoples
and from those lands which had embraced some form of the Protestant faith,
and many of them came to America to found new homes and establish their
churches in the wilderness, because here they could enjoy a religious
freedom impossible in their old home-lands. This was especially true of
the French Huguenots, many of whom, after the revocation of the Edict of
Nantes [1] (1685), fled to America and settled along the coast of the
Carolinas; the Calvinistic Dutch and Walloons, who settled in and about
New Amsterdam; the Scotch and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, who settled in
New Jersey, and later extended along the Allegheny Mountain ridges into
all the southern colonies; the English Quakers about Philadelphia, who
came under the leadership of William Penn, and a few English Baptists and
Methodists in eastern Pennsylvania; the Swedish Lutherans, along the
Delaware; the German Lutherans, Moravians, Mennonites, Dunkers, and
Reformed-Church Germans, who settled in large numbers in the mountain
valleys of Pennsylvania; and the Calvinistic dissenters from the English
National Church, known as Puritans, who settled the New England colonies,
and who, more than any others, gave direction to the future development of
education in the American States. Very many of these early religious
groups came to America in little congregations, bringing their ministers
with them. Each set up, in the colony in which it settled, what were
virtually little religious republics, that through them they might the
better perpetuate the religious principles for which they had left the
land of their birth. Education of the young for membership in the Church,
and the perpetuation of a learned ministry for the congregations, from the
first elicited the serious attention of these pioneer settlers.

Englishmen who were adherents of the English national faith (Anglicans)
also settled in Virginia and the other southern colonies, and later in New
York and New Jersey, while Maryland was founded as the only Catholic
colony, in what is now the United States, by a group of persecuted English
Catholics who obtained a charter from Charles I, in 1632. These
settlements are shown on the map on the following page. As a result of
these settlements there was laid, during the early colonial period of
American history, the foundation of those type attitudes toward education
which subsequently so materially shaped the educational development of the
different American States during the early part of our national history.

THE PURITANS IN NEW ENGLAND. Of all those who came to America during this
early period, the Calvinistic Puritans who settled the New England
colonies contributed most that was valuable to the future educational
development of America, and because of this will be considered first.

[Illustration: FIG. 107. MAP SHOWING THE RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENTS IN AMERICA]

The original reformation in England, as was stated in chapters XII and
XIII, had been much more nominal than real. The English Bible and the
English Prayer-Book had been issued to the churches (R. 170), and the King
instead of the Pope had been declared by the Act of Supremacy (R. 153) to
be the head of the English National Church. The same priests, though, had
continued in the churches under the new régime, and the church service had
not greatly changed aside from its transformation from Latin into English.
Neither the Church as an organization nor its members experienced any
great religious reformation. Not all Englishmen, though, took the change
in allegiance so lightly (R. 183), and in consequence there came to be a
gradually increasing number who desired a more fundamental reform of the
English Church. By 1600 the demand for Church reform had become very
insistent, and the question of Church purification (whence the name
"Puritans") had become a burning question in England.

[Illustration: FIG. 108. HOMES OF THE PILGRIMS, AND THEIR ROUTE TO
AMERICA]

The English Puritans, moreover, were of two classes. One was a moderate
but influential "low-church" group within the "high" State Church,
possessed of no desire to separate Church and State, but earnestly
insistent on a simplification of the Church ceremonial, the elimination of
a number of the vestiges of the old Romish-Church ritual, and particularly
the introduction of more preaching into the service. The other class
constituted a much more radical group, and had become deeply imbued with
Calvinistic thinking. This group gradually came into open opposition to
any State Church, stood for the local independence of the different
churches or congregations, and desired the complete elimination of all
vestiges of the Romish faith from the church services. [2] They became
known as Independents, or Separatists, and formed the germs of the later
Congregational groups of early New England. Both Elizabeth (1558-1603) and
James I (1603-25) savagely persecuted this more radical group, and many of
their congregations were forced to flee from England to obtain personal
safety and to enjoy religious liberty (R. 184). One of these fugitive
congregations, from Scrooby, in north-central England, after living for
several years at Leyden, in Holland, finally set sail for America, landed
on Plymouth Rock, in 1620, and began the settlement of that "bleak and
stormy coast." Other congregations soon followed, it having been estimated
that twenty thousand English Puritans migrated [3] to the New England
wilderness before 1640. These represented a fairly well-to-do type of
middle-class Englishmen, practically all of whom had had good educational
advantages at home.

Settling along the coast in little groups or congregations, they at once
set up a combined civil and religious form of government, modeled in a way
after Calvin's City-State at Geneva, and which became known as a New
England town. [4] In time the southern portion of the coast of New England
was dotted with little self-governing settlements of those who had come to
America to obtain for themselves that religious freedom which had been
denied them at home. These settlements were loosely bound together in a
colony federation, in which each town was represented in a General Court,
or legislature. The extent of these settlements by 1660 is shown on the
map on the opposite page.

BEGINNINGS OF SCHOOLS IN NEW ENGLAND. Having come to America to secure
religious freedom, it was but natural that the perpetuation of their
particular faith by means of education should have been one of the first
matters to engage their attention, after the building of their homes and
the setting up of the civil government (R. 185). Being deeply imbued with
Calvinistic ideas as to government and religion, they desired to found
here a religious commonwealth, somewhat after the model of Geneva (p.
298), or Scotland (p. 335), or the Dutch provinces (p. 334), the corner-
stones of which should be religion and education.

[Illustration: FIG. 109. NEW ENGLAND SETTLEMENTS, 1660]

At first, English precedents were followed. Home instruction, which was
quite common in England among the Puritans, was naturally much employed to
teach the children to read the Bible and to train them to participate in
both the family and the congregational worship. After 1647, town
elementary schools under a master, and later the English "dame schools"
(chapter XVIII), were established to provide this rudimentary instruction.
The English apprentice system was also established (R. 201), and the
masters of apprentices gave similar instruction to boys entrusted to their
care. The town religious governments, under which all the little
congregations organized themselves, much as the little religious parishes
had been organized in old England, also began the voluntary establishment
of town grammar schools, as a few towns in England had done (R. 143)
before the Puritans migrated. The "Latin School" at Boston dates from
1635, and has had a continuous existence since that time. The grammar
school at Charlestown dates from 1636, that at Ipswich from the same year,
and the school at Salem from 1637. In 1639 Dorchester voted:

    that there shall be a rent of 20 lb a year for ever imposed upon
    Tomsons Island ... toward the mayntenance of a schoole in Dorchester.
    This rent of 20 lb yearly to bee payd to such a schoole-master as
    shall vndertake to teach english, latine, and other tongues, and also
    writing. The said schoole-master to bee chosen from tyme to tyme p'r
    the freemen.

Newbury, in 1639, voted "foure akers of upland" and "sixe akers of salt
marsh" to Anthony Somerby "for his encouragement to keepe schoole for one
yeare," and later levied a town rate of £24 for a "schoole to be kepte at
the meeting house." Cambridge also early established a Latin grammar
school "for the training up of Young Schollars, and fitting them [5] for
_Academicall Learning_" (R. 185).

The support for the town schools thus founded was derived from various
sources, such as the levying of tuition fees, the income from town lands
or fisheries set aside for the purpose, [6] voluntary contributions from
the people of the town, [7] a town tax, or a combination of two or more of
these methods. The founding of the "free (grammar) school" at Roxburie, in
1645, is representative (R. 188) of the early methods. There was no
uniform plan as yet, in either old or New England.

FOUNDING OF HARVARD COLLEGE. In addition to establishing Latin grammar
schools, a college was founded, in 1636, by the General Court
(legislature) of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, to perpetuate learning and
insure an educated ministry (R. 185) to the churches after "our present
ministers shall lie in the dust." This new college, located at Newtowne,
was modeled after Emmanuel College at Cambridge, an English Puritan
college in which many of the early New England colonists had studied, [8]
and in loving memory of which they rechristened Newtowne as Cambridge. In
1639 the college was christened Harvard College, after a graduate of
Emmanuel College, Cambridge, by the name of John Harvard, who died in
Charlestown, a year after his arrival in the colony, and who left the
college his library of two hundred and sixty volumes and half his
property, about £850.

The instruction in the new college was a combination of the arts and
theological instruction given in a mediaeval university, though at Harvard
the President, Master Dunster (R. 185), did all the teaching. For the
first fifty years at Harvard this continued to be true, the attendance
during that time seldom exceeding twenty. The entrance requirements for
the college (R. 186 a) call for the completion of a typical English Latin
grammar-school education; the rules and precepts for the government of the
college (R. 186 b) reveal the deep religious motive; and the schedule of
studies (R. 186 c) and the requirements for degrees (R. 186 d) both show
that the instruction was true to the European type. In the charter for the
college, granted by the colonial legislature in 1650 (R. 187 a), we find
exemptions and conditions which remind one strongly of the older European
foundations. A century later Brown College, in Rhode Island, was granted
even more extensive exemptions (R. 187 b).

THE FIRST COLONIAL LEGISLATION: THE LAW OF 1642. We thus see manifested
early in New England the deep Puritan-Calvinistic zeal for learning as a
bulwark of Church and State. We also see the establishment in the
wilderness of New England of a typical English educational system--that
is, private instruction in reading and religion by the parents in the home
and by the masters of apprentices, and later by a town schoolmaster; the
Latin grammar school in the larger towns, to prepare boys for the college
of the colony; and an English-type college to prepare them for the
ministry. As in England, too, all was clearly subordinate to the Church.
Still further, as in England also, the system was voluntary, the deep
religious interest which had brought the congregations to America being
depended upon to insure for all the necessary education and religious
training.

It early became evident, though, that these voluntary efforts on the part
of the people and the towns would not be sufficient to insure that general
education which was required by the Puritan religious theory. Under the
hard pioneer conditions, and the suffering which ensued, many parents and
masters of apprentices evidently proved neglectful of their educational
duties. Accordingly the Church appealed to its servant, the State, as
represented in the colonial legislature (General Court) to assist it in
compelling parents and masters to observe their religious obligations. The
result was the famous Massachusetts Law of 1642 (R. 190), which directed
"the chosen men" (Selectmen; Councilmen) of each town to ascertain, from
time to time, if the parents and masters were attending to their
educational duties; if the children were being trained "in learning and
labor and other employments ... profitable to the Commonwealth"; and if
children were being taught "to read and understand the principles of
religion and the capital laws of the country," and empowered them to
impose fines on "those who refuse to render such accounts to them when
required." In 1645 the General Court further ordered that all youth
between ten and sixteen years of age should also receive instruction "in
ye exercise of arms, as small guns, halfe pikes, bowes & arrows, &c."

[Illustration: PLATE 9. Two TABLETS ON THE WEST GATEWAY AT HARVARD
UNIVERSITY
Reproducing colonial records relating to the founding of Harvard College.]

The Law of 1642 is remarkable in that, for the first time in the English-
speaking world, a legislative body representing the State ordered that all
children should be taught to read. The law shows clearly not only the
influence of the Reformation theory as to personal salvation and the
Calvinistic conception of the connection between learning and religion,
but also the influence of the English Poor-Law legislation which had
developed rapidly during the half-century immediately preceding the coming
of the Puritans to America (R. 173). On the foundations of the English
Poor Law of 1601 (R. 174) our New England settlers moulded the first
American law relating to education, adding to the principles there
established (p. 326) a distinct Calvinistic contribution to our new-world
life that, the authorities of the civil town should see that all children
were taught "to read and understand the principles of religion and the
capital laws of the country." This law the Selectmen, or the courts if
they failed to do so, were ordered to enforce, and the courts usually
looked after their duties in the matter (R. 192).

_The Law of 1647._ The Law of 1642, while ordering "the chosen men" of
each town to see that the education and training of children was not
neglected, and providing for fines on parents and masters who failed to
render accounts when required, did not, however, establish schools, or
direct the employment of schoolmasters. The provision of education, after
the English fashion, was still left with the homes. After a trial of five
years, the results of which were not satisfactory, the General Court
enacted another law by means of which it has been asserted that "the
Puritan government of Massachusetts rendered probably its greatest service
to the future."

After recounting in a preamble (R. 191) that it had in the past been "one
cheife proiect of y't ould deluder, Satan, to keepe men from the knowledge
of y'e Scriptures, ... by keeping y'm in an unknowne tongue," so now "by
pswading from y'e use of tongues," and "obscuring y'e true sence & meaning
of y'e originall" by "false glosses of saint-seeming deceivers," learning
was in danger of being "buried in y'e grave of o'r fath'rs in y'e church
and comonwealth"; the Court ordered:

    1. That every town having fifty householders should at once appoint a
       teacher of reading and writing, and provide for his wages in such
       manner as the town might determine; and

    2. That every town having one hundred householders must provide a
       grammar school to fit youths for the university, under a penalty of
       £5 (afterwards increased to £20) for failure to do so.

This law represents a distinct step in advance over the Law of 1642, and
for this there are no English precedents. It was not until the latter part
of the nineteenth century that England took such a step. The precedents
for the compulsory establishment of schools lie rather in the practices of
the different German States (p. 318), the actions of the Dutch synods (R.
176) and provinces (p. 335), the Acts of the Scottish parliament of 1633
and 1646 (p. 334; R. 179), and the general Calvinistic principle that
education was an important function of a religious State.

PRINCIPLES ESTABLISHED. The State here, acting again as the servant of the
Church, enacted a law and fixed a tradition which prevailed and grew in
strength and effectiveness after State and Church had parted company. Not
only was a school system ordered established--elementary for all towns and
children, and secondary for youths in the larger towns--but, for the first
time among English-speaking people, there was an assertion of the right of
the State to require communities to establish and maintain schools, under
penalty if they refused to do so. It can be safely asserted, in the light
of later developments, that the two laws of 1642 and 1647 represent the
foundations upon which our American state public-school systems have been
built. Mr. Martin, the historian of the Massachusetts public-school
system, states the fundamental principles which underlay this legislation,
as follows: [9]

    1. The universal education of youth is essential to the well-being of
       the State.

    2. The obligation to furnish this education rests primarily upon the
       parent.

    3. The State has a right to enforce this obligation.

    4. The State may fix a standard which shall determine the kind of
       education, and the minimum amount.

    5. Public money, raised by general tax, may be used to provide such
       education as the State requires. The tax may be general, though the
       school attendance is not.

    6. Education higher than the rudiments may be supplied by the State.
       Opportunity must be provided, at public expense, for youths who
       wish to be fitted for the university.

"It is important to note here," adds Mr. Martin, "that the idea underlying
all this legislation is neither paternalistic nor socialistic. The child
is to be educated, not to advance his personal interests, but because the
State will suffer if he is not educated. The State does not provide
schools to relieve the parent, nor because it can educate better than the
parent can, but because it can thereby better enforce the obligation which
it imposes." To prevent a return to the former state of religious
ignorance it was important that education be provided. To assure this the
colonial legislature enacted a law requiring the maintenance and support
of schools by the towns. This law became the corner-stone of our American
state school systems.

Influence on other New England colonies. Connecticut Colony, in its Law of
1650 establishing a school system, combined the spirit of the
Massachusetts Law of 1642, though stated in different words (R. 193), and
the Law of 1647, stated word for word. New Haven Colony, in 1655, ordered
that children and apprentices should be taught to read, as had been done
in Massachusetts, in 1642, but on the union of New Haven and Connecticut
Colonies, in 1665, the Connecticut Code became the law for the united
colonies. In 1702 a college was founded (Yale) and finally located at New
Haven, to offer preparation for the ministry in the Connecticut colony, as
had been done earlier in Massachusetts, and Latin grammar schools were
founded in the Connecticut towns to prepare for the new college, as also
had been done earlier in Massachusetts. The rules and regulations for the
grammar school at New Haven (R. 189) reveal the purpose and describe the
instruction provided in one of the earliest and best of these.

[Illustration: FIG. 111. WHERE YALE COLLEGE WAS FOUNDED]

Plymouth Colony, in 1658 and again in 1663, proposed to the towns that
they "sett vp" a schoolmaster "to traine vp children to reading and
writing" (R. 194 a). In 1672 the towns were asked to aid Harvard College
by gifts (R. 194 b). In 1673-74 the income from the Cape Cod fisheries was
set aside for the support of a (grammar) school (R. 194 c). Finally, in
1677, all towns having over fifty families and maintaining a grammar
school were ordered aided from the fishery proceeds (R. 194 d).

The Massachusetts laws also applied to Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont,
as these were then a part of Massachusetts Colony. After New Hampshire
separated, in 1680, the Massachusetts Law of 1647 was virtually readopted
in 1719-21. In Maine and Vermont there were so few settlers, until near
the beginning of our national life, that the influence of the
Massachusetts legislation on these States was negligible until a later
period.

Only in Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, of all the New England
colonies, did the Massachusetts legislation fail to exert a deep
influence. Settled as these two had been by refugees from New England, and
organized on a basis of hospitality to all who suffered from religious
oppression elsewhere, the religious stimulus to the founding of schools
naturally was lacking. As the religious basis for education was as yet the
only basis, the first development of schools in Rhode Island awaited the
humanitarian and economic influences which did not become operative until
early in the nineteenth century.

Outside of the New England colonies, the appeal to the State as the
servant of the Church was seldom made during the early colonial period,
the churches handling the educational problem in their own way. As a
result the beginnings of State oversight and control were left to New
England. In the central colonies a series of parochial-school systems came
to prevail, while in Episcopalian Virginia and the other colonies to the
south the no-business-of-the-State attitude assumed toward education by
the mother country was copied.

THE CHURCH SCHOOLS OF NEW YORK. New Netherland, as New York Colony was
called before the English occupation, was settled by the Dutch West India
Company, and some dozen villages about New York and up the Hudson had been
founded by the time it passed to the control of the English, in 1664. In
these the Dutch established typical home-land public parochial schools,
under the control of the Reformed Dutch Church. The schoolmaster was
usually the reader and precentor in the church as well (R. 195), and often
acted, as in Holland, as sexton besides. Girls attended on equal terms
with boys, but sat apart and recited in separate classes. The instruction
consisted of reading and writing Dutch, sometimes a little arithmetic, the
Dutch Catechism, the reading of a few religious books, and certain
prayers. The rules (1661) for a schoolmaster in New Amsterdam (R. 196),
and the contract with a Dutch schoolmaster in Flatbush (R. 195), dating
from 1682, reveal the type of schools and school conditions provided. All
except the children of the poor paid fees to the schoolmaster. [10] He was
licensed by the Dutch church authorities. As the Dutch had not come to
America because of persecution, and were in no way out of sympathy with
religious conditions in the home-land, the schools they developed here
were typical of the Dutch European parochial schools of the time (R. 178).
A _trivial_ (Latin) school was also established in New York, in 1652.

After the English occupation the English principle of private and church
control of education, with schooling on a tuition or a charitable basis,
came to prevail, and this continued up to the beginning of our national
period. [11] Of the English colonial schools of New York Draper has
written: [12]

    All the English schools in the province from 1700 down to the time of
    the Declaration of Independence were maintained by a great religious
    society organized under the auspices of the Church of England--and, of
    course, with the favor of the government--called "The Society for the
    Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts." The law governing this
    Society provided that no teacher should be employed until he had
    proved "his affection for the present government" and his "conformity
    to the doctrine and discipline of the Church of England." Schools
    maintained under such auspices were in no sense free schools. Indeed,
    humiliating as it is, no student of history can fail to discern the
    fact that the government of Great Britain, during its supremacy in
    this territory, did nothing to facilitate the extension or promote the
    efficiency of free elementary schools among the people.

THE PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS OF PENNSYLVANIA. Pennsylvania was settled by
Quakers, Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, German Lutherans, Moravians,
Mennonites, and members of the German Reformed Church, all of whom came to
America to secure greater religious liberty and had been attracted to this
colony by the freedom of religious worship which Penn had provided for
there. All these were Protestant sects, all believed in the necessity of
learning to read the Bible as a means to personal salvation, and all made
efforts looking toward the establishment of schools as a part of their
church organization. Unlike New England, though, no sect was in a
majority; church control for each denomination was considered as most
satisfactory; and no appeal was made to the State to have it assist the
churches in the enforcement of their religious purposes. The clergymen
were usually the teachers in the parochial schools established, [13] while
private pay schools were opened in the villages and towns. These were
taught in English, German, or the Moravian tongue (Czech), according to
the original language of the different immigrants. The Quakers seem to
have taken particular interest in schools (R. 199), a Quaker school in
Philadelphia (R. 198) having been established the year the city was
founded. Girls were educated as well as boys, and the emphasis was placed
on reading, writing, counting, and religion, rather than upon any higher
form of training.

[Illustration: FIG. 112. AN OLD QUAKER MEETING-HOUSE AND SCHOOL AT
LAMPETER, PENNSYLVANIA
(From an old drawing)]

The result was the development in this colony of a policy of depending on
church and private effort, and the provision of education, aside from
certain rudimentary and religious instruction, was left largely for those
who could afford to pay for the privilege. Charitable education was
extended to but a few, for a short time, while, under the freedom allowed,
many communities made but indifferent provisions or suffered their schools
to lapse. Under the primitive conditions of the time the interest even in
religious education often declined almost to the vanishing point. So lax
in the matter of providing schooling had many communities become that the
second Provincial Assembly, sitting in Philadelphia, in 1683, passed an
ordinance requiring (R. 197) that all persons having children must cause
them to be taught to read and write, so that they might be able to read
the Scriptures by the time they were twelve years old, and also that all
children be taught some useful trade. A fine of £5 was to be assessed for
failure to comply with the law. So much in advance of English ideas as to
what was fitting and proper was this compulsory law that it was vetoed by
William and Mary, when submitted to their majesties for approval. Ten
years later it was reënacted by the Governor and Assembly of the colony,
but proved so difficult of enforcement that it was soon dropped, and the
chance of starting education in Pennsylvania somewhat after the New
England model was lost. The colony now settled down to a policy of non
state action, and this in time became so firmly established that the do-
as-you-please idea persisted in this State up to the establishment of the
first free state school system, in 1834.

MIXED CONDITIONS IN NEW JERSEY. In New Jersey, situated as it was near the
center of the different colonies, the early development of education there
was the product of a number of different influences. The Dutch crossed
from New Amsterdam, the English came from Connecticut and later from New
York, Scotch and Scotch-Irish Presbyterians came from the mother country,
Swedish Lutherans settled along the Delaware, and Quakers and German
Lutherans came over from Pennsylvania. The educational practice of the
colony or land from which each group of settlers came was reproduced in
the colony. After the English succeeded the Dutch in New Amsterdam (1664),
English methods and practice in education gradually came into control
throughout most of New Jersey, and as a result here, as in New York, but
little was accomplished in providing schools for other than a select few
until well after the beginning of the nineteenth century. Neither New
Jersey, New York, nor Pennsylvania may be said to have developed any
colonial educational policy aside from that of allowing private and
parochial effort to provide such schools as seemed desirable.

VIRGINIA AND THE SOUTHERN TYPE. Almost all the conditions attending the
settlement of Virginia were in contrast to those of the New England
colonies. The early settlers were from the same class of English yeomen
and country squires, but with the important difference that whereas the
New England settlers were Dissenters from the Church of England and had
come to America to obtain freedom in religious worship, the settlers in
Virginia were adherents of the National Church and had come to America for
gain. The marked differences in climate and possible crops led to the
large plantation type of settlement, instead of the compact little New
England town; the introduction of large numbers of "indentured white
servants," and later negro slaves, led to the development of classes in
society instead of to the New England type of democracy; and the lack of a
strong religious motive for education naturally led to the adoption of the
customary English practices instead of to the development of colonial
schools. The tutor in the home, education in small private pay schools, or
education in the mother country were the prevailing methods adopted among
the well-to-do planters, while the poorer classes were left with only such
advantages as apprenticeship training or charity schools might provide.
Throughout the entire colonial period Virginia remained most like the
mother country in spirit and practice, and stands among the colonies as
the clearest example of the English attitude toward school support and
control. As in the mother country, education was considered to be no
business of the State. Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and
the Carolinas followed the English attitude, much after the fashion of
Virginia.

Practically all the Virginia colonial legislation relating to education
refers either to William and Mary College (founded in 1693), or to the
education of orphans and the children of the poor. Both these interests,
as we have previously seen, were typically English. All the seventeenth-
century legislation relating to education is based on the English Poor-Law
legislation, [14] previously described (p. 325), and included the
compulsory apprenticeship of the children of the poor, training in a
trade, the requirement that the public authorities must provide
opportunities for this type of education, and the use of both local and
colony funds for the purpose (R. 200 a), all, as the Statutes state,
"according to the aforesaid laudable custom in the Kingdom of England." It
was not until 1705 that Virginia reached the point, reached by
Massachusetts in 1642, of requiring that "the master of the [apprenticed]
orphan shall be obliged to teach him to read and write." In all the
Anglican colonies the apprenticing of the children of the poor (see R. 200
b for some interesting North Carolina records) was a characteristic
feature. During the entire colonial period the indifference of the mother
country to general education was steadily reflected in Virginia and in the
colonies which were essentially Anglican in religion, and followed the
English example.

TYPE PLANS REPRESENTED BY 1750. The seventeenth century thus witnessed the
transplanting of European ideas as to government, religion, and education
to the new American colonies, and by the eighteenth century we find three
clearly marked types of educational practice or conception as to
educational responsibility established on American soil.

The first was the strong Calvinistic conception of a religious State,
supporting a system of common vernacular schools, higher Latin schools,
and a college, for both religious and civic ends. This type dominated New
England, and is best represented by Massachusetts. From New England this
attitude was carried westward by the migrations of New England people, and
deeply influenced the educational development of all States to which the
New Englander went in any large numbers. This was the educational
contribution of Calvinism to America. [15] Out of it our state school
systems of to-day, by the separation of Church and State, have been
evolved.

The second was the parochial-school conception of the Dutch, Moravians,
Mennonites, German Lutherans, German Reformed Church, Quakers,
Presbyterians, Baptists, and Catholics. This type is best represented by
Protestant Pennsylvania and Catholic Maryland. It stood for church control
of all educational efforts, resented state interference, was dominated
only by church purposes, and in time came to be a serious obstacle in the
way of rational state school organization and control.

The third type, into which the second type tended to fuse, conceived of
public education, aside from collegiate education, as intended chiefly for
orphans and the children of the poor, and as a charity which the State was
under little or no obligation to assist in supporting. All children of the
upper and middle classes in society attended private or church schools, or
were taught by tutors in their homes, and for such instruction paid a
proper tuition fee. Paupers and orphans, in limited numbers and for a
limited time, might be provided with some form of useful education at the
expense of either Church or State. This type is best represented by
Anglican Virginia, which typified well the _laissez-faire_ policy which
dominated England from the time of the Protestant Reformation until the
latter half of the nineteenth century.

These three types of attitude toward the provision of education became
fixed American types, and each deeply influenced subsequent American
educational development, as we shall point out in a later chapter.

DOMINANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS MOTIVE. The seventeenth century was essentially
a period of the transplanting, almost unchanged in form, of the
characteristic European institutions, manners, religious attitudes, and
forms of government to American shores. Each sect or nationality on
arriving set up in the new land the characteristic forms of church and
school and social observances known in the old home-land. Dutch, Germans,
English, Scotch, Calvinists, Lutherans, Anglicans, Presbyterians--
reproduced in the American colonies the main type of schools existing at
the time of their migration in the mother land from which they came. They
were also dominated by the same deep religious purpose.

The dominance of this religious purpose in all instruction is well
illustrated by the great beginning-school book of the time, _The New
England Primer_. A digest of the contents of this, with a few pages
reproduced, is given in R. 202. This book, from which all children learned
to read, was used by Dissenters and Lutherans alike in the American
colonies. This book Ford well characterizes in the following words:

As one glances over what may truly be called "The Little Bible of New
England," and reads its stern lessons, the Puritan mood is caught with
absolute faithfulness. Here was no easy road to knowledge and salvation;
but with prose as bare of beauty as the whitewash of their churches, with
poetry as rough and stern as their storm-torn coast, with pictures as
crude and unfinished as their own glacial-smoothed boulders, between stiff
oak covers which symbolized the contents, the children were tutored,
until, from being unregenerate, and as Jonathan Edwards said, "young
vipers, and infinitely more hateful than vipers" to God, they attained
that happy state when, as expressed by Judge Sewell's child, they were
afraid that they "should goe to hell," and were "stirred up dreadfully to
seek God." God was made sterner and more cruel than any living judge, that
all might be brought to realize how slight a chance even the least erring
had of escaping eternal damnation.

One learned to read chiefly that one might be able to read the Catechism
and the Bible, and to know the will of the Heavenly Father. There was
scarcely any other purpose in the maintenance of elementary schools. In
the grammar schools and the colleges students were "instructed to consider
well the main end of life and studies." These institutions existed mainly
to insure a supply of learned ministers for service in Church and State.
Such studies as history, geography, science, music, drawing, secular
literature, and organized play were unknown. Children were constantly
surrounded, week days and Sundays, by the somber Calvinistic religious
atmosphere in New England, [16] and by the careful religious oversight of
the pastors and elders in the colonies where the parochial-school system
was the ruling plan for education. Schoolmasters were required to
"catechise their scholars in the principles of the Christian religion,"
and it was made "a chief part of the schoolmaster's religious care to
commend his scholars and his labors amongst them unto God by prayer
morning and evening, taking care that his scholars do reverently attend
during the same." Religious matter constituted the only reading matter,
outside the instruction in Latin in the grammar schools. The Catechism was
taught, and the Bible was read and expounded. Church attendance was
required, and grammar-school pupils were obliged to report each week on
the Sunday sermon. This insistence on the religious element was more
prominent in Calvinistic New England than in the colonies to the south,
but everywhere the religious purpose was dominant. The church parochial
and charity schools were essentially schools for instilling the church
practices and beliefs of the church maintaining them. This state of
affairs continued until well toward the beginning of the nineteenth
century.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Compare the conservative and radical groups in the English purification
movement with the conservative and radical groups, as typified by Erasmus
and Luther, at the time of the Reformation.

2. Show how, for each group, the schools established were merely homeland
foreign-type religious schools, with nothing distinctively American about
them.

3. Show why such copying of home-land types, even to the Latin grammar
school, was perfectly natural.

4. The provision of the Law of 1642 requiring instruction in "the capital
laws of the country" was new. How do you explain this addition to mother-
land practices?

5. Show why the Law of 1642 was Calvinistic rather than Anglican in its
origin.

6. Explain the meaning of the preamble to the Law of 1647.

7. Show how the Law of 1647 must go back for precedents to German, Dutch,
and Scotch sources.

8. Apply the six principles stated by Mr. Martin, as embodied in the
legislation of 1647, to modern state school practice, and show how we have
adopted each in our laws.

9. Show also that the Law of 1647, as well as modern state school laws, is
neither paternalistic nor socialistic in essential purpose.

10. Show that, though the mixture of religious sects in Pennsylvania made
colonial legislation difficult, still it would have been possible to have
enforced the Massachusetts Law of 1642, or the Pennsylvania laws of 1683
or 1693, in the colony. How do you explain the opposition and failure to
do so?

11. Show how the charity schools for the poor, and church missionary-
society schools, were the natural outcome of the English attitude toward
elementary education.

12. Which of the three type plans in the American colonies by 1750 most
influenced educational development in your State?

13. State the important contribution of Calvinism to our new-world life.

14. Explain the indifference of the Anglican Church to general education
during the whole of our colonial period.

15. Explain what is meant by "The Puritan Church applied to its servant,
the State," etc.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  183. Nichols: The Puritan Attitude.
  184. Gov. Bradford: The Puritans leave England.
  185. First Fruits: The Founding of Harvard College.
  186. First Fruits: The First Rules for Harvard College.
       (a) Entrance Requirements.
       (b) Rules and Precepts.
       (c) Time and Order of Studies.
       (d) Requirements for Degrees.
  187. College Charters: Extracts from, showing Privileges.
       (a) Harvard College, 1650.
       (b) Brown College, 1764.
  188. Dillaway: Founding of the Free School at Roxburie.
  189. Baird: Rules and Regulations for Hopkins Grammar School.
  190. Statutes: The Massachusetts Law of 1642.
  191. Statutes: The Massachusetts Law of 1647.
  192. Court Records: Presentment of Topsfield for Violating the Law of
       1642.
  193. Statutes: The Connecticut Law of 1650.
  194. Statutes: Plymouth Colony Legislation.
  195. Flatbush: Contract with a Dutch Schoolmaster.
  196. New Amsterdam: Rules for a Schoolmaster in.
  197. Statutes: The Pennsylvania. Law of 1683.
  198. Minutes of Council: The First School in Philadelphia.
  199. Murray: Early Quaker Injunctions regarding Schools.
  200. Statutes: Apprenticeship Laws in the Southern Colonies.
       (a) Virginia Statutes.
       (b) North Carolina Court Records.
  201. Stiles: A New England Indenture of Apprenticeship.
  202. The New England Primer: Description and Digest.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. What does the selection on The Puritan Attitude (183) reveal as to the
extent and depth of the Reformation in England?

2. Characterize the feelings and emotions and desires of the Puritans, as
expressed in the extract (184) from Governor Bradford's narrative.

3. Characterize the spirit behind the founding of Harvard College, as
expressed in the extract from New England's First Fruits (185).

4. What was the nature and purpose of the Harvard College instruction as
shown by the selection 186 a-d?

5. Point out the similarity between the exemptions granted to Harvard
College by the Legislature of the colony (187 a) and those granted to
mediaeval universities (103-105). Compare the privileges granted Brown
(187 b) and those contained in 104.

6. Compare the founding of the Free School at Roxbury (188) with the
founding of an English Grammar School (141-43).

7. What does the distribution of scholars at Roxbury (188) show as to the
character of the school?

8. State the essentials of the Massachusetts Law of 1642 (190).

9. Compare the Massachusetts Law of 1642 and the English Poor-Law of 1601
(190 with 174) as to fundamental principles involved in each.

10. What does the court citation of Topsfield (192) show?

11. What new principle is added (191) by the Law of 1647, and what does
this new law indicate as to needs in the colony for classical learning?

12. Show how the Connecticut Law of 1650 (193) was based on the
Massachusetts Law (190) of 1642.

13. What does the Plymouth Colony appeal for Harvard College (194 b)
indicate as to community of ideas in early New England?

14. What type of school was it intended to endow from the Cape Cod
fisheries (194 c)?

15. What is the difference between the Plymouth requirement as to grammar
schools (194 d) and the Massachusetts requirement (191)?

16. Compare the rules for the New Haven Grammar School (189) with those
for Colet's London School (138 a-c).

17. Characterize the early Dutch schools as shown by the rules for the
schoolmaster (196) and the Flatbush contract (195).

18. Just what type of education did the Quakers mean to provide for, as
shown in the extract from their Rules of Discipline (199)?

19. What kind of a school was the first one established in Philadelphia
(198)?

20. Compare the proposed Pennsylvania Law of 1683 (197) and the
Massachusetts Law of 1642 (190).

21. What conception of education is revealed by the Virginia
apprenticeship laws (200 a, 1-3) and the North Carolina court records (200
b, 1-3)?

22. Characterize the New England Indenture of Apprenticeship given in 201.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Boone, R. G. _Education in the United States_.
  Brown, S. W. _The Secularization of American Education_.
  Cheyney, Edw. P. _European Background of American Education_.
  Dexter, E.G. _A History of Education in the United States_.
* Eggleston, Edw. _The Transit of Civilization_.
  Fisk, C. R. "The English Parish and Education at the Beginning of
    American Civilization"; in _School Review_, vol. 23, pp. 433-49.
    (September, 1915.)
* Ford, P. L. _The New England Primer_.
* Heatwole, C. J. _A History of Education in Virginia_.
  Jackson, G. L. _The Development of School Support in Colonial
    Massachusetts_.
* Kilpatrick, Wm. H. _The Dutch Schools of New Netherlands and Colonial
    New York_.
* Knight, E. W. _Public School Education in North Carolina_.
* Martin, Geo. H. _Evolution of the Massachusetts Public School
    System_.
  Seybolt, R. F. _Apprenticeship and Apprentice Education in Colonial
    New York and New England_.
* Small, W. H. "The New England Grammar School"; in _School Review_,
    vol. 10, pp. 513-31. (September, 1902.)
  Small, W. H. _Early New England Schools_.




CHAPTER XVI

THE RISE OF SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY


NEW ATTITUDES AFTER THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. From the beginning of the
twelfth century onward, as we have already noted, there had been a slow
but gradual change in the character of human thinking, and a slow but
certain disintegration of the Mediaeval System, with its repressive
attitude toward all independent thinking. Many different influences and
movements had contributed to this change--the Moslem learning and
civilization in Spain, the recovery of the old legal and medical
knowledge, the revival of city life, the beginnings anew of commerce and
industry, the evolution of the universities, the rise of a small scholarly
class, the new consciousness of nationality, the evolution of the modern
languages, the beginnings of a small but important vernacular literature,
and the beginnings of travel and exploration following the Crusades--all
of which had tended to transform the mediaeval man and change his ways of
thinking. New objects of interest slowly came to the front, and new
standards of judgment gradually were applied. In consequence the mediaeval
man, with his feeling of personal insignificance and lack of self-
confidence, came to be replaced by a small but increasing number of men
who were conscious of their powers, possessed a new self-confidence, and
realized new possibilities of intellectual accomplishment.

The Revival of Learning, first in Italy and then elsewhere in western
Europe, was the natural consequence of this awakening of the modern
spirit, and in the careful work done by the humanistic scholars of the
Italian Renaissance in collecting, comparing, questioning, inferring,
criticizing, and editing the texts, and in reconstructing the ancient life
and history, we see the beginnings of the modern scientific spirit. It was
this same critical, questioning spirit which, when applied later to
geographical knowledge, led to the discovery of America and the
circumnavigation of the globe; which, when applied to matters of Christian
faith, brought on the Protestant Revolts; which, when applied to the
problems of the universe, revealed the many wonderful fields of modern
science; and which, when applied to government, led to a questioning of
the divine right of kings and the rise of constitutional government. The
awakening of scientific inquiry and the scientific spirit, and the attempt
of a few thinkers to apply the new method to education, to which we now
turn, may be regarded as only another phase of the awakening of the modern
inquisitive spirit which found expression earlier in the rise of the
universities, the recovery and reconstruction of the ancient learning, the
awakening of geographical discovery and exploration, and the questioning
of the doctrines and practices of the Mediaeval Church.

INSUFFICIENCY OF ANCIENT SCIENCE. From the point of view of scientific
inquiry, all ancient learning possessed certain marked fundamental
defects. The Greeks had--their time and age in world-civilization
considered--made many notable scientific observations and speculations,
and had prepared the way for future advances. Thales (636?-546? B.C.),
Xenophanes (628?-520? B.C.), Anaximenes (557-504 B.C.), Pythagoras (570-
500 B.C.), Heraclitus (c. 500 B.C.), Empedocles (460?-361? B.C.), and
Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) had all made interesting speculations as to the
nature of matter, [1] Aristotle finally settling the question by naming
the world-elements as earth, water, air, fire, and ether. Hippocrates
(460-367? B.C.), as we have seen (p. 197), had observed the sick and had
recorded and organized his observations in such a manner [2] as to form
the foundations upon which the science of medicine could be established.
The Greek physician, Galen (130-200 A.D.) added to these observations, and
their combined work formed the basis upon which modern medical science has
slowly been built up.

On the other hand, some of what each wrote was mere speculation and error,
[3] and modern physicians were compelled to begin all over and along new
lines before any real progress in medicine could be made. Aristotle had
done a notable work in organizing and codifying Greek scientific
knowledge, as the list of his many scientific treatises in use in Europe
by 1300 (R. 87) will show, but his writings were the result of a mixture
of keen observation and brilliant speculation, contained many
inaccuracies, and in time, due to the reverence accorded him as an
authority by the mediaeval scholars and the church authorities, proved
serious obstacles to real scientific progress.

At Alexandria the most notable Greek scientific work had been done. Euclid
(323-283 B.C.) in geometry; Aristarchus (third century B.C.), who
explained the motion of the earth; Eratosthenes (270-196 B.C.), who
measured the size of the earth; Archimedes (270?-212 B.C.), a pupil of
Euclid's, who applied science in many ways and laid the foundations of
dynamics; Hipparchus (160-125 B.C.), the father of astronomy, who studied
the heavens and catalogued the stars, were among the more famous Greeks
who studied and taught there in the days when Alexandria had succeeded
Athens as the intellectual capital of the Greek world. Some remarkable
advances also were made in the study of human anatomy and medicine by two
Greeks, Herophilus (335-280 B.C.) and Erasistratus (d. 280 B.C.), who
apparently did much dissecting.

But even at Alexandria the promise of Greek science was unfulfilled.
Despite many notable speculations and scientific advances, the hopeful
beginnings did not come to any large fruitage, and the great contribution
made by the Greeks to world civilization was less along scientific lines
than along the lines of literature and philosophy. Their great strength
lay in the direction of philosophic speculation, and this tendency to
speculate, rather than to observe and test and measure and record, was the
fundamental weakness of all Greek science. The Greeks never advanced in
scientific work to the invention and perfection of instruments for the
standardization of their observations. As a result they passed on to the
mediaeval world an extensive "book science" and not a little keen
observation, of which the works of Aristotle and the Alexandrian
mathematicians and astronomers form the most conspicuous examples, but
little scientific knowledge of which the modern world has been able to
make much use. The "book science" of the Greeks, and especially that of
Aristotle, was highly prized for centuries, but in time, due to the many
inaccuracies, had to be discarded and done anew by modern scholars.

The Romans, as we have seen (chapter III), were essentially a practical
people, good at getting the work of the world done, but not much given to
theoretical discussion or scientific speculation. They were organizers,
governors, engineers, executives, and literary workers rather than
scientists. They executed many important undertakings of a practical
character, such as the building of roads, bridges, aqueducts, and public
buildings; organized government and commerce on a large scale; and have
left us a literature and a legal system of importance, but they
contributed little to the realm of pure science. The three great names in
science in all their history are Strabo the geographer (63 B.C.-24 A.D.);
Pliny the Elder (23-79 A.D.), who did notable work as an observer in
natural history; and Galen (a Roman-Greek), in medicine. They, like the
Greeks, were pervaded by the same fear that their science might prove
useful, whereas they cultivated it largely as a mental exercise (R. 203).

THE CHRISTIAN REACTION AGAINST INQUIRY. The Christian attitude toward
inquiry was from the first inhospitable, and in time became exceedingly
intolerant. The tendency of the Western Church, it will be remembered (p.
94), was from the first to reject all Hellenic learning, and to depend
upon emotional faith and the enforcement of a moral life. By the close of
the third century the hostility to pagan schools and Hellenic learning had
become so pronounced that the _Apostolic Constitutions_ (R. 41) ordered
Christians to abstain from all heathen books, which could contain nothing
of value and only served "to subvert the faith of the unstable." In 401
A.D. the Council of Carthage forbade the clergy to read any heathen
author, and Greek learning now rapidly died out in the West. For a time it
was almost entirely lost. In consequence Greek science, then best
represented by Alexandrian learning, and which contained much that was of
great importance, was rejected along with other pagan learning. The, very
meager scientific knowledge that persisted into the Middle Ages in the
great mediaeval textbooks (p. 162), as we have seen in the study of the
Seven Liberal Arts (chapter VII), came to be regarded as useful only in
explaining passages of Scripture or in illustrating the ways of God toward
man. The one and only science worthy of study was Theology, to which all
other learning tended (see Figure 44, p. 154).

The history of Christianity throughout all the Dark Ages is a history of
the distrust of inquiry and reason, and the emphasis of blind emotional
faith. Mysticism, good and evil spirits, and the interpretation of natural
phenomena as manifestations of the Divine will from the first received
large emphasis. The worship of saints and relics, and the great
development of the sensuous and symbolic, changed the earlier religion
into a crude polytheism. During the long period of the Middle Ages the
miraculous flourished. The most extreme superstition pervaded all ranks of
society. Magic and prayers were employed to heal the sick, restore the
crippled, foretell the future, and punish the wicked. Sacred pools, the
royal touch, wonder-working images, and miracles through prayer stood in
the way of the development of medicine (R. 204). Disease was attributed to
satanic influence, and a regular schedule of prayers for cures was in use.
Sanitation was unknown. Plagues and pestilences were manifestations of
Divine wrath, and hysteria and insanity were possession by the devil to be
cast out by whipping and torture. One's future was determined by the
position of the heavenly bodies at the time of birth. Eclipses, meteors,
and comets were fearful portents of Divine displeasure:

  Eight things there be a Comet brings,
    When it on high doth horrid rage;
  Wind, Famine, Plague, and Death to Kings,
    War, Earthquakes, Floods, and Direful Change. [4]

The literature on magic was extensive. The most miraculous happenings were
recorded and believed. Trial by ordeal, following careful religious
formulae, was common before 1200, though prohibited shortly afterward by
papal decrees (1215, 1222). The insistence of the Church on "the willful,
devilish character of heresy," and the extension of heresy to cover almost
any form of honest doubt or independent inquiry, caused an intellectual
stagnation along lines of scientific investigation which was not relieved
for more than a thousand years. The many notable advances in physics,
chemistry, astronomy, and medicine made by Moslem scholars (chapter VIII)
were lost on Christian Europe, and had to be worked out again centuries
later by the scholars of the western world. Out of the astronomy of the
Arabs the Christians got only astrology; out of their chemistry they got
only alchemy. Both in time stood seriously in the way of real scientific
thinking and discovery.

GROWING TOLERANCE CHANGED BY THE PROTESTANT REVOLTS. After the rise of the
universities, the expansion of the minds of men which followed the
Crusades and the revival of trade and industry, the awakening which came
with the revival of the old learning and the rise of geographical
discovery, the church authorities assumed a broader and a more tolerant
attitude toward inquiry and reason than had been the case for hundreds of
years. It would have been surprising, with the large number of university-
trained men entering the service of the Church, had this not been the
case. By the middle of the fifteenth century it looked as though the
Renaissance spirit might extend into many new directions, and by 1500 the
world seemed on the eve of important progress in almost every line of
endeavor. As was pointed out earlier (p. 259), the Church was more
tolerant than it had been for centuries, and about the year 1500 was the
most stimulating time in the history of our civilization since the days of
Alexandria and ancient Rome.

In 1517 Luther nailed his theses to the church door in Wittenberg. The
Church took alarm and attempted to crush him, and soon the greatest
contest since the conflict between paganism and Christianity was on.
Within half a century all northern lands had been lost to the ancient
Church (see map, p. 296); the first successful challenge of its authority
during its long history.

The effect of these religious revolts on the attitude of the Church toward
intellectual liberty was natural and marked. The tolerance of inquiry
recently extended was withdrawn, and an era of steadily increasing
intolerance set in which was not broken for more than a century. In an
effort to stop the further spread of the heresy, the Church Council of
Trent (1545-63) adopted stringent regulations against heretical teachings
(p. 303), while the sword and torch and imprisonment were resorted to to
stamp out opposition and win back the revolting lands. A century of
merciless warfare ensued, and the hatreds engendered by the long and
bitter struggle over religious differences put both Catholic and
Protestant Europe in no tolerant frame of mind toward inquiry or new
ideas. The Inquisition, a sort of universal mediaeval grand jury for the
detection and punishment of heretics, was revived, and the Jesuits,
founded in 1534-40, were vigorous in defense of the Church and bitter in
their opposition to all forms of independent inquiry and Protestant
heresy.

It was into this post-Reformation atmosphere of suspicion and distrust and
hatred that the new critical, inquiring, questioning spirit of science, as
applied to the forces of the universe, was born. A century earlier the
first scientists might have obtained a respectful hearing, and might have
been permitted to press their claims; after the Protestant Revolts had
torn Christian Europe asunder this could hardly be. As a result the early
scientists found themselves in no enviable position. Their theories were
bitterly assailed as savoring of heresy; their methods and purposes were
alike suspected; and any challenge of an old long-accepted idea was likely
to bring a punishment that was swift and sure. From the middle of the
sixteenth to the middle of the seventeenth century was not a time when new
ideas were at a premium anywhere in western Europe. It was essentially a
period of reaction, and periods of reaction are not favorable to
intellectual progress. It was into this century of reaction that modern
scientific inquiry and reasoning, itself another form of expression of the
intellectual attitudes awakened by the work of the humanistic scholars of
the Italian Renaissance, made its first claim for a hearing.

THE BEGINNINGS OF MODERN SCIENTIFIC METHOD. One of the great problems
which has always deeply interested thinking men in all lands is the nature
and constitution of the material universe, and to this problem people in
all stages of civilization have worked out for themselves some kind of an
answer. It was one of the great speculations of the Greeks, and it was at
Alexandria, in the period of its decadence, that the Egyptian geographer
Ptolemy (138 A.D.) had offered an explanation which was accepted by
Christian Europe and which dominated all thinking on the subject during
the Middle Ages. He had concluded that the earth was located at the center
of the visible universe, immovable, and that the heavenly bodies moved
around the earth, in circular motion, fixed in crystalline spheres. [5]
This explanation accorded perfectly with Christian ideas as to creation,
as well as with Christian conceptions as to the position and place of man
and his relation to the heavens above and to a hell beneath. This theory
was obviously simple and satisfactory, and became sanctified with time. As
we see it now the wonder is that such an explanation could have been
accepted for so long. Only among an uninquisitive people could so
imperfect a theory have endured for over fourteen centuries.

[Illustration: FIG. 113. NICHOLAS KOPERNIK (Copernicus), (1473-1543)]

In 1543 a Bohemian church canon and physician by the name of Nicholas
Copernicus published his _De Revolutionibus Orbium Celestium_, in which he
set forth the explanation of the universe which we now know. He piously
dedicated the work to Pope Paul III, and wisely refrained from publishing
it until the year of his death. [6] Anything so completely upsetting the
Christian conception as to the place and position of man in the universe
could hardly be expected to be accepted, particularly at the time of its
publication, without long and bitter opposition.

In the dedicatory letter (R. 205), Copernicus explains how, after feeling
that the Ptolemaic explanation was wrong, he came to arrive at the
conclusions he did. The steps he set forth form an excellent example of a
method of thinking now common, but then almost unknown. They were:

    1. Dissatisfaction with the old Ptolemaic explanation.

    2. A study of all known literature, to see if any better explanation
       had been offered.

    3. Careful thought on the subject, until his thinking took form in a
       definite theory.

    4. Long observation and testing out, to see if the observed facts
       would support his theory.

    5. The theory held to be correct, because it reduced all known facts
       to a systematic order and harmony.

This is as clear a case of inductive reasoning as was L. Valla's exposure
of the forgery of the so-called "Donation of Constantine," an example of
deductive reasoning. Both used a new method--the method of modern
scholarship. In both cases the results were revolutionary. As Petrarch
stands forth in history as the first modern classical scholar, so
Copernicus stands forth as the first modern scientific thinker. The
beginnings of all modern scientific investigation date from 1543. Of his
work a recent writer (E. C. J. Morton) has said:

    Copernicus cannot be said to have flooded with light the dark  places
    of nature--in the way that one stupendous mind subsequently did--
    but still, as we look back through the long vista of the history of
    science, the dim Titanic figure of the old monk seems to rear itself
    out of the dull flats around it, pierces with its head the mists that
    overshadow them, and catches the first gleam of the rising sun,...

      Like some iron peak, by the Creator
      Fired with the red glow of the rushing morn.

[Illustration: FIG. 114. TYCHO BRAHE (1546-1601)]

THE NEW METHOD OF INQUIRY APPLIED BY OTHERS. At first Copernicus' work
attracted but little attention. An Italian Dominican by the name of
Giordano Bruno (1548-1600), deeply impressed by the new theory, set forth
in Latin and Italian the far-reaching and majestic implications of such a
theory of creation, and was burned at the stake at Rome for his pains. A
Dane, Tycho Brahe, after twenty-one years of careful observation of the
heavens, during which time he collected "a magnificent series of
observations, far transcending in accuracy [7] and extent anything that
had been accomplished by his predecessors," showed Aristotle to be wrong
in many particulars. His observations of the comet of 1577 led him to
conclude that the theory of crystalline spheres was impossible, and that
the common view of the time as to their nature [8] was absurd. In 1609 a
German by the name of Johann Kepler (1571-1630), using the records of
observations which Tycho Brahe had accumulated and applying them to the
planet Mars, proved the truth of the Copernican theory and framed his
famous three laws for planetary motion.

[Illustration: FIG. 115. GALILEO GALILEI (1564-1642)]

Finally an Italian, Galileo Galilei, a professor at the University of
Pisa, developing a telescope that would magnify to eight diameters,
discovered Jupiter's satellites and Saturn's rings. The story of his
discovery of the satellites of Jupiter is another interesting illustration
of the careful scientific reasoning of these early workers (R. 206).
Galileo also made a number of discoveries in physics, through the use of
new scientific methods, which completely upset the teachings of the
Aristotelians, and made the most notable advances in mechanics since the
days of Archimedes. For his pronounced advocacy of the Copernican theory
he was called to Rome (1615) by the Cardinals of the Inquisition, the
Copernican theory was condemned as "absurd in philosophy" and as
"expressly contrary to Holy Scripture," and Galileo was compelled to
recant (1616) his error. [9] For daring later (1632) to assume that he
might, under a new Pope, defend the Copernican theory, even in an indirect
manner, he was again called before the inquisitorial body, compelled to
recant and abjure his errors (R. 207) to escape the stake, and was then
virtually made a prisoner of the Inquisition for the remainder of his
life. So strongly had the forces of medievalism reasserted themselves
after the Protestant Revolts!

[Illustration: FIG. 116. SIR ISAAC NEWTON (1642-1727)]

Finally the English scholar Newton (1642-1728), in his _Principia_ (1687),
settled permanently all discussions as to the Copernican theory by his
wonderful mathematical studies. He demonstrated mathematically the motions
of the planets and comets, proved Kepler's laws to be true, explained
gravitation and the tides, made clear the nature of light, and reduced
dynamics to a science. Of his work a recent writer, Karl Pearson, has
said:

The Newtonian laws of motion form the starting point of most modern
treatises on dynamics, and it seems to me that physical science, thus
started, resembles the mighty genius of an Arabian tale emerging amid
metaphysical exhalations from the bottle in which for long centuries it
had been corked down.

So far-reaching in its importance was the scientific work of Newton that
Pope's couplet seems exceedingly applicable:

  Nature and Nature's laws lay hid in night;
  God said, "Let Newton be," and all was light.

THE NEW METHOD APPLIED IN OTHER FIELDS. The new method of study was soon
applied to other fields by scholars of the new type, here and there, and
always with fruitful results. The Englishman, William Gilbert (1540-1603)
published, in 1600, his _De Arte Magnetica_, and laid the foundations of
the modern study of electricity and magnetism. A German-Swiss by the name
of Hohenheim, but who Latinized his name to Paracelsus (1493-1541), and
who became a professor in the medical faculty at the University of Basle,
in 1526 broke with mediaeval traditions by being one of the first
university scholars to refuse to lecture in Latin. He ridiculed the
medical theories of Hippocrates (p. 197) and Galen (p. 198), and,
regarding the human body as a chemical compound, began to treat diseases
by the administration of chemicals. A Saxon by the name of Landmann, who
also Latinized his name to Agricola (1494-1555), applied chemistry to
mining and metallurgy, and a French potter named Bernard Palissy (c. 1500-
88) applied chemistry to pottery and the arts. To Paracelsus, Agricola,
and Palissy we are indebted for having laid, in the sixteenth century, the
foundations of the study of modern chemistry.

[Illustration: FIG. 117. WILLIAM HARVEY (1578-1657)]

A Belgian by the name of Vesalius (1514-64) was the first modern to
dissect the human body, and for so doing was sentenced by the Inquisition
to perform a penitential journey to Jerusalem. One of his disciples
discovered the valves in the veins and was the teacher of the Englishman,
William Harvey, who discovered the circulation of the blood and later
(1628) dared to publish the fact to the world. These men established the
modern studies of anatomy and physiology. Another early worker was a Swiss
by the name of Conrad Gessner (1516-65), who observed and wrote
extensively on plants and animals, and who stands as the first naturalist
of modern times.

The sixteenth century thus marks the rise of modern scientific inquiry,
and the beginnings of the study of modern science. The number of scholars
engaged in the study was still painfully small, and the religious
prejudice against which they worked was strong and powerful, but in the
work of these few men we have not only the beginnings of the study of
modern astronomy, physics, chemistry, metallurgy, medicine, anatomy,
physiology, and natural history, but also the beginnings of a group of
men, destined in time to increase greatly in number, who could see
straight, and who sought facts regardless of where they might lead and
what preconceived ideas they might upset. How deeply the future of
civilization is indebted to such men, men who braved social ostracism and
often the wrath of the Church as well, for the, to them, precious
privilege of seeing things as they are, we are not likely to over-
estimate. In time their work was destined to reach the schools, and to
materially modify the character of all education.

[Illustration: FIG. 118. FRANCIS BACON (1561-1626)]

HUMAN REASON IN THE INVESTIGATION OF NATURE. To the English statesman and
philosopher, Francis Bacon, more than to any one else, are we indebted for
the proper formulation and statement of this new scientific method. Though
not a scientist himself, he has often been termed "the father of modern
science." Seeing clearly the importance of the new knowledge, he broke
entirely with the old scholastic deductive logic as expressed in the
_Organon_, of Aristotle, and formulated and expressed the methods of
inductive reasoning in his _Novum Organum_, published in 1620. In this he
showed the insufficiency of the method of argumentation; analyzed and
formulated the inductive method of reasoning, of which his study as to the
nature of heat [10] is a good example; and pointed out that knowledge is a
process, and not an end in itself; and indicated the immense and fruitful
field of science to which the method might be applied. By showing how to
learn from nature herself he turned the Renaissance energy into a new
direction, and made a revolutionary break with the disputations and
deductive logic of the Aristotelian scholastics which had for so long
dominated university instruction.

In formulating the new method he first pointed out the defects of the
learning of his time, which he classified under the head of "distempers,"
three in number, and as follows:

    1. _Fantastic learning_: Alchemy, magic, miracles, old-wives,
    tales, credulities, superstitions, pseudo-science, and impostures of
    all sorts inherited from an ignorant past, and now conserved as
    treasures of knowledge.

    2. _Contentious learning_: The endless disputations of the
    Scholastics about questions which had lost their significance,
    deductive in character, not based on any observation, not aimed
    primarily to arrive at truth, "fruitful of controversy, and barren of
    effect."

    3. _Delicate learning_: The new learning of the humanistic
    Renaissance, verbal and not real, stylish and polished but not
    socially important, and leading to nothing except a mastery of itself.

As an escape from these three types of distempers, which well
characterized the three great stages in human progress from the sixth to
the fifteenth centuries, Bacon offered the inductive method, by means of
which men would be able to distinguish true from false, learn to see
straight, create useful knowledge, and fill in the great gaps in the
learning of the time by actually working out new knowledge from the
unknown. The collecting, organizing, comparing, questioning, and inferring
spirit of the humanistic revival he now turned in a new direction by
organizing and formulating for the work a new _Organum_ to take the place
of the old _Organon_ of Aristotle. In Book 1 he sets forth some of the
difficulties (R. 208) with which those who try new experiments or work out
new methods of study have to contend from partisans of old ideas.

The _Novum Organum_ showed the means of escape from the errors of two
thousand years by means of a new method of thinking and work. Bacon did
not invent the new method--it had been used since man first began to
reason about phenomena, and was the method by means of which Wycliffe,
Luther, Magellan, Copernicus, Brahe, and Gilbert had worked--but he was
the first to formulate it clearly and to point out the vast field of new
and useful knowledge that might be opened up by applying human reason,
along inductive lines, to the investigation of the phenomena of nature.
His true service to science lay in the completeness of his analysis of the
inductive process, and his declaration that those who wish to arrive at
useful discoveries must travel by that road. As Macaulay well says, in his
essay on Bacon:

    He was not the maker of that road; he was not the discoverer of that
    road; he was not the person who first surveyed and mapped that road.
    But he was the person who first called the public attention to an
    inexhaustible mine of wealth which had been utterly neglected, and
    which was accessible by that road alone.

To stimulate men to the discovery of useful truth, to turn the energies of
mankind--even slowly--from assumption and disputation to patient
experimentation, [11.] and to give an impress to human thinking which it
has retained for centuries, is, as Macaulay well says, "the rare
prerogative of a few imperial spirits." Macaulay's excellent summary of
the importance of Bacon's work (R. 209) is well worth reading at this
point.

THE NEW METHOD IN THE HANDS OF SUBSEQUENT WORKERS. By the middle of the
seventeenth century many important advances had been made in many
different lines of scientific work. In the two centuries between 1450 and
1650, the foundations of modern mathematics and mechanics had been laid.
At the beginning of the period Arabic notation and the early books of
Euclid were about all that were taught; at its end the western world had
worked out decimals, symbolic algebra, much of plane and spherical
trigonometry, mechanics, logarithms (1614) and conic sections (1637), and
was soon to add the calculus (1667-87). Mercator had published the map of
the world (1569) which has ever since born his name, and the Gregorian
calendar had been introduced (1572). The barometer, thermometer, air-pump,
pendulum clock, and the telescope had come into use in the period. Alchemy
had passed over into modern chemistry; and the astrologer was finding less
and less to do as the astronomer took his place. The English Hippocrates,
Thomas Sydenham (1624-89), during this period laid the foundations of
modern medical study, and the microscope was applied to the study of
organic forms. Modern ideas as to light and optics and gases, and the
theory of gravitation, were about to be set forth. All these advances had
been made during the century following the epoch-making labors of
Copernicus, the first modern scientific man to make an impression on the
thinking of mankind.

[Illustration: FIG. 119. THE LOSS AND RECOVERY OF THE SCIENCES Each short
horizontal line indicates the life-span of a very distinguished scholar in
the science. Mohammedan scientists have not been included. The relative
neglect or ignorance of a science has been indicated by the depth of the
shading. The great loss to civilization caused by the barbarian inroads
and the hostile attitude of the early Church is evident.]

Accompanying this new scientific work there arose, among a few men in each
of the western European countries, an interest in scientific studies such
as the world had not witnessed since the days of the Alexandrian Greek.
This interest found expression in the organization of scientific
societies, wholly outside the universities of the time, for the reporting
of methods and results, and for the mingling together in sympathetic
companionship of these seekers after new truth. The most important dates
connected with the rise of these societies are:

    1603. The Lyncean Society at Rome.
    1619. Jungius founded the Natural Science Association at Rostock.
    1645. The Royal Society of London began to meet; constituted in 1660;
          chartered in 1662.
    1657. The Academia del Cimento at Florence.
    1662. The Imperial Academy of Germany.
    1666. The Academy of Sciences in France.
    1675. The National Observatory at Greenwich established.

After 1650 the advance of science was rapid. The spirit of modern inquiry,
which in the sixteenth century had animated but a few minds, by the middle
of the seventeenth had extended to all the principal countries of Europe.
The striking results obtained during the seventeenth century revealed the
vast field waiting to be explored, and filled many independent modern-type
scholars with an enthusiasm for research in the new domain of science. By
the close of the eighteenth century the main outlines of most of the
modern sciences had been established.

LEADING THINKERS OUTSIDE THE UNIVERSITIES. During the seventeenth century,
and largely during the eighteenth as well, the extreme conservatism of the
universities, their continued control by their theological faculties, and
their continued devotion to theological controversy and the teachings of
state orthodoxy rather than the advancement of knowledge, served to make
of them such inhospitable places for the new scientific method that
practically all the leading workers with it were found outside the
universities. This was less true of England than other lands, but was in
part true of English universities as well. As civil servants, court
attachés, pensioners of royalty, or as private citizens of means they
found, as independent scholars reporting to the recently formed scientific
societies, a freedom for investigation and a tolerance of ideas then
scarcely possible anywhere in the university world.

[Illustration: FIG. 120. RENÉ DESCARTES (1596-1650)]

Tycho Brahe and Kepler were pensioners of the Emperor at Prague. Lord
Bacon was a lawyer and political leader, and became a peer of England.
Descartes, the mathematician and founder of modern philosophy, to whom we
are indebted for conic sections; Napier, inventor of logarithms; and Ray
and Willoughby, who did the first important work in botany and zoology in
England, were all independent scholars. The air-pump was invented by the
Burgomaster of Madgeburg. Huygens, the astronomer and inventor of the
clock was a pensioner of the King of France. Cassini, who explained the
motion of Jupiter's satellites, was Astronomer Royal at Paris. Halley, who
demonstrated the motions of the moon and who first predicted the return of
a comet, held a similar position at Greenwich. Van Helmont and Boyle, who
together laid the foundations of our chemical knowledge, were both men of
noble lineage who preferred the study of the new sciences to a life of
ease at court. Harvey was a physician and demonstrator of anatomy in
London. Sydenham, the English Hippocrates, was a pensioner of Cromwell and
a physician in Westminster. The German mathematical scholar, Leibnitz, who
jointly with Newton discovered the calculus, scorned a university
professorship and remained an attaché of a German court. Newton, though
for a time a professor at Cambridge, during most of his mature life held
the royal office of Warden of the Mint. These are a few notable
illustrations of scientific scholars of the first rank who remained
outside the universities to obtain advantages and freedom not then to be
found within their walls. Much these same conditions continued throughout
most of the eighteenth century, during which many remarkable advances in
all lines of pure science were made. By the close of this century the
universities had been sufficiently modernized that scientific workers
began to find in them an atmosphere conducive to scientific teaching and
research; during the nineteenth century they became the homes of
scientific progress and instruction; to-day they are deeply interested in
the promotion of scientific research.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Show that the rise of scientific inquiry was but another manifestation
of the same inquiring spirit which had led to the recovery of the ancient
literatures and history.

2. What do you understand to be meant by the failure of the Greeks to
standardize their observations by instruments?

3. Show that it would be possible largely to determine the character of a
civilization, if one knew only the prevailing ideas and conceptions as to
scientific and religious matters.

4. Show the two different types of reasoning involved in the deduction of
L. Valla (p. 246) and the induction of Copernicus.

5. Of which type was the reasoning of Galileo as to Jupiter's satellites?

6. Show that the three "distempers" described by Bacon characterize the
three great stages in human progress from the sixth to the fifteenth
centuries.

7. How do you explain the long rejection of the new sciences by the
universities?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  203. Macaulay: Attitude of the Ancients toward Scientific Inquiry.
  204. Franck: The Credulity of Mediaeval People.
  205. Copernicus: How he arrived at the theory he set forth.
  206. Brewster: Galileo's Discovery of the Satellites of Jupiter.
  207. Inquisition: The Abjuration of Galileo.
  208. Bacon: On Scientific Progress.
  209. Macaulay: The Importance of Bacon's Work.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. How do you explain the attitude of the ancients toward scientific
inquiry?

2. State the ancient purpose in pursuing scientific studies.

3. Contrast Bacon and Plato as to aims.

4. Show that the thinking of Copernicus as to the motions of the heavenly
bodies was an excellent example of deductive thinking.

5. Show that the discovery and reasoning of Galileo was an example of the
common method of reasoning of to-day.

6. Were the difficulties that surrounded scientific inquiry and progress,
as described by Bacon, easily removed?

7. Explain the readiness with which the clergy have so commonly opposed
scientific inquiry for fear that the results might upset preconceived
theological ideas.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Ball, W. R. R. _History of Mathematics at Cambridge_.
* Libby, Walter. _An Introduction to the History of Science_.
  Ornstein, Martha. _Role of the Scientific Societies in the Seventeenth
    Century_.
* Routledge, Robert. _A Popular History of Science_.
* Sedgwick, W. T. and Tyler, H. W. _A Short History of Science_.
* White, A. D. _History of the Warfare of Science with Theology_, 2
    vols. Wordsworth Christopher. _Scholae Academicae; Studies at the
    English Universities in the Eighteenth Century_.




CHAPTER XVII

THE NEW SCIENTIFIC METHOD AND THE SCHOOLS


THE RISE OF REALISM IN EDUCATION. As will be remembered from our study of
the educational results of the Revival of Learning (chapter XI), the new
schools established in the reaction against medievalism, to teach pure
Latin and Greek, in time became formal and lifeless (p. 283), and their
aim came to be almost entirely that of imparting a mastery of the
Ciceronian style, both in writing and in speech. This idea, first clearly
inaugurated by Sturm at Strassburg (R. 137), had now become fixed, and in
its extreme is illustrated by the teachings of the Jesuit Campion at
Prague (R. 146). As a reaction against this extreme position of the
humanistic scholars there arose, during the sixteenth century, and as a
further expression of the new critical spirit awakened by the Revival of
Learning, a demand for a type of education which would make truth rather
than beauty, and the realities of the life of the time rather than the
beauties of a life of Roman days, the aim and purpose of education. This
new spirit became known as Realism, was contemporaneous with the rise of
scientific inquiry, and was an expression of a similar dissatisfaction
with the learning of the time. As applied to education this new spirit may
be said to have manifested itself in three different stages, as follows:

    1. Humanistic realism.
    2. Social realism.
    3. Sense realism.

We will explain each of these, briefly, in order.


1. HUMANISTIC REALISM

A NEW AIM IN INSTRUCTION. Humanistic realism represents the beginning of
the reaction against form and style and in favor of ideas and content. The
humanistic realists were in agreement with the classical humanists that
the old classical literatures and the Bible contained all that was
important in the education of youth. The ancient literatures, they held,
presented "not only the widest product of human intelligence, but
practically all that was worthy of man's attention." The two groups
differed, however, in that the classical humanists conceived the aim of
education to be the mastery of the vocabulary and style of Cicero, and the
production of a new race of Roman youths for a revived Latin scholarly
world, while the new humanistic realists wanted to use the old literatures
as a means to a new end--that of teaching knowledge that would be useful
in the world in which they lived. Monroe has so well expressed the
humanistic-realist attitude that a passage from his History is worth
quoting here. He says:

    Not only did ancient philosophy contain the true philosophy of this
    life, but languages were the key to the real understanding of the
    Christian religion. Not only did mastery of these languages give power
    of speech, and hence influence over one's fellows; but, if military
    science was to be studied, it could in no place be better searched for
    than in Caesar and in Xenophon; was agriculture to be practiced, no
    better guide was to be found than Virgil or Columella; was
    architecture to be mastered, no better way existed than through
    Vitruvius; was geography to be considered, it must be through Mela or
    Solinus; was medicine to be understood, no better means than Celsus
    existed; was natural history to be appreciated, there was no more
    adequate source of information than Pliny and Seneca. Aristotle
    furnished the basis of all the sciences, Plato of all philosophy,
    Cicero of all institutional life, and the Church Fathers and the
    Scriptures of all religion.

EXPONENTS OF HUMANISTIC REALISM. The Dutch international scholar Erasmus
(1467?-1536) (p. 274), the Frenchman Rabelais (1483-1553), and the English
poet Milton (1608-74) stand as the clearest representatives of this new
humanistic realism.

Erasmus had clearly distinguished between the education of words and the
education of things, had pointed out the ease with which real truth is
learned and retained, and had urged the study of the content rather than
the form of the ancient authors. In his _System of Studies_ he said:

    From these very authors (Latin and Greek), whom we read for the sake
    of improving our language, incidentally, in no small degree is a
    knowledge of things gathered.

In his _Ciceronian_ he had ridiculed those who mistook the form for the
spirit of the ancients.

The French non-conforming monk, curé, physician, and university scholar,
François Rabelais, in his satirical _Life of Gargantua_ (1535) and _The
Heroic Deeds of Pantagruel_ (1533) had set forth, even more clearly, the
idea of obtaining from a study of the ancient authors (R. 210) knowledge
that would be useful. Writing largely in the character of a clown and a
fool, because such was a safer method, he protested against the formal,
shallow, and insincere life of his age. He made as vigorous a protest
against medievalism and formalism as he dared, for he lived in a time when
new ideas were dangerous commodities for one to carry about or to try to
express. He ridiculed the old scholastic learning, set forth the idea of
using the old classics for realistic as well as humanistic ends, and also
advocated physical, moral, social, and religious education in the spirit
of the best writers and teachers of the Italian Renaissance. His book was
extensively read and had some influence in shaping thinking, though
Rabelais's importance in the history of education lies rather in his
influence on later educational thinkers than on the life of his time.

[Illustration: FIG. 121. FRANÇOIS RABELAIS (1483-1553)]

Perhaps the clearest example of humanistic realism is found in the
writings of the English poet and humanitarian, John Milton. His _Tractate
on Education_ (1644) was extensively read, and was influential in shaping
educational practice in the non-conformist secondary academies which arose
a little later in England. Still later his ideas indirectly somewhat
influenced American development.

Milton first gives us an excellent statement of the new religious-civic
aim of post-Reformation education (R. 211), and then points out the
defects of the existing education, whereby boys "spend seven or eight
years merely in scraping together so much miserable Latine and Greek, as
might be learnt otherwise easily and delightfully in one year." He then
presents his plan for "a compleat and generous Education" for "noble and
gentle youths," and tells "how all this may be done between twelve and one
and twenty, less time than is now bestowed in pure trifling at Grammar and
Sophistry." The course of study he outlines (R. 212) is enormous. The
first year, that is beginning at twelve, the boy is to learn Latin
grammar, arithmetic, and geometry, and to read simple Latin and Greek.
During the next three or four years the pupil is to master Greek, and to
study agriculture, geography, natural philosophy, physiology, mathematics,
fortification, engineering, architecture, and natural history, all by
reading the chief writings of the ancients, in prose and poetry, on these
subjects. During the remaining years to twenty-one the pupil, similarly,
is to obtain ethical instruction from the Greeks and the Bible; learn
Hebrew, Greek, Roman, and Saxon law; learn Italian and Hebrew; and study
economics, politics, history, logic, rhetoric, and poetry by reading
selected ancient authors. What Rabelais suggested in jest for his giant,
Milton adopted as a program for the school. In addition, in thoroughly
characteristic modern English fashion, he makes careful provision for
daily exercise and play. Aside, though, from its impossibility of
accomplishment except by a superior few, Milton's plan is thoroughly
representative of the new humanistic-realistic point of view-that is, that
education should impart useful information, though the information as
Milton conceived it was to be drawn almost entirely from the books of the
ancients.

[Illustration: FIG. 122. JOHN MILTON (1608-74)]

EDUCATIONAL RESULTS OF HUMANISTIC REALISM. The importance of humanistic
realism in the history of education lies largely in that it was the first
of a series of reactions that led later to sense-realism--that is, to the
study of science and the application of scientific method in the schools.

In England it possesses still larger importance. Milton had called his
institution an "Academy." [1] After the restoration of the Stuarts
(Charles II, 1660), some two thousand non-conforming clergymen were
"dispossessed" by the Act of Conformity (1662; R. 166), and soon after
this the children of Non-Conformists were excluded from the grammar
schools and universities. Many of these clergymen now turned to teaching
as a means of earning a livelihood and serving their people, and the ideas
of the non-conformist Milton were influential in turning the schools thus
established even further toward the study of useful subjects. Many of the
new schools offered instruction in the modern languages, logic, rhetoric,
ethics, geography, astronomy, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, surveying,
navigation, history, oratory, economics, and natural and moral philosophy,
as well as the old classical subjects. All teaching, too, was done in
English, and the study of English language and literature was emphasized.
This made these non-conformist academies in many respects superior to the
older Latin grammar schools. After the enactment of the Toleration Act, in
1689, these schools were allowed to incorporate and were gradually
absorbed into the existing Latin grammar-school system of England, but
unfortunately without producing much change in the character of these
older institutions.

The idea of offering instruction in these new studies was in time carried
to America, where better results were obtained. At first a few of the
subjects, such as the mathematical studies, surveying, navigation, and
English, were introduced into the existing Latin grammar or other schools
of secondary grade. Especially was this true in the colonies south of New
England. After 1751, and especially after about 1780, distinct Academies
arose in the United States (chapter XVIII), whose purpose was to offer
instruction in all these new subjects of study. From these our modern high
schools have been derived.


II. SOCIAL REALISM

[Illustration: FIG. 123. MICHEL DE MONTAIGNE (1533-92)]

MONTAIGNE AND LOCKE. Social realism represents a still further reaction
away from the humanistic schools. It was the natural reaction of practical
men of the new world against a type of education that tended to perpetuate
the pedantry of an earlier age, by devoting its energies to the production
of the scholar and professional man to the neglect of the man of affairs.
The social realists were small in number, but powerful because of their
important social connections and wealth, and they were very determined to
have an education suited to their needs, even if they had to create it
themselves (R. 213). The French nobleman, scholar, author, and civic
officer, M. de Montaigne (1533-92), and the English philosopher, John
Locke (1632-1704), were the clearest exponents of this new point of view,
though it found expression in the writings of many others. Each declared
for a practical, useful type of education for the young boy who was to
live the life of a gentleman in the world of affairs.

Neither had any sympathy with the colleges and grammar schools of the time
(R. 214), and both rejected the school for the private tutor. This tutor
must be selected with great care, and first of all must be a well-bred
gentleman--a man, as Montaigne says, "who has rather a well-made than a
well-filled head" (R. 215). Locke cautions that "one fit to educate and
form the Mind of a young Gentleman is not every where to be found," and of
the common type of teacher he asks, "When such an one has empty'd out into
his Pupil all the Latin and Logick he has brought from the University,
will that Furniture make him a fine Gentleman?" (R. 216).

Both condemn the school training of their time, and both urge that the
tutor train the judgment and the understanding rather than the memory. To
impart good manners rather than mere information, and to train for life in
the world rather than for the life of a scholar, seem to both of
fundamental importance in the education of a boy. "The great world," says
Montaigne, "is the mirror wherein we are to behold ourselves. In short, I
would have this to be the book my young gentleman should study with the
most attention." "Latin and Learning," says Locke, "make all the Noise;
and the main Stress is laid upon Proficiency in Things a great Part
whereof belong not to a Gentleman's Calling; which is to have the
Knowledge of a Man of Business, a Carriage suitable to his Rank, and to be
eminent and useful to his Country, according to his Station" (R. 216).
Both emphasized the importance of travel abroad as an important factor in
the education of a gentleman.

THEIR PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION. Both Montaigne and Locke were
concerned alone with the education of the sons of gentlemen, individuals
now coming rapidly into prominence to dispute place in the world of
affairs with the higher nobility on the one hand and the clergy on the
other. With the education of any other class Montaigne never concerned
himself. As for Locke, he was later appointed a King's Commissioner, with
certain oversight of the poor, and for the education of the children of
such he drew up a careful report which, in true English fashion, provided
for their training in workhouses and their apprenticeship to a trade (R.
217). He wrote nothing with regard to the education of the children of
middle-class workers and tradesmen. Both authors also deal entirely with
the work of a tutor, and not with the work of a teacher in a school.
Neither deals specifically with elementary education, but rather with
what, in Europe, would be called the secondary-school period in the
education of a boy. Locke was extensively read by the gentry of England,
as expressive of the best current practice of their class, and his ideas
as to education were also of some influence in shaping the instruction of
the non-conformist teachers in the academies there. His place in the
history of education is also of some importance, as we shall point out
later, for the disciplinary theory of education which he set forth. Still
more, Locke later exerted a deep influence on the writings of Rousseau
(chapter XXI), and hence helped materially to shape modern educational
theory.

[Illustration: FIG. 124. JOHN LOCKE (1631-1704)]

THE NEW SCHOOLS FOR THE SONS OF THE GENTRY. Both Montaigne and Locke, in
their emphasis on the importance of a practical education for the social
and political demands of a gentleman concerned with the affairs of the
modern world, represent a still further reaction against the humanistic
schools of the time than did the humanistic realists whom we have just
considered. Still more, both are expressive of the attitude of the
nobility and gentry of the time, who had almost deserted the schools as
pedantic institutions of little value. France was then the great country
of Europe, and French language, French political ideas, French manners,
and French tutors found their way into all neighboring lands. A new social
and political ideal was erected--that of the polished man of the world,
who could speak French, had traveled, knew history and politics, law and
geography, heraldry and genealogy, some mathematics and physics with their
applications, could use the sword and ride, was adept in games and
dancing, and was skilled in the practical affairs of life.

[Illustration: FIG. 125. AN ACADEMIE DES ARMES
From an early eighteenth-century Parisian poster, advertising an Academy.]

To give such training the French created numerous Academies in their
cities. A writer of 1649 states that there were twelve such institutions
at that time in Paris alone. Not infrequently some nobleman was at the
head. Boys were first educated at home by tutors, and then sent to the
Academy to be trained in riding, the military arts, fortification,
mathematics, the modern languages, and the many graces of a gentleman. The
Englishman, John Evelyn, who was in France in 1644, thus describes the
French Academies:

    At the Palais Cardinal in Paris I frequently went to see them ride and
    exercise the Greate Horse, especially at the Academy of Monsieur du
    Plessis, and de Veau, whose scholes of that art are frequented by the
    Nobility; and here also young gentlemen are taught to fence, daunce,
    play on musiq, and something in fortifications and mathematics.

    At Richelieu, near Tours, belongs an Academy where besides the
    exercise of the horse, armes, dauncing, etc., all the sciences are
    taught in the vulgar French by Professors stipendiated by the great
    Cardinal.  The Academy of Juilly included some study of physical
    science, mathematics, geography, heraldry, French history, Italian,
    and Spanish, besides the riding and gentlemanly arts.

In England the tutor in the home became the type form for the education of
the sons of a gentleman, the boys frequently being sent abroad to complete
their education. In German lands, which in the seventeenth century were in
close sympathy with French life and thought, Heidelberg being a center for
the dissemination of French ideas, the French academy idea was copied, and
what were called _Ritterakademieen_ (knightly academies) were founded in
the numerous court cities [2] for the education, along such lines, of the
sons of the many grades of the German nobility. Between 1620 and 1780,
before the rise of the German nationalistic movement which sought to
replace French ideas by native German culture, was the great period of
these German court schools, and during this period they bestowed on the
sons of the German nobility the courtly and military education of the
French academies. The education of the nobility was in consequence
segregated from the intellectual life of other classes. "Gallants" and
"pedants" were the respective outputs of the two types of schools.


III. SENSE REALISM

THE NEW EDUCATIONAL AIMS OF THIS GROUP. This represented a still further
and more important step in advance than either of the preceding. In a very
direct way sense realism in education was an outgrowth of the organizing
work of Francis Bacon. Its aim was:

    (1) To apply the same inductive method formulated by Bacon for the
    sciences to the work of education, with a view to organizing a general
    method which would greatly simplify the instructional process, reduce
    educational work to an organized system, and in consequence effect a
    great saving of time; and

    (2) To replace the instruction in Latin by instruction in the
    vernacular, [3] and to substitute new scientific and social studies,
    deemed of greater value for a modern world, for the excessive devotion
    to linguistic studies.

The sixteenth century had been essentially a period of criticism in
education, and the leading thinkers on education, as in other lines of
intellectual activity, were not in the schools. In the seventeenth century
we come to a new group of men who attempted to think out and work out in
practice the ideas advanced by the critics of the preceding period. In the
seventeenth century we have, in consequence, the first serious attempt to
formulate an educational method since the days of the Athenian Greeks and
the treatise of Quintilian.

The possibility of formulating an educational method that would simplify
the educational process and save time in instruction, appealed to a number
of thinkers, in different lands. This group of thinkers, due to their new
methods of attack and thought, the German historian of education, Karl von
Raumer, has called _Innovators_. The chief pedagogical ideas of the
Innovators were:

    1. That education should proceed from the simple to the complex, and
       the concrete to the abstract.

    2. That things should come before rules.

    3. That students should be taught to analyze, rather than to
       construct.

    4. That each student should be taught to investigate for himself,
       rather than to accept or depend upon authority.

    5. That only that should be memorized which is clearly understood and
       of real value.

    6. That restraint and coercion should be replaced by interest in the
       studies taught.

    7. That the vernacular should be used as the medium for all
       instruction.

    8. That the study of real things should precede the study of words
       about things.

    9. That the order and course of Nature be discovered, and that a
       method of teaching based on this then be worked out.

   10. That physical education should be introduced for the sake of
       health, and not merely to teach gentlemanly sports.

   11. That all should be provided with the opportunity for an education
       in the elements of knowledge. This to be in the vernacular.

   12. That Latin and Greek be taught only to those likely to complete an
       education, and then through the medium of the mother tongue.

   13. That a uniform and scientific method of instruction could be worked
    out, which would reduce education to a science and serve as a guide
    for teachers everywhere.

The Englishman, Francis Bacon, whom we have previously considered; the
German, Wolfgang Ratichius (or Ratke); and the Moravian bishop and
teacher, Johann Amos Comenius, stand as perhaps the clearest examples of
this organizing tendency in education. Ratke and Comenius will be
considered here as types.

WOLFGANG RATKE. Bacon had believed that the new scientific knowledge
should be incorporated into the instruction of the schools, and had
suggested, in his _Advancement of Learning_ (1603-05), a broader course
of study for them, and better facilities for scientific investigation and
teaching. While Bacon was not a teacher and did not write specifically on
school instruction, his writings nevertheless deeply influenced many of
those who followed his thinking.

The first writer to apply Bacon's ideas to education and to attempt to
evolve a new method and a new course of instruction was a German, by the
name of Wolfgang Ratke (1571-1635). While studying in England he had read
Bacon's _Advancement of Learning_, and from Bacon's suggestions Ratke
tried to work out a new method of instruction. This he offered, and with
much secrecy, unsuccessfully for sale at various German courts. Finally he
issued an "Address" to the princes of Germany, assembled at an Electoral
Diet at Frankfurt-am-Main, in 1612. In this he told them of his new
method, which followed Nature, and declared that it was "fraught with
momentous consequences" for mankind. He claimed that he could:

    1. By using the German language in the earlier years:
      (a) Bring about the use of one common language among the German
          people, and thus lay the basis for unity in government and
          religion;
      (b) Impart to children a knowledge of the useful arts and sciences.

    2. Teach Latin. Greek, and Hebrew better, and in far less time, than
       had previously been required for one language only.

This method he offered to sell to the princes, and he would impart it only
on the promise that it be not revealed to others. Two professors were
appointed to examine Ratke, and they reported very favorably on his plan.

In 1617 Ratke published, in Leipzig, his _Methodus Nova_, which was the
pioneer work on school method, and is Ratke's chief claim to mention here.
In this he laid down the fundamental rules for teaching, as he had thought
them out. They were as follows:

    1. The order of Nature was to be sought and followed.

    2. One thing at a time, and that mastered thoroughly.

    3. Much repetition to insure retention.

    4. Use of the mother tongue for all instruction, and the languages to
       be taught through it.

    5. Everything to be taught without constraint. The teacher to teach,
       and the scholars to keep order and discipline.

    6. No learning by heart. Much questioning and understanding.

    7. Uniformity in books and methods a necessity.

    8. Knowledge of things to precede words about things.

    9. Individual experience and contact and inquiry to replace authority.

We see here the essentials of the Baconian ideas, as well as the
foreshadowings of many other subsequent reforms in teaching method.

During the next half-dozen years Ratke was a much-interviewed person, as
the idea of a more general education of the people, advanced by the
Protestant reformers, had appealed strongly to the imagination of many of
the German princes. Finally the necessary money was raised to establish an
experimental school, [4] printing-presses were set up to print the
necessary books, the people of the village of Köthen, in Anhalt, were
ordered to send their children for instruction, and the school opened with
Ratke in charge and amid great expectations and enthusiasm. A year and a
half later the school had failed, through the bad management of Ratke and
his inability to realize the extravagant hopes he had aroused, and he
himself had been thrown into prison as an impostor by the princes. This
ended Ratke's work. He is important chiefly for his pioneer work as the
forerunner of the greatest educator of the seventeenth century.

JOHANN AMOS COMENIUS. We now reach not only the greatest representative of
sense realism, both in theory and practice, before the latter part of the
eighteenth century, but also one of the commanding figures in the history
of education. Comenius was born at Nivnitz, in Moravia, in 1592. As a
member, pastor, and later bishop of the Moravian church, and as a follower
of John Huss, he suffered greatly in the Catholic-Protestant warfare which
raged over his native land during the period of the Thirty Years' War. His
home twice plundered, his books and manuscripts twice burned, his wife and
children murdered, and himself at times a fugitive and later an exile,
Comenius gave his long life to the advancement of the interests of mankind
through religion and learning. Driven from his home and country, he became
a scholar of the world.

While a student at the University of Nassau, at the age of twenty, he read
and was deeply impressed by the "Address" of Ratke. Bacon's _Novum
Organum_, which appeared when he was twenty-eight, made a still deeper
impression upon him. He seems to have been familiar also with the writings
of the educational reformers of his time in all European lands. He
traveled extensively, and maintained a large correspondence with the
scholars of his time. He was master of a Latin school in Moravia from the
age of twenty-two to twenty-four, when he was ordained as a pastor of the
Moravian Church. Eight years later, in 1632, he was banished, with all
Protestant ministers, from his native land, and while an exile for a time
took charge of a school at Lissa, in Poland. Here he worked out, in
practice, the great work on method which he later published. In 1638 he
was invited to reform the schools of Sweden; in 1641 he visited England,
in connection with a plan for the organization of all knowledge; he spent
the next eight years working at school reform in Sweden; from 1650 to 1654
he was in charge of a school at Saros-Patak, in Hungary, where he worked
out his famous textbooks for teaching language; he was consulted with
reference to the presidency of Harvard College, in 1654; the same year he
returned to Lissa, and once more lost his books and manuscripts and was
made a homeless exile; and finally he found a patron and asylum in
Amsterdam, where he died in 1671, at the age of seventy-nine. The verse
beneath his portrait seems an especially appropriate commentary on his
life.

COMENIUS AND EDUCATIONAL METHOD. While teaching at Lissa, in Poland,
Comenius had formulated for himself the principles underlying school
instruction, as he saw it, in a lengthy book which he called _The Great
Didactic_. [5] The title page (R. 218) and the table of contents (R. 219)
will give an idea as to its scope. In this work Comenius formulated and
explained his two fundamental ideas, namely, that all instruction must be
carefully graded and arranged to follow the order of nature, and that, in
imparting knowledge to children, the teacher must make constant appeal
through sense-perception to the understanding of the child. We have here
the fundamental ideas of Bacon applied to the school, and Comenius stands
as the clearest exponent of sense realism in teaching up to his time, and
for more than a century afterward.

Deeply religious by nature and training, Comenius held the Holy Scriptures
to contain the beginning and end of all learning; to know God aright he
held to be the highest aim; and with true Protestant fervor he contended
that the education of every human being was a necessity if mankind was to
enter into its religious inheritance, and piety, virtue, and learning were
to be brought to their fruition. Unlike those who were enthusiasts for
religious education only, Comenius saw further, and held an ideal of
service to the State and Church here below for which proper training was
needed. Still more, he believed in the education of human beings simply
because they were human beings, and not merely for salvation, as Luther
had held.

Comenius was the first to formulate a practicable school method, working
along the new lines marked out by Bacon. He had no psychology to guide
him, and worked largely by analogies from nature. A great idea with him
was that we should study and follow nature, and this led him to the
conclusions that education should proceed from the easy to the difficult,
the near to the remote, the general to the special, and the known to the
unknown, and that the great business of the teacher was imparting and
guiding, and not storing the memory. These conclusions seem commonplaces
to us of to-day, but what is commonplace today was genius three hundred
years ago. To select the subject-matter of instruction carefully and on
the basis of utility, to eliminate needless materials, not to attempt too
much at a time, to use concrete examples, to have frequent repetitions to
fix ideas, to advance by carefully graded steps, to tie new knowledge to
old, to learn by observing and doing, and to learn by use rather than by
precept--were still other of the present-day commonplaces which Comenius
worked out and formulated in his _Didactica Magna_. [6] His plea for a
mild and gentle discipline in place of the brutality of his time, his
emphasis of the vernacular and the realities of life, his conception as to
the importance of early education, his careful gradation of the school,
and his ability to see the usefulness of Latin without over-emphasizing
its importance--all stamp him as a capable and practical schoolmaster who
saw deeply into the nature of the educational process.

[Illustration: PLATE 10. JOHN AMOS COMENIUS (1592-1671)
The Moravian Bishop at the age of fifty. (After an engraving by Glover,
printed as a frontispiece to Hartlib's _A Reformation of Schooles_.
London, 1642.)

  Loe, here an Exile, who to serve his God,
  Hath sharply tasted of proud Pashurs Rod
  Whose learning, Piety, & true worth, being knowne
  To all the world, makes all the world his owne.   F.Q.]

COMENIUS' IDEAS AS TO THE ORGANIZATION OF SCHOOLS. In his _Didactica
Magna_ Comenius divided the school life of a child into four great
divisions. The first concerned the period from infancy to the age of six,
which he called The Mother School. For this period he wrote _The School of
Infancy_ (1628), a book intended primarily for parents, and one of such
deep insight and fundamental importance that parents and teachers may
still read it with interest and profit. In it he anticipated many of the
ideas of the kindergarten of to-day. The next division was The Vernacular
School, which covered the period from the ages of six to twelve. For this
period six classes were to be provided, and the emphasis was to be on the
mother tongue. This school was to be for all, of both sexes, and in it the
basis of an education for life was to be given. It was to teach its pupils
to read and write the mother tongue; enough arithmetic for the ordinary
business of life, and the commonly used measures; to sing, and to know
certain songs by rote; to know about the real things of life; the
Catechism and the Bible; a general knowledge of history, and especially
the creation, fall, and redemption of man; the elements of geography and
astronomy; and a knowledge of the trades and occupations of life; all of
which, says Comenius, can be taught better through the mother tongue than
through the medium of the Latin and Greek. In scope this school
corresponds with the vernacular school of modern Europe.

The next school was The Latin School, covering the years from twelve to
eighteen, and in this German, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew were to be taught,
by improved methods, and with physics and mathematics added. This school
he divided into six classes, named from the principal study in each, as
follows: (1) Grammar, (2) Physics, (3) Mathematics, (4) Ethics, (5)
Dialectics, (6) Rhetoric. He also later outlined a plan for a six-class
_Gymnasium_ for Saros-Patak (R. 220), culminating in a seventh year for
preparation for the ministry, which was an improvement on the Latin School
and very modern in character. Had such a school become common, secondary
education in Europe might have been a century in advance of where the
nineteenth century found it. The Latin school was to be attended only by
those of ability who were likely to enter the service of Church or State,
or who intended to pass on to the University. This last was to cover the
period from eighteen to twenty-four. Unlike all educational practice of
his time and later, Comenius here provides for an educational ladder of
the present-day American type, wholly unlike the European two-class school
system which (p. 353) later evolved.

COMENIUS' WORK IN REFORMING LANGUAGE TEACHING. At the time Comenius lived
and wrote, the languages constituted almost the only subject of study, and
Latin grammar was the great introductory subject. The mediaeval grammars
(Donatus; Alexander de Villa Dei; pp. 156, 155) had been so poor that the
instruction was difficult and, in consequence, long drawn out. Lily's
Latin Grammar (p. 276), published in 1513, and Melanchthon's Latin
Grammar, published in 1525, had represented marked advances. Still the
subject remained difficult, even when taught from these new types of
grammars. Comenius early became convinced, as a result of his teaching and
studies in educational method, that the ancient classical authors were not
only too difficult for boys beginning the study of Latin, but that they
also did not contain the type of real knowledge he felt should be taught
in the schools. He accordingly set to work to construct a series of
introductory Latin readers which would form a graded introduction to the
study of Latin, and which would also introduce the pupil to the type of
world knowledge and scientific information he felt should be taught.

His plan eventually embraced a graded series of five books, as follows:

    1. The _Orbis Sensualium Pictus_, or the World of Sense Objects
    Pictured. This was an illustrated primer and first reader, which
    appeared in 1658, and was the first illustrated book ever written for
    children (R. 221).

    2. The _Vestibulum_ (Vestibule, or gate). An easy first reader,
    consisting of but a few hundred of the most commonly used Latin words
    and sentences, with a translation into the vernacular in parallel
    columns. This book required about a half-year for its completion.

    3. The _Janua Linguarum Reserata_, or Gate of Languages Unlocked.
    This was the first of the series printed (1631), the _Vestibulum_
    being an easy introduction to it, and the _Orbis Pictus_ being
    the _Janua_ simplified and illustrated. The _Janua_
    contained some eight thousand Latin words, arranged in simple
    sentences, with the vernacular equivalent in parallel columns;
    included information on a variety of subjects; [7] and was a regular
    Noah's Ark for vocabulary purposes. It embraced sufficient reading
    material and grammar for a year.

    4. The _Atrium_. This was an expansion of the _Janua_, and
    treated the same topics more in detail. It was intended to be an
    advanced reader, based, as was the _Janua_, on studies about the
    real things of life. The vocabulary now was Latin-Latin, instead of
    Latin-vernacular.

    5. The _Thesaurus_, which was never completed, but was planned to
    be a collection of graded extracts from easy Latin authors--Cornelius
    Nepos, Caesar, Cicero, Sallust, Vergil, Horace, Pliny--to furnish the
    needed reading material for the three upper years of the Latin School.

THE TEXTBOOKS ILLUSTRATED. Beginning in the _Janua_, and afterwards in the
_Vestibulum_ and _Orbis Pictus_ as well, Comenius not only simplified the
teaching of Latin by producing the best textbooks for instruction in the
subject the world had ever known, but he also shifted the whole emphasis
in instruction from words to things, and made the teaching of scientific
knowledge and useful world information the keynote of his work. The
hundred different chapters of the _Janua_, and the hundred and fifty-one
chapters of the _Orbis Pictus_, were devoted to imparting information as
to all kinds of useful subjects. The following selections from the chapter
titles of the _Orbis Pictus_ illustrate how large a place the new
scientific studies occupied in his conception of the school:

    The World    Birds              Weaving        Philosophy
    The Heavens  Cattle             Tailor         Prudence
    Fire         Fish               Barber         Diligence
    Wind         Parts of Man       Schoolmaster   Temperance
    Water        Flesh and Bowels   Shoemaker      Fortitude
    Clouds       Chanels and Bones  Carpenter      Humanity
    Earth        Senses             Potter         Justice
    Fruits       Deformities        Printing       Consanguinity
    Metals       Husbandry          Geometry       A City
    Trees        Bees and Honey     The Planets    Merchandizing
    Herbs        Butchery           Eclipses       A Burial
    Flowers      Cookery            Europe         Religious Forms

The accompanying illustrations (Figs. 126, 127) reveal the nature of the
text-books he prepared. (See also R. 221 for four additional pages of
illustrations from the _Orbis Pictus_.)

[Illustration: FIG. 126. A SAMPLE PAGE FROM THE "ORBIS PICTUS"
The illustration and Latin text is from the first edition of 1658; the
English translation from the English edition of 1727.]

The success of these textbooks was immediate and very great. Within a
short time after the publication of the _Janua_ it had been translated
into Flemish, Bohemian, English, French, German, Greek, Hungarian,
Italian, Latin, Polish, Spanish, and Swedish, as well as into Arabic,
Mongolian, Russian, and Turkish. The _Orbis Pictus_ was an even greater
success. [8] It went through many editions, in many languages; stood
without a competitor in Europe for a hundred and fifteen years; and was
used as an introductory textbook for nearly two hundred years. An American
edition was brought out in New York City, as late as 1810.

[Illustration: FIG. 127. PART OF A PAGE FROM A LATIN-ENGLISH EDITION OF
THE "VESTIBULUM"]

Thousands of parents, who knew nothing of Comenius and cared nothing for
his educational ideas, bought the book for their children because they
found that they liked the pictures and learned the language easily from
it. [9]

PLACE AND INFLUENCE OF COMENIUS. Comenius stands in the history of
education in a position of commanding importance. He introduces the whole
modern conception of the educational process, and outlines many of the
modern movements for the improvement of educational procedure. What
Petrarch was to the revival of learning, what Wycliffe was to religious
thought, what Copernicus was to modern science, and what Bacon and
Descartes were to modern philosophy, Comenius was to educational practice
and thinking (R. 222). The germ of almost all eighteenth- and nineteenth-
century educational theory is to be found in his work, and he, more than
any one before him and for at least two centuries after him, made an
earnest effort to introduce the new science studies into the school. Far
more liberal than his Lutheran or Calvinistic or Anglican or Catholic
contemporaries, he planned his school for the education of youth in
religion and learning and to fit them for the needs of a modern world.
Unlike the textbooks of his time, and for more than a century afterward,
his were free from either sectarian bigotry or the intense and gloomy
atmosphere of the age.

Yet Comenius lived at an unfortunate period in the history of human
progress. The early part of the seventeenth century was not a time when an
enthusiastic and aggressive and liberal-minded reformer could expect much
of a hearing anywhere in western Europe. The shock of the contest into
which western Christendom had been plunged by the challenge of Luther had
been felt in every corner of Europe, and the culmination of a century of
warfare was then raging, with all the bitterness and brutality that a
religious motive develops. Christian Europe was too filled with an
atmosphere of suspicion and distrust and hatred to be in any mood to
consider reforms for the improvement of the education of mankind. As a
result the far-reaching changes in method formulated by Comenius made but
slight impression on his contemporaries; his attempt to introduce
scientific studies awakened suspicion, rather than interest; and the new
method which he formulated in his _Great Didactic_ was ignored and the
book itself was forgotten for centuries. His great influence on
educational progress was through the reform his textbooks worked in the
teaching of Latin, and the slow infiltration into the schools of the
scientific ideas they contained. As a result, many of the fundamentally
sound reforms for which he stood had to be worked out anew in the
nineteenth century. It is sad to contemplate how far our western world
might have been advanced in its educational organization and scientific
progress, by the close of the eighteenth century, had it been in a mood to
receive and utilize the reforms in aims and methods, and to accept the new
scientific subject-matter, proposed and worked out by this far-sighted
Moravian teacher. Religious bigotry has, in all lands and ages, proved
itself one of the most serious of all obstacles in the path of human
progress.


IV. REALISM AND THE SCHOOLS

THE VERNACULAR SCHOOLS. The ideas for which the realists just described
had stood were adopted in the people's schools but slowly, and came only
after long waiting. The final incorporation of science instruction into
elementary education did not come until the nineteenth century, and then
was an outgrowth of the reform work of Pestalozzi on the one hand, and the
new social, political, economic, and industrial forces of a modern world
on the other.

The Peace of Westphalia (1648), which closed a century of bitter and
vindictive religious warfare, was followed by another century of hatred,
suspicion, and narrow religious intolerance and reaction. All parties now
adopted an extremely conservative attitude in matters of religion and
education, and the protection of orthodoxy became the chief purpose of the
school. Reading, religion, a little counting and writing, and, in Teutonic
lands, music, came to constitute the curriculum of such elementary
vernacular schools as had come to exist, and the religious Primer and the
Bible became the great school textbooks. The people were poor, much of
Europe was impoverished and depopulated as a result of long-continued
religious strife, the common people still occupied a very low social
position, there were as yet no qualified teachers, and no need for general
education aside from religion. Still more, during more than a thousand
years the Church had established the tradition of providing free
education, and when the governing authorities of the States which turned
to Protestantism had taken from the Church both the opportunity to
continue the schools and the wealth with which to maintain them, they were
seldom willing to tax themselves to set up institutions to continue the
work formerly done gratis by the Church. In consequence, regardless of
Protestant educational theory as to the need for general education, but
little progress in providing vernacular schools was made during the whole
of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Here and there in Teutonic lands, however, the new studies found an
occasional patron. In 1619 schools were organized for the little Duchy of
Weimar (p. 317) by a pupil of Ratke, and sense realism was given a place
in them. The schoolmaster, Andreas Reyher, who in 1642 drew up the _Schule
Methodus_ "the actual title of that book was 'Schulmethodus" for Duke
Ernest of Saxe-Gotha and Altenburg, was familiar with the work of both
Ratke and Comenius, and made provision for instruction in "the natural and
useful sciences" (R. 163) for Duke Ernest's children. Here and there a few
other attempts to provide schools and add instruction in the new _Realien_
were made. The number of such attempts was not large, but their work was
influential, and as a result vernacular schools and science instruction
finally became established among German-speaking peoples before they did
in any other land.

THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS. The influence of Milton's _Tractate_ on the non-
conformist Academies of England has been traced, and the transfer of the
idea of instruction in the new mathematical, scientific, literary,
historical, and political subjects to the new American Academies has been
mentioned. That these new studies also entered into the education of a
gentleman in England and France, under the private-tutor and the courtly-
academy system, and were copied from the French and constituted a large
part of the instruction organized for the _Ritterakademieen_ of the
numerous court cities in German lands, has also been mentioned. In both
England and France such private instruction exerted but little influence
on the existing Latin grammar schools, and in consequence the schools of
both countries remained largely unchanged in direction and purpose until
the second half of the nineteenth century. In German lands the
_Ritterakademieen_ idea experienced a further development, which proved to
be of large importance for the future of German education.

FRANCKE'S "INSTITUTIONS." With the introduction of French ideas and
training into the German courts, French skepticism in matters of religion
developed in the court circles. Under the influence of a pious Lutheran
clergyman, Philip Spener (1635-1705), who tried to emphasize religion as
an affair of the heart rather than the head; and especially as a result of
the work of his spiritual successor, Augustus Hermann Francke, a movement
arose in German lands, during the closing years of the seventeenth
century, which became known as _Pietism_. [10] Disgusted with the lifeless
and insincere religion of the time, these two strove to substitute a
religion of both head and heart. In 1695, moved by pity for the poor,
Francke established at Halle the first of his famous "Institutions,"--a
school for poor children. A pay school for the well-to-do was soon added,
and soon another school for the children of nobility. An orphan school
also was in time provided. The school for the poor developed into a
vernacular or _Burgher_ (_volks_; peoples) school; the school for the pay
pupils into a Latin School, or _Gymnasium_; and the school for nobles into
a higher scientific school, or _Pädagogium_ as it was called. At first
Francke encountered some theological opposition, but the "Institutions"
prospered, and at the time of his death contained over 2200 pupils, and
over 300 teachers, workers, and attendants.

[Illustration: FIG. 128. AUGUSTUS HERMANN FRANCKE (1663-1727)]

The interesting thing about Francke's work was the courses of instruction
he provided for his schools. [11] In the Burgher School he gave the
children instruction in history, geography, and animal life, in addition
to the reading, writing, counting, music, and religion of the usual German
vernacular school. Into the _Gymnasium_ he introduced instruction in
history, geography, music, science, and mathematics, in addition to the
usual Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. He also changed the purpose of the
language instruction. Greek was studied to be able to read the New
Testament in the original, and Hebrew better to understand the Old. The
_Pädagogium_ was provided with a botanical garden, a cabinet of natural
history, physical apparatus, a laboratory for the study of chemistry and
anatomy, and a workshop for turning and glass-cutting. Independent of the
work of Comenius, but as an outgrowth of the new movement for the study of
science now beginning to influence educational thought, we have here the
most important attempt at the introduction into the school of sense
realism, or _Realien_, as the Germans say, that the modern world had so
far witnessed. In 1697 Francke added a _Seminarium Praeceptorium_, to
train teachers in his new ideas. This was the first teachers' training-
school in German lands, and the teachers he trained served to scatter his
educational ideas over the German States. [12]

THE FIRST REALSCHULE. Associated with Francke as a teacher was one
Christopher Semler (1669-1740), who became deeply interested in the new
studies of the secondary school. In 1706 Semler had submitted a plan to
the government of Magdeburg for the teaching of the practical studies.
This was referred to the Berlin Society of Sciences, which approved the
plan, and later elected Semler to membership in the Society. For years
Semler continued as a teacher at Halle, but without carrying the idea far
enough to create a new type of school. In 1739 Semler published a paper
"Upon the Mathematical, Mechanical, and Agricultural Real School in the
City of Halle," in which he described the instruction given there. This
was probably the first use of the term "real school" (Realschule). The
important subjects described as taught, aside from religion, were "the
useful and in daily life wholly indispensable sciences," such as
mathematics, drawing, geography, history, natural history, agriculture,
and economics, with much emphasis on observation by the pupils.

The work at Halle soon stimulated complaints as to the existing Latin
schools, where children, destined for business or the service of the
State, were kept trying to learn Latin, "to the neglect of more practical
and more useful studies." The usefulness of the new real studies now began
to be more correctly estimated, and the conviction gradually grew that
those boys who were destined for trade--now a rapidly increasing number--
should not be obliged to follow the same course as those destined to be
scholars. In 1720 Rector Gesner, of the gymnasium at Rotenburg, wrote,
rather sarcastically:

    The one class, who will not study, but will become tradesmen,
    merchants, or soldiers, must be instructed in writing, arithmetic,
    writing letters, geography, description of the world, and history. The
    other class may be trained for studying.

In 1742 the Rector at Dresden, Schöttgen, issued a "Humble proposal for
the special class in public city schools" to provide for those children
"who are to remain without (that is, cannot learn) Latin." Instead of
forcing them to attempt to learn Donatus, which he said was useless for
them, he urged that a special class (school) be organized to train them to
become useful merchants, artists, and mechanics. In 1751 Rector Henzky, of
Prenzlau, issued a treatise to show "That Real schools can and must become
common." In 1756 Gesner, professor at the new University of Göttingen, in
a pamphlet "On the organization of a gymnasium" (R. 223), urged that there
were three classes of youths for whom schools should be provided, one of
which needed the _Realschule_.

In 1747 a clergyman by the name of Julius Hecker (1707-1768), who had been
a pupil in, and later had taught in Francke's "'Institutions," went to
Berlin and opened there the first distinct German _Realschule_. In this
school Hecker provided instruction in religion, ethics, German, French,
Latin, mathematics, drawing, history, geography, mechanics, architecture,
and a knowledge of nature and of the human body. Classes were organized in
architecture, agriculture, bookkeeping, manufacturing, and mining. The
school prospered from the first, and in time became the "Royal
_Realschule_" of Berlin. In answer to a growing demand for advanced
education for that constantly increasing number of youths destined for the
trades or a mercantile career, the _realschule_ idea was copied in a
number of the important cities of Germany. Thus early--a century in
advance of other nations, and a century and a quarter ahead of the United
States--did Prussia lay the foundations of that scientific and technical
education which, later on, did so much toward creating modern industrial
Germany.

THE UNIVERSITIES AND THE NEW SCIENTIFIC LEARNING. Though the theological
persecution of scientific workers largely died out after about the middle
of the seventeenth century, and was never much of a factor in lands which
had embraced some form of Protestantism, the new sciences nevertheless
made but little headway in the universities until after the beginning of
the eighteenth century. Up to the close of the seventeenth century the
universities in all lands continued to be dominated by their theological
faculties, and instruction still remained largely encompassed by
mediaevalism. England represents perhaps the most notable exception to
this statement, scientific studies having been received with greater
tolerance by the universities there than in other lands. In both Catholic
and Protestant lands the need was felt for orthodox training, through fear
of further heresy, and many petty restrictions were thrown about study and
teaching which were stifling to free thinking and investigation. Each
little Kingdom or State now took over the supervision of some old
university within its borders, or established a new one, that it might
more completely control orthodoxy and prepare its own civil servants. Of
the seventeenth century, Paulsen [13] well says:

    It was essentially the period of the territorial-confessional
    university, and is characterized by a preponderance of theological-
    confessional interest.... Many new foundations, both Catholic and
    Protestant, now appeared. The chief impetus leading to these numerous
    foundations was the accentuation of the principle of territorial
    sovereignty, from the ecclesiastical as well as the political point of
    view. The consequence was that the universities began to be
    _instrumentia denominationis_ of the government as professional
    schools for its ecclesiastical and secular officials. Each individual
    government endeavored to secure its own university in order--(1) to
    make sure of wholesome instruction, which meant, of course,
    instruction in harmony with the confessional standards of its
    established church; (2) to retain training of its secular officials in
    its own hands; and finally (3) render attendance at foreign
    universities unnecessary on the part of its subjects, and thus keep
    the money in the country.

Large amounts of money were not needed to establish a new university. A
few thousand guilders or thalers sufficed for the salaries of ten or
fifteen professors, a couple of preachers and physicians would undertake
the theological and medical lectures, and some old monastery would supply
the needed buildings.

After the Reformation the law faculty increased to the place of first
importance in Protestant lands, because the Reformation had created a new
demand for judges and higher court officials to replace the rule of the
clergy. The medical faculty continued to be, as in the mediaeval
universities, the smallest of all the faculties and amounted to little
before the nineteenth century. [14] The arts faculty, or philosophical as
it came to be termed in German lands, offered lectures in Latin, Greek,
and Hebrew, and a general course in philosophy, but the Aristotelian texts
and to some extent mediaeval methods in instruction continued to be used
until the beginning of the eighteenth century.

Here and there some professor "read" on mathematics, and in Protestant
lands on the new astronomy, and the study of botany began as the study of
herbs in the medical faculty, [15] but during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries few professors or students were interested in the
scientific subjects. By 1675 Bacon's _Novum Organum_ had begun to be
taught at both Oxford and Cambridge, and by 1700 the Newtonian physics had
begun to displace Aristotle at Oxford. By 1740 it was well established
there. At first instruction in the new subjects was offered as an extra
and for a fee by men not having professional rank (R. 224), and later the
instruction was given full recognition by the university. By 1700
Cambridge had become a center for mathematical study (R. 225), and with
the growth in popularity of the Newtonian philosophy, mathematical studies
there took the place held by logic in the mediaeval university. Cambridge
has ever since remained a center for mathematical and, since the beginning
of the nineteenth century, for scientific studies as well. Between 1680
and 1700 the University of Paris was reformed, and the mathematical and
philosophical studies of Descartes (p. 394) began to be taught there. The
universities of the Netherlands began to teach the new mathematical and
scientific studies even earlier.

Aside from the above described _Realschule_ development, the new
scientific movement for a time largely passed over German lands, and in
consequence the German universities remained unreformed until the
eighteenth century. During the seventeenth century they sank to their
lowest intellectual level. In 1694, largely in protest against the
narrowness of the old universities, the new University of Halle was
founded. It received into its faculty certain forward-looking men who had
been driven from the old universities, [16] and is generally considered as
the first modern university. The new scientific and mathematical subjects
and a reformed philosophy were introduced; the instruction in Greek and
Latin was reformed; German was made the medium of classroom instruction;
and a scientific magazine in German was begun. In 1737 the University of
Göttingen became a second center of modern influence, and from these two
institutions the new scientific spirit gradually spread to all the
Protestant universities of German lands. A century later they were the
leading universities of the world.

THE TRANSITION NOW PRACTICALLY COMPLETE. From the time Petrarch made his
first "find" at Liège (1333), in the form of two previously unknown
orations of Cicero (p. 244), to the publication of the _Principia_ (p.
388) of Newton (1687), is a period of approximately three and a half
centuries. During these three and a half centuries a complete
transformation of world-life had been effected, and the mediaeval man,
with his eyes on the past, had given place to the modern man with his eyes
on the future. During these three and a half centuries revolutionary
forces had been at work in the world of ideas, and the transition from
mediaeval to modern attitudes had been accomplished. From 1333 to 1433 was
the century of "literary finds," and during this period the monastic
treasures were brought to light and edited and the classical literature of
Rome restored. Greek also was restored to the western world, and a
reformed Latin, Greek, and Hebrew were given the place of first importance
in the new humanistic school. The invention of printing took place in
1423; 1456 witnessed the appearance of the first printed book, and the
perfection of the new means for the multiplication of books and the
dissemination of ideas. Before 1500 the great era of geographical
discovery had been inaugurated; a sea-route to India was found in 1487;
and a new continent in 1492. In 1519-22 Magellan's ships rounded the
world.

In 1517 Luther issued the challenge, the shock of which was felt in every
corner of Christian Europe, and within a half-century much of northern and
western Europe had been lost to the original Roman Church. Soon
independence in thinking had been extended to the problem of the
organization of the universe, and in 1543 Copernicus issued the book that
clearly marks the beginning of modern scientific thinking and inquiry.
Bacon had done his organizing work by 1620, and Newton's _Principia_
(1687) finally established modern scientific thought and work. Comenius
died in 1671, his great organizing work done, and his textbooks, with
their many new educational ideas, in use all over Europe. The mediaeval
attitude still continued in religion and government, but the world as a
whole had left mediaeval attitudes behind it, and was facing the future of
modern world organization and life. To the educational organization of
this modern world we now turn, though before doing so we shall try to
present a cross-section, as it were, of the development in educational
theory and practice which had been attained by about the middle of the
eighteenth century.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Explain why the scholars of the time were so intent on producing a new
race of Roman youths for a revived Latin scholarly world.

2. Show that a reaction against humanism was certain to arise, and why.

3. How do you explain the very small influence exerted on the Latin
grammar schools of England by the non-conformist Academies, after they had
been absorbed into the existing English non-state system of higher
schools?

4. Compare Milton and Montaigne.

5. What would be the most probable effect on education of the erection of
the polished-man-of-the-world ideal?

6. Enumerate the forces favoring and opposing the change of the language
of instruction from Latin to the vernacular.

7. How many of the thirteen principles of the Innovators do we still hold
to be valid?

8. Just what was new in the nine fundamental rules laid down by Ratke, in
his _Methodus Nova_?

9. What is your estimate of the vernacular schools as outlined by
Comenius? Of the plans for a gymnasium at Saros-Patak?

10. Compare Comenius' Latin school with the College of Calvin.

11. State the new ideas in instruction embodied in the textbooks of
Comenius.

12. Show that Comenius dominates modern educational ideas, even though his
work was largely lost, in the same way that Petrarch or Wyclifle or
Copernicus do modern work in their fields.

13. Explain the very slow development of vernacular schools after the
Protestant Revolts.

14. Why would the introduction of real studies into them be especially
slow?

15. What explanation can you offer for the much earlier beginnings in
scientific instruction in German lands than in England or America, when
much more of the important early scientific work was done by Englishmen
than by Germans? and the failure of science for a time to find a home in
the German universities?

16. Explain the continued dominance of the theological faculty in the
universities of the seventeenth century.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative
selections are reproduced:

  210. Rabelais: On the Nature of Education.
  211. Milton: The Aim and Purpose of Education.
  212. Milton: His Program for Study.
  213. Adamson: Discontent of the Nobility with the Schools.
  214. Montaigne: Ridicule of the Humanistic Pedants.
  215. Montaigne: His Conception of Education.
  216. Locke: Extracts from his Thoughts on Education.
  217. Locke: Plan for Working Schools for Poor Children.
  218. Comenius: Title-Page of the _Great Didactic_.
  219. Comenius: Contents of the _Great Didactic_.
  220. Comenius: Plan for the Gymnasium at Saros-Patak.
  221. Comenius: Sample pages from the _Orbis Pictus_.
       (a) A page from a Latin-German edition of 1740.
       (b) Two pages from a Latin-English edition of 1727.
       (c) A page from the New York edition of 1810.
  222. Butler: Place of Comenius in the History of Education.
  223. Gesner: Need for _Realschulen_ for the New Classes to be
       Educated.
  224. Handbill: How the Scientific Studies began at Cambridge.
  225. Green: Cambridge Scheme of Study of 1707.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Show that Rabelais was in close sympathy with the best of the new
humanists of his age.

2. Would Milton's definition of the purpose of education be true, still?

3. Show from Milton's program of studies that he represents a transition
type, and also that his program contains the nucleus of the more modern
studies of the secondary school.

4. Explain the discontent of the nobility with the existing Church
schools.

5. Assuming Montaigne's description of the education of his time to be
true, explain why this might naturally be the case.

6. Just what kind of an education does Montaigne outline, and how great a
reaction was this from existing conditions?

7. In how far would Locke's ideas still apply to the education of a boy of
the leisure class?

8. Show that Locke's plan for work-house schools was in thorough accord
with English post-Reformation ideas as to the duty of the State in matters
of education, and also that it contained the beginnings of the pauper-
school idea of education which we later had to combat.

9. From the title-page and the table of contents (219) of Comenius' _Great
Didactic_, point out the originality and novelty of his ideas.

10. Compare Comenius' plan for the Saros-Patak _Gymnasium_ with such
schools as Sturm's, the college of Guyenne, the college of Calvin, and the
Jesuits.

11. Compare Comenius' plan (220) with the instruction in an American high
school of seventy-five years ago.

12. Compare the Alphabet page of Comenius' _Orbis Pictus_ with the same
page in the New England Primer.

13. When so many educational reforms were inaugurated so early by
Comenius, explain their neglect, and our having to work them out anew in
the nineteenth century.

14. What does the need for _Realschulen_ indicate as to the evolution of
German society and the recuperation from the ravages of war?

15. Compare the beginnings of scientific study at Cambridge with
beginnings of new subjects to-day in our schools.

16. Just what does the Cambridge Scheme of Study indicate as being taught
there?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Adamson, J. W. _Pioneers of Modern Education, 1600-1700_.
  Barnard, Henry. _German Teachers and Educators_.
* Butler, N. M. "The Place of Comenius in the History of Education": in
    _Proc. N. E. A._, 1892, pp. 723-28.
  Browning, Oscar, Editor. _Milton's Tractate on Education_.
* Comenius, J. A. _Orbis Pictus_ (Bardeen; Syracuse).
  Hanus, Paul H. "The Permanent Influence of Comenius"; in _Educational
    Review_, vol. 3, pp. 226-36 (March, 1892).
  Laurie, S. S. _History of Educational Opinion since the
    Renaissance_.
* Laurie, S. S. _John Amos Comenius_.
  Quick, R. H., Editor. _Locke's Thoughts on Education_.
* Quick, R. H. _Essays on Educational Reformers_.
* Vostrovsky, Clara. "A European School of the Time of Comenius (Prague,
    1609)"; in _Education_, vol. 17, pp. 356-60 (February, 1897.)
  Wordsworth, Christopher. _Scholae Academicae; Studies at the English
    Universities in the Eighteenth Century_.




CHAPTER XVIII

THEORY AND PRACTICE BY THE MIDDLE OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY


We have now reached, in our history of the transition age which began with
the Revival of Learning--the great events of which were the recovery of
the ancient learning, the rediscovery of the historic past, the
reawakening of scholarship, and the rise of religious and scientific
inquiry--the end of the transition period, and we are now ready to pass to
a study of the development and progress of education in modern times.
Before doing so, however, we desire to gather up and state the progress in
both educational theory and practice which had been attained by the end of
this transition period, and to present, as it were, a cross-section of
education at about the middle of the eighteenth century. To do this, then,
before passing to a consideration of educational development in modern
times, will be the purpose of this chapter. We shall first review the
progress made in evolving a theory as to the educational purpose, and then
present a cross-section view of the schools of the time under
consideration.


I. PRE-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL THEORIES

THE STATE PURPOSE OF THE GREEKS AND ROMANS. As we saw, early in our study
of the rise and progress of the education of peoples, the City-States of
Greece were the first consciously to evolve a systematic plan of schooling
and a prolonged course of training for those who were to guide and direct
the State. In Sparta the training was almost wholly for military
efficiency and tribal safety, but in Athens we found a people using a
well-worked-out system of training to develop individual initiative,
advance civilization, and promote the welfare of the State. The education
provided was for but a class, to be sure, and a small ruling class at
that, but it was the first evidence of the new western, individualistic,
and democratic spirit expressing itself in the education of the young.
There also we found, for the first time, the thinkers of the State deeply
concerned with the education of the youth of the State, and viewing
education as a necessity to make life worth living and to secure the State
from dangers, both without and within. The training there given produced
wonderful results, and for two centuries the men educated by it ably
guided the destinies of Athens.

The essentials of this Greek training were later embodied in the private-
adventure school system that arose in Rome, which was adapted to
conditions and needs there, and which was used for the training of a few
Roman youths of the wealthier families for a political career. Schooling
at Rome, though, never attained the importance or rendered the service
that characterized education at Athens, and never became an instrument of
the State used consciously for State ends. One Roman writer, Quintilian,
as we have seen (R. 25), worked out a careful statement of the whole
process of educating a youth for a public career, and this, the first
practical treatise on education, was for long highly prized as the best-
written statement of the educational art.

THE FUTURE-LIFE CONCEPTION OF THE CHRISTIANS. With the decline of Roman
power and influence, and the victory of Christianity throughout the Roman
world, the State conception of education was entirely lost to western
Europe, and more than a thousand years elapsed before it again arose in
the western world. The Church now became the State, and the need for any
education for secular life almost entirely passed away. For centuries the
aim was almost entirely a preparation for life in the world to come.
Throughout all the early Middle Ages this attitude continued, supplemented
only by the meager education of a few to carry on the work of the Church
here below.

After the tenth century we noted the rise of some more or less independent
study in some of the monastery and cathedral schools, and after the
twelfth century the rise of _studia generalia_ marked the congregation
into groups of the few interested in a studious life. These in turn gave
rise to the university foundations, and to the beginning of independent
and secular study once more in the western world. The Revival of Learning,
the recovery of the ancient manuscripts, the revival of the study of Greek
in the West, the founding of libraries, the invention of paper and
printing, and the revival of trade and commerce--all were new forces
tending to give a new direction to scholarly study, and as a result a new
race of scholars, more or less independent of the Church, now arose in
western Europe. They were, however, a class, and a very small class at
that, and though the result of their work was the creation of a new
humanistic secondary school, this still ministered to the needs of but a
few. This few was intended either for the service of the Church, for the
governmental service of the towns which had by this time attained their
independence, or for the governments of the rising principalities or
states.

For the great mass of the people, whose purpose in life was to work and
believe and obey, agriculture, warfare, the rising trades with their
guilds (p. 209), and the services of the Church constituted almost all in
the way of education which they ever received. To be useful to his
overlord and master here and to be saved hereafter were the chief life-
purposes of the common man. The former he must himself undertake in order
to be able to live at all; the latter the Church undertook to supply to
those who followed her teachings.

THE RISE OF THE VERNACULAR RELIGIOUS SCHOOL. For the first time in
history, if we except the schools of the early Christian period, the
Protestant Revolts created a demand for some form of an elementary
religious school for all. The Protestant theory as to personal _versus_
collective salvation involved as a consequence the idea of the education
of all in the essentials of the Christian faith and doctrine. The aim was
the same as before--personal salvation--but the method was now changed
from that of the Church as intermediary to personal knowledge and faith
and effort. To be saved, one must know something of the Word of God, and
this necessitated instruction. To this end, in theory at least, schools
had to be established to educate the young for membership in the new type
of Church relationship. Reading the vernacular, a little counting and
writing, in Teutonic countries a little music, and careful instruction in
a religious Primer (R. 202), the Catechism, and the Bible, now came to
constitute the subject matter of a new vernacular school for the children
of Protestants, and to a certain extent in time for the children of
Catholics as well. As we pointed out earlier (p. 353), between this new
type of school for religious ends and the older Latin grammar school for
scholarly purposes there was almost no relationship, and the two developed
wholly independently of one another. In the Latin grammar schools one
studied to become a scholar and a leader in the political or
ecclesiastical world; in the vernacular religious school one learned to
read that he might be able to read the Catechism and the Bible, and to
know the will of the Heavenly Father. There was scarcely any other purpose
to the maintenance of the elementary vernacular schools. This condition
continued until well into the eighteenth century.

[Illustration: FIG. 129. A FRENCH SCHOOL BEFORE THE REVOLUTION
(After an etching by Boisseau, 1730-1809)]

EARLY UNSUCCESSFUL EDUCATIONAL REFORMERS. Back in the seventeenth century,
as we have pointed out in the preceding chapter, a very earnest effort was
made by Ratke and Comenius to introduce a larger conception of the
educational process into the elementary vernacular school, to eliminate
the gloomy religious material from the textbooks, to substitute a human-
welfare purpose for the exclusively life-beyond view, and to transform the
school into an institution for imparting both learning and religion.
Comenius in particular hoped to make of the new elementary religious
school a potent instrument for human progress by introducing new subject-
matter, and by formulating laws and developing methods for its work which
would be in harmony with the new scientific procedure so well stated by
Francis Bacon. Comenius stands as the commanding figure in seventeenth-
century pedagogical thought. He reasoned out and introduced us to the
whole modern conception of the educational process and purpose, and gave
to the school of the people a solid theoretical and practical basis.
Living, though, at an unfortunate period in human history, he was able to
awaken little interest either in rational teaching-method or in reforms
looking to the advancement of the welfare of mankind. Instead he roused
suspicion and distrust by the innovations and progressive reforms he
proposed; his now-celebrated book on teaching method (Rs. 218, 219) was
not at the time understood and was for long forgotten, while the
fundamentally sound ideas and pedagogical reforms which he proposed and
introduced were lost amid the hatreds of his time, and had to be worked
out again and reëstablished in a later and a more tolerant age.

Another unsuccessful reformer of some importance, and one whose work
antedated that of both Ratke and Comenius, was the London schoolmaster,
Richard Mulcaster (1531-1611), for twenty-five years headmaster of the
famous Merchant Taylors' School, and later Master of Saint Paul's School.
In 1581 he issued his _Positions_, a pedagogical work so far in advance of
his time, and written in such a heavy and affected style, that it passed
almost unnoticed in England, and did not become known at all in other
lands. Yet the things he stood for became the fundamental ideas of
nineteenth-century educational thought. These were:

    1. That the end and aim of education is to develop the body and the
       faculties of the mind, and to help nature to perfection.

    2. That all teaching processes should be adapted to the pupil taught.

    3. That the first stage in learning is of large importance, and
       requires high skill on the part of the teacher.

    4. That the thing to be learned is of less importance than the pupil
       learning.

    5. That proper brain development demands that pressure and one-sided
       education alike be avoided.

    6. That the mother tongue should be taught first and well, and should
       be the language of the school from six to twelve.

    7. That music and drawing should be taught.

    8. That reading and writing at least should be the common right of
       all, and that girls should be given equal opportunity with boys.

    9. That training colleges for teachers should be established and
       maintained.

The modern nature of many of Mulcaster's proposals may be seen from the
table of contents of his volume (R. 226). Mulcaster, like Comenius,
thought far in advance of his age, and in consequence his book was soon
and for long forgotten. Yet what Quick [1] says of him is very true:

    It would have been a vast gain to all Europe if Mulcaster had been
    followed instead of Sturm. He was one of the earliest advocates of the
    use of the vernacular instead of Latin, and good reading and writing
    in English were to be secured before Latin was begun. His elementary
    course included five things: English reading, English writing,
    drawing, singing, playing a musical instrument. If this were made to
    occupy the school time up to twelve, Mulcaster held that more would be
    done between twelve and sixteen than between seven and seventeen in
    the ordinary (Latin grammar school) way. There would be a further gain
    in that the children would not be set against learning.

John Locke, and the disciplinary theory of education. Another commanding
figure in seventeenth-century pedagogical thought was the English scholar,
philosopher, teacher, physician, and political writer, John Locke (1632-
1704). In the preceding chapter we pointed out the place of Locke as a
writer on the education of the sons of the English gentry, and illustrated
by an extract from his _Thoughts_ (R. 216) the importance he placed on
such a practical type of education as would prepare a gentleman's son for
the social and political demands of a world fast becoming modern. Locke's
place in the history of education, though, is of much more importance than
was there (p. 402) indicated. Locke was essentially the founder of modern
psychology, based on the application of the methods of modern scientific
investigation to a study of the mind, [2] and he is also of importance in
the history of educational thought as having set forth, at some length and
with much detail, the disciplinary conception of the educational process.

Locke had served as a tutor in an English nobleman's family, had worked
out his educational theories in practice and thought them through as mind
processes, and had become thoroughly convinced that it was the process of
learning that was important, rather than the thing learned. Education to
him was a process of disciplining the body, fixing good habits, training
the youth in moral situations, and training the mind through work with
studies selected because of their disciplinary value. This conception of
education he sets forth well in the following paragraph, taken from his
_Thoughts:_

    The great Work of the Governor is to fashion the Carriage and form the
    Mind; to settle in his Pupils good Habits and the Principles of Virtue
    and Wisdom; to give him by little and little a View of Mankind, and
    work him into a Love and Imitation of what is excellent and
    praiseworthy; and in the Prosecution of it, to give him Vigor,
    Activity, and Industry. The Studies which he sets him upon, are but as
    it were the Exercise of his Faculties, and Employment of his Time, to
    keep him from Sauntering and Idleness, to teach him Application, and
    accustom him to take Pains, and to give him some little Taste of what
    his own Industry must perfect (§94).

In his _Thoughts_ Locke first sets forth at length the necessity for
disciplining the body by means of diet, exercise, and the hardening
process. "A sound mind in a sound body" he conceives to be "a short but
full description of a happy state in this world," and a fundamental basis
for morality and learning. The formation of good habits and manners
through proper training, and the proper adjustment of punishments and
rewards next occupies his attention, and he then explains his theory as to
making all punishments the natural consequences of acts. Similarly the
mind, as the body, must be disciplined to virtue by training the child to
deny, subordinate desires, and apply reason to acts. The formation of good
habits and the disciplining of the desires Locke regards as the
foundations of virtue. On this point he says:

    As the Strength of the Body lies chiefly in being able to endure
    Hardship, so also does that of the Mind. And the great Principle and
    Foundation of all Virtue and Worth is plac'd in this:--That a Man is
    able to _deny himself_ his own Desires, cross his own
    Inclinations, and purely follow what Reason directs as best, tho' the
    Appetite lean the other Way (§ 33).

Similarly, in intellectual education, good thinking and the employment of
reason is the aim, and these, too, must be attained through the proper
discipline of the mind. Good intellectual education does not consist
merely in studying and learning, he contends, as was the common practice
in the grammar schools of his time, but must be achieved by a proper
drilling of the powers of the mind through the use of selected studies.
The purpose of education, he holds, is above all else to make man a
reasoning creature. Nothing, in his judgment, trains to reason closely so
well as the study of mathematics, though Locke would have his boy "look
into all sorts of knowledge," and train his understanding with a wide
variety of exercises. In the education given in the grammar schools of his
time he found much that seemed to him wasteful of time and thoroughly bad
in principle, and he used much space to point out defects and describe
better methods of teaching and management, giving in some detail reasons
therefor. His ideas as to needed reforms in the teaching of Latin (R. 227)
are illustrative.

LOCKE ON ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. For the beginnings of education, and for
elementary education in general, Locke sticks close to the prevailing
religious conception of his time. As for the education of the common
people, he writes:

    The knowledge of the Bible and the business of his own calling is
    enough for the ordinary man; a Gentleman ought to go further.

Continuing regarding the beginnings of education and the studies and
textbooks of his day, he says:

    The Lord's Prayer, the Creeds, and the Ten Commandments, 't is
    necessary he should learn perfectly by heart.... What other Books
    there are in _English_ of the Kind of those above-mentioned
    (besides the Primer) fit to engage the Liking of Children, and tempt
    them to _read_, I do not know;... and nothing that I know has
    been considered of this Kind out of the ordinary Road of the Horn
    Book, Primer, Psalter, Testament, and Bible (§ 157).

Locke does, however, give some very sensible suggestions as to the reading
of the Bible (R. 228), the imparting of religious ideas to children, and
the desirability of transforming instruction so as to make it pleasant and
agreeable, with plenty of natural playful activity. [3] On this point he
writes:

    He that has found a Way how to keep up a Child's Spirit easy, active,
    and free, and yet at the same time to restrain him from many Things he
    has a Mind to, and to draw him to Things that are uneasy to him; he, I
    say, that knows how to reconcile these seeming Contradictions, has, in
    my Opinion, got the true Secret of Education (§ 46).

INFLUENCE OF LOCKE'S _THOUGHTS_. The volume by Locke contains much that is
sensible in the matter of educating a boy. The emphasis on habit
formation, reasoning, physical activities and play, the individuality of
children, and a reformed method in teaching are its strong points. The
thoroughly modern character of the book, in most respects, is one of its
marked characteristics. The volume seems to have been much read by middle
and upper-class Englishmen, and copies of it have been found in so many
old colonial collections that it was probably well known among early
eighteenth-century American colonists. That the book had an important
influence on the attitude of the higher social classes of England toward
the education of their sons and, consciously or unconsciously, in time
helped to redirect the teaching in that most characteristic of English
educational institutions, the English Public (Latin Grammar) School, seems
to be fairly clear. On elementary religious and charity-school education
it had practically no influence.

Locke's great influence on educational thought did not come, though, for
nearly three quarters of a century afterward, and it came then through the
popularization of his best ideas by Rousseau. Karl Schmidt [4] well says
of his work:

Locke is a thorough Englishman, and the principle underlying his education
is the principle according to which the English people have developed.
Hence his theory of education has in the history of pedagogy the same
value that the English nation has in the history of the world. He stood in
strong opposition to the scholastic and formalized education current in
his time, a living protest against the prevailing pedantry; in the
universal development of pedagogy he gives impulse to the movement which
grounds education upon sound psychological principles, and lays stress
upon breeding and the formation of character.

Restating and expanding the leading ideas of Locke in his _Emile_ (chapter
XXI), and putting them into far more attractive literary form, Rousseau
scattered Locke's ideas as to educational reform over Europe. In
particular Rousseau popularized Locke's ideas as to the replacement of
authority by reason and investigation, his emphasis on physical activity
and health, his contention that the education of children should be along
lines that were natural and normal for children, and above all Locke's
plea for education through the senses rather than the memory. In so
popularizing Locke's ideas, and at a time when all the political
tendencies of the period were in the direction of the rejection of
authority and the emphasis of the individual, those educational reformers
who were inspired by the writings of Rousseau created and applied, largely
on the foundations laid down by John Locke, a new theory as to educational
aims and procedure which dominated all early nineteenth-century
instruction. This we shall trace further in a subsequent chapter (chapter
XXI).

It was at this point that the educational problem stood, in so far as a
theory as to educational aims and the educational process was concerned,
when Rousseau took it up (1762). Before passing to a consideration of his
work, though, and the work of those inspired by him and by the French
revolutionary writers and statesmen, let us close this third part of our
history by a brief survey of the development so far attained, the purpose,
character, aims, and nature of instruction in the schools, and their means
of support and control at about the middle of the century in which
Rousseau wrote, and before the philosophical and political revolutions of
the latter half of the eighteenth century had begun to influence
educational aims and procedure and control.


II. MID-EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL CONDITIONS

THE PURPOSE. The purpose of maintaining the elementary vernacular school,
in all European lands, remained at the middle of the eighteenth century
much as it was a century before, though in the German States and in the
American Colonies there was a noticeable shifting of emphasis from the
older exclusively religious purpose toward a newer conception of education
as preparation for life in the world here. Still, one learned to read
chiefly "to learn some orthodox Catechism," "to read fluently in the New
Testament," and to know the will of God, or, as stated in the law of the
Connecticut Colony (R. 193), "in some competent measure to understand the
main grounds and principles of Christian religion necessary to salvation."
The teacher was still carefully looked after as to his "soundness in the
faith" (R. 238 a); he was required "to catechise his scholars in the
principles of the Christian religion," and "to commend his labors amongst
them unto God by prayer morning and evening, [5] taking care that his
scholars do reverently attend during the same." The minister in
practically all lands examined the children as to their knowledge of the
Catechism and the Bible, and on his visits quizzed them as to the Sunday
sermon. In Boston (1710) the ministers were required, on their school
visits, to pray with the pupils, and "to entertain them with some
instructions of piety adapted to their age." In Church-of-England schools
"the End and Chief Design" of the schools established continued to be
instruction in "the Knowledge and Practice of the Christian Religion as
Professed and Taught in the Church of England" (R. 238 b). In German lands
the elementary vernacular school was still regarded as "the portico of the
Temple," "Christianity its principal work," and not as "mere
establishments preparatory to public life, but be pervaded by the
religious spirit." [6] The uniform system of public schools ordered
established for Prussia by Frederick the Great, in 1763, were after all
little more than religious schools (R. 274), conducted for purposes of
both Church and State. As Frederick expressed it, "we find it necessary
and wholesome to have a good foundation laid in the schools by a rational
and a Christian education of the young for the fear of God, and other
useful ends." In the schools of La Salle's organization, which was most
prominent in elementary vernacular education in Catholic France, the aim
continued to be (R. 182) "to teach them to live honestly and uprightly, by
instructing them in the principles of our holy religion and by teaching
them Christian precepts."

WEAKENING OF THE OLD RELIGIOUS THEORY. By the middle of the eighteenth
century, however, there is a noticeable weakening of the hold of the old
religious theory on the schools in most Protestant lands. In England there
was a marked relaxation of the old religious intolerance in educational
matters as the century proceeded, and new textbooks, embodying but little
of the old gloomy religious material, appeared and began to be used. By a
series of decisions, between 1670 and 1701 (chapter XXIV), the English
courts broke the hold of the bishops in the matter of the licensing of
elementary schoolmasters, and by the Acts of 1713 and 1714 the Dissenters
were once more allowed to conduct schools of their own. Coincident with
this growth of religious tolerance among the English we find the Church of
England redoubling its efforts to hold the children of its adherents, by
the organization of parish schools and the creation of a vast system of
charitable religious schools. In German lands, too, a marked shifting of
emphasis away from solely religious ends and toward the needs of the
government began, toward the end of the eighteenth century, to be evident.
In Würtemberg, which was somewhat typical of late eighteenth-century
action by other German States, a Circular of the General Synod, of
November 1787, declares the German schools to be "those nurseries in which
should be taught the true and genuine idea of the duties of men--created
with a reasoning soul toward God, government, their fellow-men, and
themselves, and also at least the first rudiments of useful and
indispensable knowledge."

It was in the American Colonies, though, that the waning of the old
religious interest was most notable. Due to rude frontier conditions, the
decline in force of the old religious-town governments, the diversity of
sects, the rise of new trade and civil interests, and the breakdown of
old-home connections, the hold on the people of the old religious
doctrines was weakened there earlier than in the old world. By 1750 the
change in religious thinking in America had become quite marked. As a
consequence many of the earlier parochial schools had died out, while in
the New England Colonies the colonial governments had been forced to
exercise an increasing state oversight of the elementary school to keep it
from dying out there as well.

STUDIES AND TEXTBOOKS. The studies of the elementary vernacular school
remained, throughout the whole of the eighteenth century, much as before,
namely, reading, a little writing and ciphering, some spelling, religion,
and in Teutonic countries a little music. La Salle (R. 182) had
prescribed, for the Catholic vernacular schools of France, instruction in
French, some. Latin, "orthography, arithmetic, the matins and vespers, le
Pater, l'Ave Maria, le Credo et le Confiteor, the Commandments, responses,
Catechism, duties of a Christian, and maxims and precepts drawn from the
Testament." The Catechism was to be taught one half-hour daily. The
schoolbooks in England in Locke's day, as he tells us (p. 435), were "the
Horn Book, Primer, Psalter, Testament, and Bible." These indicate merely a
religious vernacular school. The purpose stated for the English Church
charity-schools (R. 238 b), schools that attained to large importance in
England and the American Colonies during the eighteenth century, shows
them to have been, similarly, religious vernacular schools. The _School
Regulations_ which Frederick the Great promulgated for Prussia (1763),
fixed the textbooks to be used (R. 274, § 20), and indicate that the
instruction in Prussia was still restricted to reading, writing, religion,
singing, and a little arithmetic. In colonial America, Noah Webster's
description (R. 230) of the schools he attended in Connecticut, about
1764-70, shows that the studies and textbooks were "chiefly or wholly
Dilworth's Spelling Books, the Psalter, Testament, and Bible," with a
little writing and ciphering. A few words of description of these older
books may prove useful here.

[Illustration: FIG. 130. A HORN BOOK]

THE HORN BOOK. The Horn Book goes back to the close of the fifteenth
century, [7] and by the end of the sixteenth century was in common use
throughout England. Somewhat similar alphabet boards, lacking the handle,
were also used in Holland, France, and in German lands. This, a thin oak
board on which was pasted a printed slip, covered by translucent horn, was
the book from which children learned their letters and began to read, the
mastery of which usually required some time. Cowper thus describes this
little book:

    Neatly secured from being soiled or torn
    Beneath a pane of thin translucent horn,
    A book (to please us at a tender age
    'T is called a book, though but a single page)
    Presents the prayer the Savior designed to teach,
    Which children use, and parsons--when they preach.

The Horn Book was much used well into the eighteenth century, but its
reading matter was in time incorporated into the school Primer, now
evolved out of an earlier elementary religious manual.

THE PRIMER. Originally the child next passed to the Catechism and the
Bible, but about the middle of the seventeenth century the Primer began to
be used. The Primer in its original form was a simple manual of devotion
for the laity, compiled without any thought of its use in the schools. It
contained the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and a few of
the more commonly used prayers and psalms. [8] The Catechism soon was
added, and with the prefixing of the alphabet and a few syllables and
words it was transformed, as schools arose, into the first reading book
for children. There was at first no attempt at grading, illustration, or
the introduction of easy reading material. About the close of the
seventeenth century the illustrated Primer, with some attempt at grading
and some additional subject-matter, made its appearance, both in England
and America, and at once leaped into great popularity.

The idea possibly goes back to the _Orbis Pictus_ (1654) of Comenius (p.
413: R. 221), the first illustrated schoolbook ever written. The first
English Primer adapted to school use was _The Protestant Tutor_, a rather
rabid anti-Catholic work which appeared in London, about 1685. A later
edition of this contained the alphabet, some syllables and words, the
figures and letters, the list of the books of the Bible, an alphabet of
lessons, the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, and a poem,
long famous, on the death of the martyr, John Rogers. [9] It was an
abridgement of this book which the same publisher brought out in Boston,
about 1690, under the name of _The New England Primer_ (R. 202). This at
once leaped into great popularity, and became the accepted reading book in
all the schools of the American Colonies except those under the Church of
England. For the next century and a quarter it was the chief school and
reading book in use among the Dissenters and Lutherans in America.
Schoolmasters drilled the children on the reading matter and the Catechism
it contained, and the people recited from it yearly in the churches. It
was also used for such spelling as was given. It was the first great
American textbook success, and was still in use in the Boston dame schools
as late as 1806. It was reprinted in England, and enjoyed a great sale
among Dissenters there. Its sales in America alone have been estimated at
least three million copies. The sale in Europe was also large. It was
followed in England by other Primers and other introductory reading books,
of which _The History of Genesis_ (1708), a series of simple stories
retold from the first book of the Bible, and _The Child's Weeks-Work_
(1712), containing proverbs, fables, conundrums, lessons on behavior, and
a short catechism, are types. Frederick the Great, in his list of required
textbooks for Prussian schools (R. 274, § 20), does not mention a Primer.

[Illustration: THE WESTMINSTER CATECHISM.
(A page from _The New England Primer_, natural size)]

THE CATECHISM. In all Protestant German lands the Shorter Catechism
prepared by Luther, or the later Heidelberg Catechism; in Calvinistic
lands the Catechism of Calvin; and in England and the American Colonies
the Westminster Catechism, [10] formed the backbone of the religious
instruction. Teachers drilled their pupils in these as thoroughly as on
any other subject, writing masters set as copies sentences from the book,
children were required to memorize the answers, and the doctrines
contained were emphasized by teacher and preacher so that the children
were saturated with the religious ideas set forth. No book except the
Bible did so much to form the character, and none so much to fix the
religious bias of the children. Almost equal importance was given to the
Catechism in Catholic lands (R. 182, §§ 21-22), though there supplemented
by more religious influences derived from the ceremonial of the Church.

[Illustration: FIG. 132. THOMAS DILWORTH (?-1780)
The most celebrated English textbook writer of his day.
(From the Frontispiece of his _Schoolmaster's Assistant_, 1740)]

SPELLERS. The next step forward, in the transition from the religious
Primer to secular reading matter for school children, came in the use of
the so-called Spellers. Probably the first of these was _The English
School-Master_ of Edmund Coote (R. 229), first issued in 1596. This gave
thirty-two pages to the alphabet and spelling; eighteen to a shorter
Catechism, prayers, and psalms; five to chronology; two to writing copies;
two to arithmetic; and twenty to a list of hard words, alphabetically
arranged and explained. As will be seen from this analysis of contents,
this was a schoolmaster's general manual and guide. After about 1740 such
books became very popular, due to the publication that year of Thomas
Dilworth's _A New Guide to the English Tongue_. This book contained, as
the title-page (R. 229) declared, selected lists of words with rules for
their pronunciation, a short treatise on grammar, a collection of fables
with illustrations for reading, some moral selections, and forms of prayer
for children. It became very popular in New as well as in old England, and
was followed by a long line of imitators, culminating in America in the
publication of Noah Webster's famous blue-backed _American Spelling Book_,
in 1783. This was after the plan of the English Dilworth, but was put in
better teaching form. It contained numerous graded lists of words, some
illustrations, a series of graded reading lessons, and was largely secular
in character. It at once superseded the expiring _New England Primer_ in
most of the American cities, and continued popular in the United States
for more than a hundred years. [11] It was the second great American
textbook success, and was followed by a long list of popular Spellers and
Readers, leading up to the excellent secular Readers of the present day.

[Illustration: FIG. 133. FRONTISPIECE TO NOAH WEBSTER'S "AMERICAN SPELLING
BOOK"
This is from the 1827 edition, reduced one third in size.]

ARITHMETIC AND WRITING. The first English Arithmetic, published about 1540
to 1542, has been entirely lost, and was probably read by few. The first
to attain any popularity was _Cocker's Arithmetic_ (1677), this "Being a
Plain and Familiar Method suitable to the meanest Capacity, for the
understanding of that incomparable. Art." A still more popular book was
_Arithmetick: or that Necessary Art Made Most Easie_, by J. Hodder,
Writing Master, a reprint of which appeared in Boston, in 1719. The first
book written by an American author was Isaac Greenwood's _Arithmetick,
Vulgar and Decimal_, which appeared in Boston, in 1729. In 1743 appeared
Dilworth's _The Schoolmaster's Assistant_, a book which retained its
popularity in both England and America until after the beginning of the
nineteenth century.

No text in Arithmetic is mentioned in the School Regulations of Frederick
the Great (R. 274, §20), or in scarcely any of the descriptions left us of
eighteenth-century schools. The study itself was common, but not
universal, and was one that many teachers were not competent to teach. To
possess a reputation as an "arithmeticker" was an important recommendation
for a teacher, while for a pupil to be able to do sums in arithmetic was
unusual, and a matter of much pride to parents. The subject was frequently
taught by the writing master, in a separate school, [12] while the reading
teacher confined himself to reading, spelling, and religion. Thus, for
example, following earlier English practice, the Town Meeting of Boston,
in 1789, ordered "three reading schools and three writing schools
established in the town" for the instruction of children between the ages
of seven and fourteen, the subjects to be taught in each being:

    The writing schools: Writing, Arithmetic

    The reading schools: Spelling, Accentuation, Reading of prose and
    verse, English grammar and composition

The teacher might or might not possess an arithmetic of his own, but the
instruction to the pupil was practically always dictated and copied
instruction. Each pupil made up his own book of rules and solved problems,
and few pupils ever saw a printed arithmetic. Many of the early
arithmetics were prepared after the catechism plan. There was almost no
attempt to use the subject for drill in reasoning or to give a concrete
type of instruction, before about the middle of the eighteenth century,
[13] and but little along such reform lines was accomplished until after
the beginning of the nineteenth century.

[Illustration: FIG. 134. TITLE-PAGE OF HODDER'S ARITHMETIC
An early reprint of this famous book appeared in Boston in 1719.]

Writing, similarly, was taught by dictation and practice, and the art of
the "scrivener," as the writing master was called, was one thought to be
difficult to learn. The lack of practical value of the art, the high cost
of paper, and the necessity usually for special lessons, all alike tended
to make writing a much less commonly known art than reading. Fees also
were frequently charged for instruction in writing and arithmetic;
reading, spelling, and religion being the only free subjects. The
scrivener and the arithmetic teacher also frequently moved about, as
business warranted, and was not fixed as was the teacher of the reading
school.

THE TEACHERS. The development of the vernacular school was retarded not
only by the dominance of the religious purpose of the school, but by the
poor quality of teachers found everywhere in the schools. The evolution of
the elementary-school teacher of to-day out of the church sexton, bell-
ringer, or grave-digger, [14] or out of the artisan, cripple, or old dame
who added school teaching to other employment in order to live, forms one
of the interesting as well as one of the yet-to-be-written chapters in the
history of the evolution of the elementary school.

Teachers in elementary schools everywhere in the eighteenth century were
few in number, poor in quality, and occupied but a lowly position in the
social scale. School dames in England (R. 235) and later in the American
Colonies, and on the continent of Europe teachers who were more sextons,
choristers, beadles, bell-ringers, grave-diggers, shoemakers, tailors,
barbers, pensioners, and invalids than teachers, too often formed the
teaching body for the elementary vernacular school (Rs. 231, 232, 233). In
Switzerland, the Netherlands, and some of the American Colonies, where
schools had become or were becoming local semi-civic affairs, the
standards which might be imposed for teaching also were low. The grant of
the tailoring monopoly to the elementary teachers of Prussia, [15] in
1738, and Krüsi's recollections of how he became a schoolmaster in
Switzerland, in 1793 (R. 234), were quite typical of the time. In Catholic
France, and in some German Catholic lands as well, teaching congregations
(p. 345), some of whose members had some rudimentary training for their
work, were in charge of the existing parish schools. These provided a
somewhat better type of teaching body than that frequently found in
Protestant lands, though by the latter part of the eighteenth century the
beginnings of teacher-training are to be seen in some of the German
States. The Church of England, too, had by this time organized strong
Societies [16] for the preparation of teachers for Church-of-England
schools, both at home and abroad. In Dutch, German, and Scandinavian
lands, and in colonies founded by these people in America, the parish
school, closely tied up with and dependent upon the parish church, was the
prevailing type of vernacular school, and in this the teacher was regarded
as essentially an assistant to the pastor (R. 236) and the school as a
dependency of the Church.

[FIG. 135. A "CHRISTIAN BROTHERS" SCHOOL
La Salle teaching at Grenoble. Note the adult type of dress of the boys.]

In England, in addition to regular parish schools and endowed elementary
schools, three peculiar institutions, known as the Dame School, the
religious charity-school, and the private-adventure or "hedge school" had
grown up, and the first two of these had reached a marked development by
the middle of the eighteenth century. Because these were so characteristic
of early English educational effort, and also played such an important
part in the American Colonies as well, they merit a few words of
description at this point.

THE DAME SCHOOL. The Dame School arose in England after the Reformation.
By means of it the increasing desire for a rudimentary knowledge of the
art of reading could be satisfied, and at the same time certain women
could earn a pittance. This type of school was carried early to the
American Colonies, and out of it was in time evolved, in New England, the
American elementary school. The Dame School was a very elementary school,
kept in a kitchen or living-room by some woman who, in her youth, had
obtained the rudiments of an education, and who now desired to earn a
small stipend for herself by imparting to the children of her neighborhood
her small store of learning. For a few pennies a week the dame took the
children into her home and explained to them the mysteries connected with
learning the beginnings of reading and spelling. Occasionally a little
writing and counting also were taught, though not often in England. In the
American Colonies the practical situations of a new country forced the
employment as teachers of women who could teach all three subjects, thus
early creating the American school of the so-called "3 Rs"--"Reading,
Riting, Rithmetic." The Dame School appears so frequently in English
literature, both poetry and prose, that it must have played a very
important part in the beginnings of elementary education in England. Of
this school Shenstone (1714-63) writes (R. 235):

  In every village marked with little spire,
  Embowered in trees, and hardly known to fame,
  There dwells, in lowly shed and mean attire,
  A matron old, whom we schoolmistress name,
  Who boasts unruly brats with birch to tame.

[Illustration: FIG. 136. AN ENGLISH DAME SCHOOL
(From a drawing of a school in the heart of London, after Barclay)]

The Reverend George Crabbe (1754-1832), another poet of homely life,
writes (R. 235) of a deaf, poor, patient widow who sits

  And awes some thirty infants as she knits;
  Infants of humble, busy wives who pay,
  Some trifling price for freedom through the day.

This school flourished greatly in America during the eighteenth century,
but with the coming of Infant Schools, early in the nineteenth, was merged
into these to form the American Primary School.

[Illustration: FIG. 137. GRAVEL LANE CHARITY-SCHOOL, SOUTHWARK
Founded in 1687, and one of the earliest of the Non-Conformist English
charity-schools. Still carrying on its work in the original schoolroom at
the time this picture appeared, in _Londina Illustrata_ in 1819.]

THE RELIGIOUS CHARITY-SCHOOL. Another thoroughly characteristic English
institution was the church charity-school. The first of these was founded
in Whitechapel, London, in 1680. In 1699, when the School of Saint Anne,
Soho (R. 237), was founded by "Five Earnest Laymen for the Poore Boys of
the Parish," it was the sixth of its kind in England. In 1699 the "Society
for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge" (S.P.C.K.) was founded for the
purpose, among other things, of establishing catechetical schools for the
education of the children of the poor in the principles of the Established
Church (R. 238 b). In 1701 the "Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
in Foreign Parts" (S.P.G.) was also founded to extend the work of the
Anglican Church abroad, supply schoolmasters and ministers, and establish
schools, to train children to read, write, know and understand the
Catechism, and fit into the teachings and worship of the Church. To
develop piety and help the poor to lead industrious, upright, self-
respecting lives, "to make them loyal Church members, and to fit them for
work in that station of life in which it had pleased their Heavenly Father
to place them," were the principal objects of the Society.

All were taught reading, spelling, and the Catechism, and instruction in
writing and arithmetic might be added. The training might also be coupled
with that of the "schools of industry" (workhouse schools, as described by
Locke [R. 217]) to augment the economic efficiency of the boy. Girls seem
to have been provided for almost equally with boys, and, in addition to
being taught to read and spell, were taught "to knit their Stockings and
Gloves, to Mark, Sew, and make and mend their Cloathes." Both boys and
girls were usually provided with books and clothing, [17] a regular
uniform being worn by the boys and girls of each school.

[Illustration: FIG. 138. A CHARITY-SCHOOL GIRL IN UNIFORM
Saint Anne's, Soho, England]

The chief motive in the establishment of these schools, though, was to
decrease the "Prophaness and Debauchery ... owing to a gross Ignorance of
the Christian Religion" (R. 237) and to educate "Poor Children in the
Rules and Principles of the Christian Religion as professed and taught in
the Church of England." Writing, in 1742, Reverend Griffith Jones, an
organizer for the S.P.C.K. in Wales, said:

    It is but a cheap education that we would desire for them [the poor],
    only the moral and religious branches of it, which indeed is the most
    necessary and indispensable part. The sole design of this charity is
    to inculcate upon such ... as can be prevailed upon to learn, the
    knowledge and practice, the principles and duties of the Christian
    religion; and to make them good people, useful members of society,
    faithful servants of God, and men and heirs of eternal life.

These schools multiplied rapidly and soon became regular institutions, as
the following table, showing the growth of the S.P.C.K. schools in London
alone, shows:

    Year  Schools  Boys  Girls  Total
    1699      0       0     0       0
    1704     54    1386   745    2131
    1709     88    2181  1221    3402
    1714    117    3077  1741    4818

In England and Ireland combined the Society had, by 1714, a total of 1073
schools, with 19,453 pupils enrolled, and by 1729 the number had increased
to 1658, with approximately 34,000 pupils. From England the charity-school
idea was early carried to the Anglican Colonies in America and became a
fixed institution in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and
somewhat in the Colonies farther south. In the Pennsylvania constitution
of 1790 we find the following directions for the establishment of a state
charity-school system to supplement the parish schools of the churches:

    Sec. I. The legislature shall, as soon as conveniently may be,
    provide, by law, for the establishment of schools throughout the
    State, in such manner that the poor may be taught _gratis_.

[Illustration: FIG. 130. A CHARITY-SCHOOL BOY IN UNIFORM
Saint Anne's, Soho, England]

The first Pennsylvania school law of 1802 carried this direction into
effect by providing for pauper schools in the counties, a condition that
was not done away with until 1834. In New Jersey the system lasted until
1838.

THE PRIVATE-ADVENTURE, OR "HEDGE," SCHOOL. This was a school analogous to
the Dame School, but was kept by a man instead of a woman, and usually at
his home or shop. Plate 15, showing a shoe cobbler teaching, represents
one type of such schools. The term "hedge schools" arose in Ireland, where
teaching was forbidden the Catholics, and secret schools arose in which
priests and others taught what was possible. Of these McCarthy writes:
[18]

    On the highways and on the hillsides, in ditches and behind hedges, in
    the precarious shelter of the ruined walls of some ancient abbey, or
    under the roof of a peasant's cabin, the priests set up schools and
    taught the children of their race.

The term soon came to be applied to any kind of a poor school, taught in
an irregular manner or place. Similar irregular schools, under equivalent
names, also were found in German lands, [19] the Netherlands, and in
France, while in the American Colonies "indentured white servants" were
frequently let out as schoolmasters. The following advertisement of a
teacher for sale is typical of private-adventure elementary school-keeping
during the colonial period.

[Illustration: FIG. 140. ADVERTISEMENT FOR A TEACHER TO LET
(From the _American Weekly Mercury_ of Philadephia, 1735)]

These schools were taught by itinerant school-keepers, artisans, and
tutors of the poorer type, but offered the beginnings of elementary
education to many a child who otherwise would never have been able to
learn to read. In the early eighteenth century these schools attained a
remarkable development in England.

A new influence of tremendous future importance--general reading--was now
coming in; the vernacular was fast supplanting Latin; newspapers were
being started; little books or pamphlets (tracts) containing general
information were being sold; books for children and beginners were being
written; the popular novel and story had appeared; [20] and all these
educative forces were creating a new and a somewhat general desire for a
knowledge of the art of reading. This in turn caused a new demand for
schools to teach the long-locked-up art, and this demand was capitalized
to the profit of many types of people.

THE APPRENTICING OF ORPHANS AND CHILDREN OF THE POOR. The compulsory
apprenticing of the children of the poor, as we have seen (p. 326), was an
old English institution, and workhouse training, or the so-called "schools
of industry" became, by the eighteenth century, a prominent feature of the
English care of the poor. These represented the only form of education
supported by taxation, and the only form of education to which Parliament
gave any attention during the whole of the eighteenth century. This type
of institution also was carried to the Anglican Colonies in America, as we
have seen in the documents for Virginia (R. 200 a), and became an
established institution in America as well.

The apprenticing of boys to a trade, a still older institution, was also
much used as a means for training youths for a life in the trades, not
only in England and the American Colonies, but throughout all European
lands as well. The conditions surrounding the apprenticing of a boy had by
the eighteenth century become quite fixed. The "Indenture of
Apprenticeship" was drawn up by a lawyer, and by it the master was
carefully bound to clothe and feed the boy, train him properly in his
trade, look after his morals, and start him in life at the end of his
apprenticeship. This is well shown in the many records which have been
preserved, both in England (R. 242) and the American Colonies (R. 201).
For many boys this type of education was the best possible at the time,
and worthily started the possessor in the work of his trade.

In the eighteenth century different English church parishes began to set
up workhouse schools of various types, and to maintain these out of parish
"rates." The one established in Bishopsgate Street, London, in 1701, is
typical. This cared for about 375 children and in it, by 1720, there had
been educated and placed forth 1420 children, and in addition 123 had
died. Of this school it is recorded that poor children

    "being taken into the said Workhouse are there taught to Read and
    Write, and kept to Work until they are qualified to be put out to be
    Apprentices, and for the Sea Service, or otherwise disposed; ... The
    Habit of the Children is all the same, being made of Russit Cloth, and
    a round Badge worn upon their Breast, representing a poor Boy, and
    a Sheep; the Motto: '_God's Providence is our Inheritance_.'" ...
    In this workhouse children were "taught to spin Wool and Flax, to Sow
    and Knit, to make their own Cloaths, Shoes, and Stockings, and the
    like Employments; to inure them betimes to labour. They are also
    taught to read, and such as are capable, to write and cast Accounts;
    and also the Catechism, to ground them in Principles of Religion and
    Honesty." [21]

The school established by Saint John's parish, Southwark, London, in 1735,
and designed to train and "put out" girls for domestic service (R. 241),
and which cared for, clothed, and trained forty girls, is also typical of
these parish schools "for the children of the industrious poor."

METHODS OF INSTRUCTION. Throughout the eighteenth century the method of
instruction commonly employed in the vernacular schools was what was known
as the individual method. This was wasteful of both time and effort, and
unpedagogical to a high degree (R. 244). Everywhere the teacher was
engaged chiefly in hearing recitations, testing memory, and keeping order.
The pupils came to the master's desk, one by one (see Figures 98, 99), and
recited what they had memorized. Aside from imposing discipline, teaching
was an easy task. The pupils learned the assigned lessons and recited what
they had learned. Such a thing as methodology--technique of instruction--
was unknown. The dominance of the religious motive, too, precluded any
liberal attitude in school instruction, the individual method was time-
consuming, school buildings often were lacking, and in general there was
an almost complete lack of any teaching equipment, books, or supplies.
Viewed from any modern standpoint the schools of the eighteenth century
attained to but a low degree of efficiency (R. 244). The school hours were
long, the schoolmaster's residence or place of work or business was
commonly used as a schoolroom, and such regular schoolrooms as did exist
were dirty and noisy and but poorly suited to school purposes. Schools
everywhere, too, were ungraded, the school of one teacher being like that
of any other teacher of that class.

So wasteful of time and effort was the individual method of instruction
that children might attend school for years and get only a mere start in
reading and writing. Paulsen, [22] writing of schools in German lands at
an even later date, says that even in the better type of vernacular
schools

    many children never achieved anything beyond a little reading and
    knowing a few things by heart.... The instruction in reading was never
    anything else but a torture, protracted through years, from saying the
    alphabet and formation of syllables to the deciphering of complete
    words, without any real success in the end, while writing was nothing
    but a wearisome tracing of the letters, the net result of all the toil
    being the gabbling of the Catechism and a few Bible texts and hymns,
    learned over and over again.

The imparting of information by the teacher to a class, or a class
discussion of a topic, were almost unknown. Hearing lessons, assigning new
tasks, setting copies, making quill pens, dictating sums, and imposing
order completely absorbed the time and the attention of the teacher.

SCHOOL DISCIPLINE. The discipline everywhere was severe. "A boy has a
back; when you hit it he understands," was a favorite pedagogical maxim of
the time. Whipping-posts were sometimes set up in the schoolroom, and
practically all pictures of the schoolmasters of the time show a bundle of
switches near at hand. Boys in the Latin grammar schools were flogged for
petty offenses (R. 245). The ability to impose order on a poorly taught
and, in consequence, an unruly school was always an important requisite of
the schoolmaster. A Swabian schoolmaster, Häuberle by name, with
characteristic Teutonic attention to details, has left on record [23]
that, in the course of his fifty-one years and seven months as a teacher
he had, by a moderate computation, given 911,527 blows with a cane,
124,010 blows with a rod, 20,989 blows and raps with a ruler, 136,715
blows with the hand, 10,235 blows over the mouth, 7,905 boxes on the ear,
1,115,800 raps on the head, and 22,763 _notabenes_ with the Bible,
Catechism, singing book, and grammar. He had 777 times made boys kneel on
peas, 613 times on a triangular piece of wood, had made 3001 wear the
jackass, and 1707 hold the rod up, not to mention various more unusual
punishments he had contrived on the spur of the occasion. Of the blows
with the cane, 800,000 were for Latin words; of the rod 76,000 were for
texts from the Bible or verses from the singing book. He also had about
3000 expressions to scold with, two thirds of which were native to the
German tongue and the remainder his invention.

[Illustration: FIG. 141. A SCHOOL WHIPPING-POST
Drawn from a picture of a five-foot whipping-post which once stood in the
floor of a school-house at Sunderland, Massachusetts. Now in the Deerfield
Museum.]

[Illustration: FIG. 142. AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY GERMAN SCHOOL
Reproduction of an engraving by J. Mettenleiter, now in the
Kupferstichkabinet, Munich, and printed in Joh. Ferd. Schlez's.
_Dorfschulen zu Langenhausen_. Nuremberg, 1795.]

Another illustration of German school discipline, of many that might be
cited, was the reform work of Johann Ernest Christian Haun, who was
appointed, in 1783, as inspector of schools in the once famous Gotha (p.
317). Due to warfare and neglect the schools there had fallen into
disrepute. Haun drove the incapable teachers from the work, and for a time
restored the schools to something of their earlier importance. Among other
reforms it is recorded that he forbade teachers to put irons around the
boys' necks, to cover them with mud, to make them kneel on peas, or to
brutally beat them. Diesterweg (R. 244) describes similar punishments as
characteristic of eighteenth-century German schools. The eighteenth-
century German schoolmaster shown in Fig. 142 was probably a good sample
of his class.

Pedagogical writers of the time uniformly complain of the severe
discipline of the schools, and the literature of the period abounds in
allusions to the prevailing harshness of the school discipline. A few
writers condemn, but most approve heartily of the use of the rod. "Spare
the rod and spoil the child" had for long been a well-grounded pedagogical
doctrine. Among many literary extracts that might be cited illustrating
this belief, the following poem by the English poet Crabbe (1754-1832) is
interesting. He puts the following words into the mouth of his early
schoolmaster:

  Students like horses on the road,
  Must be well lashed before they take the load;
  They may be willing for a time to run,
  But you must whip them ere the work be done;
  To tell a boy, that if he will improve,
  His friends will praise him, and his parents love,
  Is doing nothing--he has not a doubt
  But they will love him, nay, applaud without;
  Let no fond sire a boy's ambition trust,
  To make him study, let him learn he must.

CONDITIONS SURROUNDING CHILDHOOD. It is difficult for us of today to re-
create in imagination the pitiful life-conditions which surrounded
children a century and a half ago. Often the lot of the children of the
poor, who then constituted the great bulk of all children, was little less
than slavery. Wretchedly poor, dirty, unkempt, hard-worked, beaten about,
knowing strong drink early, illiterate, often vicious--their lot was a sad
one. For the children of the poor there were few, if any, educational
opportunities. Writing on the subject David Salmon says: [24]

    The imagination of the twentieth century cannot fathom the poverty of
    the eighteenth. The great development of mines and manufactures, which
    has brought ease and independence within the reach of industrious
    labour everywhere, had hardly begun; employment was so scarce and
    intermittent, and wages were so low, that the working classes lived in
    hovels, dressed in rags, and were familiar with the pangs of hunger;
    while those who were forced to look to the rates for hovels, rags, and
    food sufficient to maintain a miserable life numbered a sixth of the
    whole population.

In the towns children were apprenticed out early in life, and for long
hours of daily labor. Child welfare was almost entirely neglected,
children were cuffed about and beaten at their work, juvenile delinquency
was a common condition, child mortality was heavy, and ignorance was the
rule. Schools generally were pay institutions or a charity, and not a
birthright, and usually existed only for the middle and lower-middle
classes in the population who were attendants at the churches and could
afford to pay a little for the schooling given. Reading and religion were
usually the only free subjects. Only in the New England Colonies, where
the beginnings of town and colony school systems were evident, and in a
few of the German States where state control was beginning to be
exercised, was a better condition to be found.

[Illustration: FIG. 143. CHILDREN AS MINIATURE ADULTS
Children leaving school, from an eighteenth-century drawing by Saint
Aubin.]

Among the middle and upper social classes, particularly on the continent
of Europe, a stiff artificiality everywhere prevailed. Children were
dressed and treated as miniature adults, the normal activities of
childhood were suppressed, and the natural interests and emotions of
children found little opportunity for expression. Wearing powdered and
braided hair, long gold-braided coats, embroidered waistcoats, cockaded
hats, and swords, boys were treated more as adults than as children.
Girls, too, with their long dresses, hoops, powdered hair, rouged faces,
and demure manner, were trained in a, for children, most unnatural manner.
[25]

The dancing master for their manners and graces, and the religious
instructor to develop in them the ability to read and to go through a
largely meaningless ceremonial, were the chief guides for the period of
their childhood.

SCHOOL SUPPORT. No uniform plan, in any country, had as yet been evolved
for even the meager support which the schools of the time received. The
Latin grammar schools were in nearly all cases supported by the income
from old "foundations" and from students' fees, with here and there some
state aid. The new elementary vernacular schools, though, had had assigned
to them few old foundations upon which to draw for maintenance, and in
consequence support for elementary schools had to be built up from new
sources, and this required time.

In England the Act of Conformity of 1662 (R. 166), it will be remembered
(p. 324), had laid a heavy hand on the schools by driving all Dissenters
from positions in them, and the Five Mile Act of 1665 had borne even more
severely on the teachers in the schools of the Dissenters. Fortunately for
elementary education in England, however, the English courts, in 1670, had
decided in a test case that the teacher in an elementary school could not
be deprived of his position by failure of the bishop to license him, if he
were a nominee of the founder or the lay patron of the school. The result
of this decision was that, between 1660 and 1730, 905 endowed elementary
schools were founded in England, and 72 others previously founded had
their endowments increased. The number continued to increase throughout
the eighteenth century, and by 1842 had reached a total of 2194. These new
foundations probably gave the best schooling of the time, and tended to
stir the Established Church to action. Accordingly we find that during the
eighteenth century the vestries of the different church parishes began the
creation of parish elementary schools for the children of the poor of the
parish, supporting a teacher for them out of the parish rates, and without
specific legal authorization to do so. These new parish schools also
contributed somewhat to the provision of elementary education, and mark
the beginning of the church "voluntary schools" which were such a
characteristic feature of nineteenth-century English education. We thus
have, in England, endowed elementary schools, parish schools, dame
schools, private-adventure schools of many types, and charity-schools, all
existing side by side, and drawing such support as they could from
endowment funds, parish rates, church tithes, subscriptions, and tuition
fees. The support of schools by subscription lists (R. 240) was a very
common proceeding. Education in England, more than in any other Protestant
land, early came to be regarded as a benevolence which the State was under
no obligation to support. Only workhouse schools were provided for by the
general taxation of all property.

In the Netherlands and in German lands church funds, town funds, and
tuition fees were the chief means of support, though here and there some
prince had provided for something approaching state support for the
schools of his little principality. Frederick the Great had ordered
schools established generally (1763) and had decreed the compulsory
attendance of children (R. 274), but he had depended largely on church
funds and tuition fees (§7) for maintenance, with a proviso that the
tuition of poor and orphaned children should be paid from "any funds of
the church or town, that the schoolmaster may get his income" (§8). In
Scotland the church parish school was the prevailing type. In France the
religious societies (p. 345) provided nearly all the elementary vernacular
religious education that was obtainable.

In the Dutch Provinces, in the New England Colonies, and in some of the
minor German States, we find the clearest examples of the beginnings of
state control and maintenance of elementary schools--something destined to
grow rapidly and in the nineteenth century take over the school from the
Church and maintain it as a function of the State. The Prussian kings
early made grants of land and money for endowment funds and support, and
state aid was ordered granted by Maria Theresa for Austria (R. 274 a), in
1774. In the New England Colonies the separation of the school from the
Church, and the beginnings of state support and control of education,
found perhaps their earliest and clearest exemplification. In the other
Colonies the lottery was much used (R. 246) to raise funds for schools,
while church tithes, subscription lists, and school societies after the
English pattern also helped in many places to start and support a school
or schools.

Only by some such means was it possible in the eighteenth century that the
children of the poor could ever enjoy any opportunities for education. The
parents of the poor children, themselves uneducated, could hardly be
expected to provide what they had never come to appreciate themselves. On
the other hand, few of the well-to-do classes felt under any obligation to
provide education for children not their own. There was as yet no
realization that the diffusion of education contributed to the welfare of
the State, or that the ignorance of the masses might be in any way a
public peril. This attitude is well shown for England by the fact that not
a single law relating to the education of the people, aside from workhouse
schools, was enacted by Parliament during the whole of the eighteenth
century. The same was true of France until the coming of the Revolution.
It is to a few of the German States and to the American Colonies that we
must turn for the beginnings of legislation directing school support. This
we shall describe more in detail in later chapters.

THE LATIN SECONDARY SCHOOL. The great progress made in education during
the eighteenth century, nevertheless, was in elementary education.
Concerning the secondary schools and the universities there is little to
add to what has previously been said. During this century the secondary
school, outside of German lands, remained largely stationary. Having
become formal and lifeless in its teaching (p. 283), and in England and
France crushed by religious-uniformity legislation, the Latin grammar
school of England and the surviving colleges in France practically ceased
to exert any influence on the national life. The Jesuit schools, which
once had afforded the best secondary education in Europe, had so declined
in usefulness everywhere that they were about to be driven from all lands.
The Act of Conformity of 1662 (R. 166) had dealt the grammar schools of
England a heavy blow, and the eighteenth century found them in a most
wretched condition, with few scholars, and their endowments shamefully
abused. The Law of 1662, says Montmorency, "involved such a peering into
the lives of schoolmasters, such a course of inquisitorial folly, that the
position became intolerable. Men would not become schoolmasters....
Education had no meaning when none but political and religious hypocrites
were allowed to teach.... National education was destroyed." and the
grammar schools of England were "practically withdrawn during more than
two centuries (1662-1870) from the national life." [26]

In German lands the old Latin schools continued largely unchanged until
near the middle of the eighteenth century, with Latin, taught as it had
been for a century or more, as the chief subject of study. Shortly after
the coming of Frederick the Great to the throne (1740) the Latin schools
of Prussia, and after them the Latin schools in other German States, were
reorganized and given a new life. The influence of Francke's school at
Halle (p. 418), and the new types of teaching developed there and by his
followers elsewhere, began to be felt. German, French, and mathematics
were given recognition, and some science work was here and there
introduced. Above all, though, Greek now attained to the place of first
importance in the reorganized Latin schools.

It was not until after 1740 that the German people awakened to the
possibility of an independent national life. Then, under the new impulse
toward nationality, French influence and manners were thrown off, German
literature attained its Golden Age, the _Ritterakademieen_ (p. 405) were
discarded, and a number of the German Principalities and States revised
their school regulations and erected, out of the old Latin schools, a
series of humanistic _gymnasia_ in which the study of Greek life and
culture occupied the foremost place. New methods in classical study were
thought out and applied, and a new pedagogical purpose--culture and
discipline--was given to the regenerated Latin schools. A new Renaissance,
in a way, took place in German lands, [27] and a knowledge of Greek was
proclaimed by German university and gymnasial teachers as indispensable to
a liberal education with an earnestness of conviction not exceeded by
Battista Guarino (p. 268) four centuries before. To know Greek and to have
some familiarity with Greek literature and history now came to be regarded
as necessary to the highest culture, [28] and a pedagogical theory for
such study was erected, based on the discipline of the mind, [29] which
dominated the German classical school throughout the entire nineteenth
century. It was in the eighteenth century also that the German States
began the development of the scientific secondary school (_Realschule_),
see p. 420, as described in a preceding chapter.

[Illustration: FIG. 144. A PENNSYLVANIA ACADEMY
York Academy, York, Pennsylvania, founded by the Protestant Episcopal
Church, in 1787.]

RISE OF THE ACADEMY IN AMERICA.  As we have seen (p. 361), the English
Latin grammar school was early (1635) carried to New England, and set up
there and elsewhere in the Colonies, but after the close of the
seventeenth century its continued maintenance was something of a struggle.
Particularly in the central and southern colonies, where commercial
demands early made themselves felt, the tendency was to teach more
practical subjects. This tendency led to the evolution, about the middle
of the eighteenth century, of the distinctively American Academy, with a
more practical curriculum, and by the close of the century it was rapidly
superseding the older Latin grammar school. Franklin's Academy at
Philadelphia, which began instruction in 1751, and which later evolved
into the University of Pennsylvania, was probably the first American
Academy. The first in Massachusetts was founded in 1761, and by 1800 there
were seventeen in Massachusetts alone. The great period of academy
development was the first half of the nineteenth century. The Phillips
Academy, at Andover, Massachusetts, founded in 1788, reveals clearly the
newer purpose of these American secondary schools. The foundation grant of
this school gives the purpose to be:

    to lay the foundation of a public free school or ACADEMY for the
    purposes of instructing Youth, not only in English and Latin Grammar,
    Writing, Arithmetic, and those Sciences wherein they are commonly
    taught; but more especially to learn them the GREAT END AND REAL
    BUSINESS OF LIVING ... it is again declared that the _first_ and
    _principle_ object of this Institution is the promotion of TRUE
    PIETY and VIRTUE; the _second_, instruction in the English,
    Latin, and Greek Languages, together with Writing, Arithmetic, Music,
    and the Art of Speaking; the _third_, practical Geometry,
    Logic, and Geography; and the _fourth_, such other liberal Arts
    and Sciences or Languages, as opportunity and ability may hereafter
    admit, and as the TRUSTEES shall direct.

Though still deeply religious, these new schools usually were free from
denominationalism. Though retaining the study of Latin, they made most of
new subjects of more practical value. A study of real things rather than
words about things, and a new emphasis on native English and on science
were prominent features of their work. They were also usually open to
girls, as well as boys,--an innovation in secondary education before
almost wholly unknown. Many were organized later for girls only. These
institutions were the precursors of the American public high school,
itself a type of the most democratic institution for secondary education
the world has ever known.

THE UNIVERSITIES. The condition of the universities by the middle of the
eighteenth century we traced in the preceding chapter. They had lost their
earlier importance as institutions of learning, but in a few places the
sciences were slowly gaining a foothold, and in German lands we noted the
appearance of the first two modern universities--institutions destined
deeply to influence subsequent university development, as we shall point
out in a later chapter.

END OF THE TRANSITION PERIOD. We have now reached, in our study of the
history of educational progress, the end of the transition period which
marked the change in thinking from mediaeval to modern attitudes. The
period was ushered in with the beginnings of the Revival of Learning in
Italy in the fourteenth century, and it may fittingly close about the
middle of the eighteenth.

We now stand on the threshold of a new era in world history. The same
questioning spirit that animated the scholars of the Revival of Learning,
now full-grown and become bold and self-confident, is about to be applied
to affairs of politics and government, and we are soon to see absolutism
and mediaeval attitudes in both Church and State questioned and
overthrown. New political theories are to be advanced, and the divine
right of the people is to be asserted and established in England, the
American Colonies, and in France, and ultimately, early in the twentieth
century, we are to witness the final overthrow of the divine-right-of-
kings idea and a world-wide sweep of the democratic spirit. A new human
and political theory as to education is to be evolved; the school is to be
taken over from the Church, vastly expanded in scope, and made a
constructive instrument of the State; and the wonderful nineteenth century
is to witness a degree of human, scientific, political, and educational
progress not seen before in all the days from the time of the Crusades to
the opening of the nineteenth century. It is to this wonderful new era in
world history that we now turn.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Contrast a religious elementary school, with the Catechism as its chief
textbook, with a modern public elementary school.

2. Contrast the elementary schools of Mulcaster and Comenius.

3. To what extent did the religious teachings of the time support Locke's
ideas as to the disciplinary conception of education?

4. Do we to-day place as much emphasis on habit formation as did Locke? On
character? On good breeding?

5. State some of the reasons for the noticeable weakening of the hold of
the old religious theory as to education, in Protestant lands, by the
middle of the eighteenth century.

6. How do you explain the slow evolution of the elementary teacher into a
position of some importance? Is the evolution still in process?
Illustrate.

7. What were the motives behind the organization of the religious charity-
schools?

8. Show how tax-supported workhouse schools represented, for England, the
first step in public-school maintenance.

9. Show that teaching under the individual method of instruction was
school keeping, rather than school teaching.

10. How do you explain the general prevalence of harsh discipline well
into the nineteenth century?

11. Did any other country have, in the eighteenth century, so mixed a type
of elementary education as did England? Why was it so badly mixed there?

12. Show how the English Act of Conformity, of 1662, stifled the English
Latin grammar schools.

13. What reasons were there for the development of the more practical
Academy in America, rather than in England?

14. Compare the American Academy with the German _Realschule_.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections,
illustrative of the contents of this chapter, are reproduced:

  226. Mulcaster: Table of Contents of his _Positions_.
  227. Locke: On the Teaching of Latin.
  228. Locke: On the Bible as a Reading Book.
  229. Coote-Dilworth: Two early "Spelling Books."
  230. Webster: Description of Pre-Revolutionary Schools.
  231. Raumer: Teachers in Gotha in 1741.
  232. Raumer: An 18th Century Swedish People's School.
  233. Raumer: Schools of Frankfurt-am-Main during the Eighteenth Century.
  234. Krüsi: A Swiss Teacher's Examination in 1793.
  235. Crabbe; White; Shenstone: The English Dame School described.
  236. Newburgh: A Parochial-School Teacher's Agreement.
  237. Saint Anne: Beginnings of an English Charity School.
  238. Regulations: Charity-School Organization and Instruction.
       (a) Qualifications for the Master.
       (b) Purpose and Instruction.
  239. Allen and McClure: Textbooks used in English Charity-Schools.
  240. England: A Charity-School Subscription Form.
  241. Southwark: The Charity-School of Saint John's Parish.
  242. Gorsham: An Eighteenth-Century Indenture of Apprenticeship.
  243. Indenture: Learning the Trade of a Schoolmaster.
  244. Diesterweg: The Schools of Germany before Pestalozzi.
  245. England: Free School Rules, 1734.
  246. Murray: A New Jersey School Lottery.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. State the main points in Mulcaster's scheme (226) for education.

2. Characterize Locke's criticism (227) on the teaching of Latin.

3. State Locke's ideas as to the use of the Bible (228).

4. Characterize the nature and contents of the so-called "Spellers" by
Coote and Dilworth (229).

5. Compare the Connecticut common school, as described by Webster (230),
with an English charity-school (238 b), or a Swedish popular school (232)
of the time.

6. Just what state of vernacular education in Teutonic lands is indicated
by the three selections (231, 232, 233)?

7. Compare the proprietary right of the teachers at Frankfort (233) with
the right of control claimed over song schools by the Precentor of a
mediaeval cathedral (83).

8. Do such conditions as Krüsi describes (234) exist anywhere to day?

9. Characterize the Dame School of England, as to instruction and control,
from the descriptions given in the selections (235) reproduced.

10. State the relationship of teacher and minister at Newburgh (236), and
indicate the nature and probable extent of his income.

11. State the purpose of the founders of Saint Anne of Soho (237), and
characterize the type of school they created.

12. What does the qualification for a charity-school teacher (238 a)
indicate as to the nature of the teacher's calling in such schools?
Outline the instruction (238 b) in such a school.

13. What instruction did the textbooks as printed (239) provide for?

14. Show the voluntary and benevolent character of the charity-school by
comparing the subscription form (240) with some voluntary subscription
form used to day.

15. How did the school in Saint John's parish (241) differ from
apprenticeship training?

16. What changes do you note between the mediaeval Indenture of
Apprenticeship (99) and the eighteenth-century English form (242)?

17. Compare Readings 201 and 242 on apprenticeship.

18. Compare conditions described in 244 with 231-233.

19. What do the Free School Rules of 1734 (245) indicate as to duties and
discipline?

20. What does the use of the lottery for school support (246) indicate as
to the conception and scope of education at the time?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Allen, W. O. B., and McClure, E. _Two Hundred Years; History of the
    S.P.C.K., 1698-1808_.
  Barnard, Henry. _English Pedagogy_, Part II, The Teacher in English
    Literature.
* Birchenough, C. _History of Elementary Education in England and
    Wales_.
  Brown, E. E. _The Making of our Middle Schools_.
  Cardwell, J. F. _The Story of a Charity School_.
  Davidson, Thos. _Rousseau_.
* Earle, Alice M. _Child Life in Colonial Days_.
  Field, Mrs. E. M. _The Child and his Book_.
  Ford, Paul L. _The New England Primer_.
  Godfrey, Elizabeth. _English Children in the Olden Time_.
* Johnson, Clifton. _Old Time Schools and School Books_.
* Kemp, W. W. _The Support of Schools in Colonial New York by the
    Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_.
  Kilpatrick, Wm. H. _Dutch Schools of New Netherlands and Colonial New
    York_.
  Locke, John. _Some Thoughts Concerning Education_ (1693).
* Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _Progress of Education in England_.
  Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _State Intervention in English
    Education_.
  Mulcaster, Richard. _Positions_. (London, 1581.)
* Paulsen, Friedrich. _German Education, Past and Present_.
* Salmon, David. "The Education of the Poor in the Eighteenth Century";
    reprinted from the _Educational Record_. (London, 1908.)
* Scott, J. F. _Historic Essays on Apprenticeship and Vocational
    Education_. (Ann Arbor, 1914.)




PART IV

MODERN TIMES

THE ABOLITION OF PRIVILEGE
THE RISE OF DEMOCRACY
A NEW THEORY FOR EDUCATION EVOLVED
THE STATE TAKES OVER THE SCHOOL




CHAPTER XIX

THE EIGHTEENTH A TRANSITION CENTURY


THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY A TURNING-POINT. The eighteenth century, in human
thinking and progress, marks for most western nations the end of
mediaevalism and the ushering-in of modern forms of intellectual liberty.
The indifference to the old religious problems, which was clearly manifest
in all countries at the beginning of the century, steadily grew and
culminated in a revolt against ecclesiastical control over human affairs.
This change in attitude toward the old problems permitted the rise of new
types of intellectual inquiry, a rapid development of scientific thinking
and discovery, the growth of a consciousness of national problems and
national welfare, and the bringing to the front of secular interests to a
degree practically unknown since the days of ancient Rome. In a sense the
general rise of these new interests in the eighteenth century was but a
culmination of a long series of movements looking toward greater
intellectual freedom and needed human progress which had been under way
since the days when _studia generalia_ and guilds first arose in western
Europe. The rise of the universities in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries, the Revival of Learning in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, the Protestant Revolts in the sixteenth, the rise of modern
scientific inquiry in the sixteenth and seventeenth, and Puritanism in
England and Pietism in Germany in the seventeenth, had all been in the
nature of protests against the mediaeval tendency to confine and limit and
enslave the intellect. In the eighteenth century the culmination of this
rising tide of protest came in a general and determined revolt against
despotism in either Church or State, which, at the close of the century,
swept away ancient privileges, abuses, and barriers, and prepared the way
for the marked intellectual and human and political progress which
characterized the nineteenth century.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CHANGE IN ATTITUDE. The new spirit and interests and
attitudes which came to characterize the eighteenth century in the more
progressive western nations meant the ultimate overthrow of the tyranny of
mediaeval supernatural theology, the evolution of a new theory as to moral
action which should be independent of theology, the freeing of the new
scientific spirit from the fetters of church control, the substituting of
new philosophical and scientific and economic interests for the old
theological problems which had for so long dominated human thinking, the
substitution of natural political organization for the older
ecclesiastical foundations of the State, the destruction of what remained
of the old feudal political system, the freeing of the serf and the
evolution of the citizen, and the rise of a modern society interested in
problems of national welfare--government in the interest of the governed,
commerce, industry, science, economics, education, and social welfare. The
evolution of such modern-type governments inevitably meant the creation of
entirely new demands for the education of the people and for far-reaching
political and social reforms.

This new eighteenth-century spirit, which so characterized the mid-
eighteenth century that it is often spoken of as the "Period of the
Enlightenment," [1] expressed itself in many new directions, a few of the
more important of which will be considered here as of fundamental concern
for the student of the history of educational progress. In a very real
sense the development of state educational systems, in both European and
American States, has been an outgrowth of the great liberalizing forces
which first made themselves felt in a really determined way during this
important transition century. In this chapter we shall consider briefly
five important phases of this new eighteenth-century liberalism, as
follows:

    1. The work of the benevolent despots of continental Europe in trying
       to shape their governments to harmonize them with the new spirit of
       the century.

    2. The unsatisfied demand for reform in France.

    3. The rise of democratic government and liberalism in England.

    4. The institution of constitutional government and religious freedom
       in America.

    5. The sweeping away of mediaeval abuses in the great Revolution in
       France.


I. WORK OF THE BENEVOLENT DESPOTS OF CONTINENTAL EUROPE

THE NEW NATIONALISM LEADS TO INTERESTED GOVERNMENT. In England, as we
shall trace a little further on, a democratic form of government had for
long been developing, but this democratic life had made but little headway
on the continent of Europe. There, instead, the democratic tendencies
which showed some slight signs of development during the sixteenth century
had been stamped out in the period of warfare and the ensuing hatreds of
the seventeenth, and in the eighteenth century we find autocratic
government at its height. National governments to succeed the earlier
government of the Church had developed and grown strong, the kingly power
had everywhere been consolidated, Church and State were in close working
alliance, and the new spirit of nationality--in government, foreign
policy, languages, literature, and culture--was being energetically
developed by those responsible for the welfare of the States. Everywhere,
almost, on the continent of Europe, the theory of the divine right of
kings to rule and the divine duty of subjects to obey seemed to have
become fixed, and this theory of government the Church now most
assiduously supported. Unlike in England and the American Colonies, the
people of the larger countries of continental Europe had not as yet
advanced far enough in personal liberty or political thinking to make any
demand of consequence for the right to govern themselves. The new spirit
of nationality abroad in Europe, though, as well as the new humanitarian
ideas beginning to stir thinking men, alike tended to awaken a new
interest on the part of many rulers in the welfare of the people they
governed. In consequence, during the eighteenth century, we find a number
of nations in which the rulers, putting themselves in harmony with the new
spirit of the time, made earnest attempts to improve the condition of
their peoples as a means of advancing the national welfare. We shall here
mention the four nations in which the most conspicuous reform work was
attempted.

THE RULERS OF PRUSSIA. Three kings, to whom the nineteenth-century
greatness of Prussia was largely due, ruled the country during nearly the
whole of the eighteenth century. They were fully as despotic as the kings
of France, but, unlike the French kings, they were keenly alive to the
needs of the people, anxious to advance the welfare of the State, tolerant
in religion, and in sympathy with the new scientific studies. The first,
Frederick William I (1713-40), labored earnestly to develop the resources
of the country, trained a large army, ordered elementary education made
compulsory, and made the beginnings in the royal provinces of the
transformation of the schools from the control of the Church to the
control of the State. His son, known to history as Frederick the Great,
ruled from 1740 to 1786. During his long reign he labored continually to
curtail ancient privileges, abolish old abuses, and improve the condition
of his people. During the first week of his reign he abolished torture in
trials, made the administration of law more equitable, instituted a
limited freedom for the press, [2] and extended religious toleration. [3]
He also partially abolished serfdom on the royal domains, and tried to
uplift the peasantry and citizen classes, but in this he met with bitter
opposition from the nobles of his realm. He built roads, canals, and
bridges, encouraged skilled artisans to settle in his dominions, developed
agriculture and industry, encouraged scientific workers, extended an
asylum to thousands of Huguenots fleeing from religious persecution in
France, [4] and did more than any previous ruler to provide common schools
throughout his kingdom. By the general regulation of education in his
kingdom (chapter xxii) he laid the foundations upon which the nineteenth-
century Prussian school system was later built.

[Illustration: Fig 145 FREDERICK THE GREAT]

His rule, though, was thoroughly autocratic. "Every thing for the people,
but nothing by the people", was the keynote of his policies. He had no
confidence in the ability of the people to rule, and gave them no
opportunity to learn the art. He employed the strong army his father built
up to wage wars of conquest, seize territory that did not belong to him,
and in consequence made himself a great German hero. [5] He may be said to
have laid the foundations of modern militarized, socialized, obediently
educated, and subject Germany, and also to have begun the "grand-larceny"
and "scrap-of-paper" policy which has characterized Prussian international
relationships ever since. Frederick William II, who reigned from 1786 to
1797, continued in large measure the enlightened policies of his uncle,
reformed the tax system, lightened the burdens of his people, encouraged
trade, emphasized the German tongue, quickened the national spirit,
actively encouraged schools and universities, and began that
centralization of authority over the developing educational system which
resulted in the creation in Prussia of the first modern state school
system in Europe. The educational work of these three Prussian kings was
indeed important, and we shall study it more in detail in a later chapter
(Chapter XXII).

THE AUSTRIAN REFORMERS. Two notably benevolent rulers occupied the
Austrian throne for half a century, and did much to improve the condition
of the Austrian people. A very remarkable woman, Maria Theresa, came to
the throne in 1740, and was followed by her son, Joseph II, in 1780. He
ruled until 1790. To Maria Theresa the Austria of the nineteenth century
owed most of its development and power. She worked with seemingly tireless
energy for the advancement of the welfare of her subjects, and toward the
close of her reign laid, as we shall see in a later chapter, the
beginnings of Austrian school reform.

Joseph II carried still further his mother's benevolent work, and strove
to introduce "enlightenment and reason" into the administration of his
realm. A student of the writings of the eighteenth-century reform
philosophers, and deeply imbued with the reform spirit of his time, he
attempted to abolish ancient privileges, establish a uniform code of
justice, encourage education, free the serfs, abolish feudal tenure, grant
religious toleration, curb the power of the Pope and the Church, break the
power of the local Diets, centralize the State, and "introduce a uniform
level of democratic simplicity under his own absolute sway." He attempted
to alter the organization of the Church, abolished six hundred
monasteries, [6] and reduced the number of monastic persons in his
dominion from 63,000 to 27,000. Attempting too much, he brought down upon
his head the wrath of both priest and noble and died a disappointed man.
The abolition of feudal tenure and serfdom on the distinctively Austrian
lands, of all his attempted reforms, alone was permanent. His work stands
as an interesting commentary on the temporary character of the results
which follow attempts rapidly to improve the conditions surrounding the
lives of people, without at the same time educating the people to improve
themselves.

THE SPANISH REFORMERS. A very similar result attended the reform efforts
of a succession of benevolent rulers thrust upon Spain, during the
eighteenth century, by the complications of foreign politics. Over a
period of nearly ninety years, extending from the accession of Philip V
(1700) to the death of Charles III (1788), remarkable political progress
was imposed by a succession of able ministers and with the consent of the
kings. [7] The power of the Church, always the crying evil of Spain, was
restricted in many ways; the Inquisition was curbed; the Jesuits were
driven from the kingdom; the burning of heretics was stopped; prosecution
for heresy was reduced and discouraged; the monastic orders were taught to
fear the law and curb their passions; evils in public administration were
removed; national grievances were redressed; the civil service was
improved; science and literature were encouraged, in place of barren
theological speculations; and an earnest effort was made to regenerate the
national life and improve the lot of the common people.

All these reforms, though, were imposed from above, and no attempt was
made to introduce schools or to educate the people in the arts of self-
government. The result was that the reforms never went beneath the
surface, and the national life of the people remained largely untouched.
Within five years of the death of Charles III all had been lost.  Under a
native Spanish king, thoroughly orthodox, devout, and lacking in any broad
national outlook, the Church easily restored itself to power, the priests
resumed their earlier importance, the nobles again began to exact their
full toll, free discussion was forbidden, scientific studies were
abandoned, the universities were ordered to discontinue the study of moral
philosophy, and the political and social reforms which had required three
generations to build up were lost in half a decade. Not meeting any well-
expressed need of the people, and with no schools provided to show to the
people the desirable nature of the reforms introduced, it was easy to
sweep them aside.  In this relapse to mediaevalism, the chance for Spain--
a country rich in possibilities and natural resources--to evolve early
into a progressive modern  nation was lost.  So Spain has remained ever
since, and only in the last quarter of a century has reform from within
begun to be evident in this until recently priest-ridden and benighted
land.

THE INTELLIGENT DESPOTS OF RUSSIA. The greatest of these were Peter the
Great, who ruled from 1689 to 1725, and Catherine II, who ruled from 1762
to 1796. Catching something of the new eighteenth-century western spirit,
these rulers tried to introduce some western enlightenment into their as
yet almost barbarous land. Each tried earnestly to lift their people to a
higher level of living, and to start them on the road toward civilization
and learning. By a series of edicts, despotically enforced, Peter tried to
introduce the civilization of the western world into his country. He
brought in numbers of skilled artisans, doctors, merchants, teachers,
printers, and soldiers; introduced many western skills and trades; and
made the beginnings of western secondary education for the governing
classes by the establishment in the cities of a number of German-type
_gymnasia_. [8] Later Catherine II had the French philosopher Diderot (p.
482) draw up a plan for her for the organization of a state system of
higher schools, but the plan was never put into effect. The beginnings of
Russian higher civilization really date from this eighteenth-century work.
The power of the formidable Greek or Eastern Church remained, however,
untouched, and this continued, until after the Russian revolution of 1917,
as one of the most serious obstacles to Russian intellectual and
educational progress. The serfs, too, remained serfs--tied to the land,
ignorant, superstitious, and obedient.

By the close of the eighteenth century Russia, largely under Prussian
training, had become a very formidable military power, and by the close of
the nineteenth century was beginning to make some progress of importance
in the arts of peace. Just at present Russia is going through a stage of
national evolution quite comparable to that which took place in France a
century and a quarter ago, and the educational importance of this great
people, as we shall point out further on, lies in their future evolution
rather than in any contribution they have as yet made to western
development.


II. THE UNSATISFIED DEMAND FOR REFORM IN FRANCE

THE SETTING OF EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE. Eighteenth-century France, on
the contrary, developed no benevolent despot to mitigate abuses, reform
the laws, abolish privileges, temper the rule of the Church, [9] (R. 247),
curb the monastic orders, develop the natural resources, begin the
establishment of schools, and alleviate the hard lot of the serf and the
peasant. There, instead, absolute monarchy in Europe reached its most
complete triumph during the long reigns of Louis XIV (1643-1715) and Louis
XV (1715-74), and the splendor of the court life of France captivated all
Europe and served to hide the misery which made the splendor possible.
There the power of the nobles had been completely broken, and the power of
the parliaments completely destroyed. "I am the State," exclaimed Louis
XIV, and the almost unlimited despotism of the King and his ministers and
favorites fully supported the statement. Local liberties had been
suppressed, and the lot of the common people--ignorant, hard-working,
downtrodden, but intensely patriotic--was wretched in the extreme.
Approximately 140,000 nobles [10] and 130,000 monks, nuns, and clergy
owned two fifths of the landed property of France, and controlled the
destinies of a nation of approximately 25,000,000 people. Agriculture was
the great industry of the time, but this was so taxed by the agents of
King and Church that over one half of the net profits from farming were
taken for taxation.

CHURCH AND STATE WERE IN CLOSE WORKING ALLIANCE. The higher offices of the
Church were commonly held by appointed noblemen, who drew large incomes
[11] led worldly lives, and neglected their priestly functions much as the
Italian appointees in German lands had done before the Reformation.
Between the nobles and upper clergy on the one hand and the peasant-born
lower clergy and the masses of the people on the other a great gulf
existed. The real brains of France were to be found among a small
bourgeois class of bankers, merchants, shopkeepers, minor officials,
lawyers, and skilled artisans, who lived in the cities and who, ambitious
and discontented, did much to stimulate the increasing unrest and demand
for reform which in time pervaded the whole nation. A king, constantly in
need of increasing sums of money; an idle, selfish, corrupt, and
discredited nobility and upper clergy, incapable of aiding the king, many
of whom, too, had been influenced by the new philosophic and scientific
thinking and were willing to help destroy their own orders; an aggressive,
discontented, and patriotic bourgeoisie, full of new political and social
ideas, and patriotically anxious to reform France; and a vast unorganized
peasantry and city rabble, suffering much and resisting little, but
capable of a terrible fury and senseless destruction, once they were
aroused and their suppressed rage let loose;--these were the main elements
in the setting of eighteenth-century France.

THE FRENCH REFORM PHILOSOPHERS. During the middle decades of the
eighteenth century a small but very influential group of reform
philosophers in France attacked with their pens the ancient abuses in
Church and State, and did much to pave the way for genuine political and
religious reform. In a series of widely read articles and books,
characterized for the most part by clear reasoning and telling arguments,
these political philosophers attacked the power of the absolute monarchy
on the one hand, and the existing privileges of the nobles and clergy on
the other, as both unjust and inimical to the welfare of society (R. 248).
The leaders in the reform movement were Montesquieu (1689-1755), Turgot
(1727-81), Voltaire (1694-1778), Diderot (1713-84), and Rousseau (1712-
78).

[Illustration: FIG. 147. MONTESQUIEU(1689-1755)]

_Montesquieu_. In 1748 appeared Montesquieu's famous book, the _Spirit of
Laws_. In this he pointed out the many excellent features of the
constitutional government which the English had developed, and compared
English conditions with the many abuses to which the French people were
subject. He argued that laws should be expressive of the wishes and needs
of the people governed, and that the education of a people "ought to be
relative to the principles of good government." Montesquieu also stands,
with Turgot as the founder of the sciences of comparative politics [12]
and the philosophy of history--new studies which helped to shape the
political thinking of eighteenth-century France.

_Turgot_. Two years after the publication of Montesquieu's book, Turgot
delivered (1750) a series of lectures at the Sorbonne, in Paris, in which
he virtually created the science of history. Looking at human history
comprehensively, seeing clearly that there had been a hitherto
unrecognized regularity of march amid the confusion of the past, and that
it was possible to grasp the history of the progress of man as a whole, he
saw and stated the possibility of society to improve itself through
intelligent government, and the need for wise laws and general education
to enable it to do so. [13]

[Illustration: FIG. 148. TURGOT (1727-81)]

[Illustration: FIG. 149. VOLTAIRE (1694-1778)]

In 1774 Turgot was appointed Minister of Finance by the new King, Louis
XVI, and during the two years before he was removed from office he
attempted to carry out many needed political and social reforms. Duruy
[14] has summarized his suggested reforms as follows:

    1. Gradual introduction of a complete system of local self-government.

    2. Imposition of a land tax on nobility and clergy.

    3. Suppression of the greater part of the monasteries.

    4. Amelioration of the condition of the minor clergy.

    5. Equalization of the burdens of taxation.

    6. Liberty of conscience, and the recall of the Protestants to France.

    7. A uniform system of weights and measures.

    8. Freedom for commerce and industry.

    9. A single and uniform code of laws.

    10. A vast plan for the organization of a system of public instruction
       throughout France.

This list is indicative of the reform philosophy in the light of which he
worked. Arousing the natural hostility of the nobility and higher clergy,
he was soon dismissed, and the reforms he had proposed were abandoned by
the King.

_Voltaire._ The keenest and most unsparing critic of the old order was
Voltaire. In clear and forceful French he exposed existing conditions in
society and government, and particularly the control of affairs exercised
by the most ancient and most powerful organization of his day--the Church.
For this he was execrated and hated by the clergy, and in return he made
it the chief task of his life to destroy the reign of the priest. Having
lived for a time in England, he appreciated the vast difference between
the English and French forms of government. With a keen and unsparing pen
he exposed the scholasticism, despotism, dogmatism, superstition,
hypocrisy, servility, and deep injustice of his age, and poured out the
vials of his scorn upon the grubbing pedantry of the Academicians who
doted upon the past because ignorant of the present. In particular he
stood for the abolition of that relic of feudalism--serfdom--which still
seriously oppressed the peasantry of France; for liberty in thought and
action for the individual; for curbing the powers and privileges of both
State and Church; for an equalization of the burdens of taxation between
the different classes in French society; and for the organization of a
system of public education throughout the nation. He died before the
outbreak of the Revolution he had done so much to bring about, but by the
time he died the "Ancient Régime" of privilege and corruption and
oppression was already tottering to its fall. His conception of the
relations that should exist between Church and State are well set forth in
a short article from his pen on the subject (R. 248) reprinted from the
_Encyclopaedia_ of Diderot.

[Illustration: FIG. 150. DIDEROT (1713-84)]

_Diderot._ Another able thinker and writer was Diderot. Besides other
works of importance, he gave twenty years of his life (1751-72) to the
editing (with D'Alembert) of an _Encyclopaedia_ of seventeen volumes of
text and eleven of plates. Many of the articles were written by himself,
and were expressive of his ideas as to reform. Many were frankly critical
of existing privileges, abuses, and pretensions. Many interpreted to the
French the science of Newton and the discoveries of the age, and awakened
a new interest in scientific study. Because of its reform ideas the
publication was suppressed, in 1759, after the publication of the seventh
volume, and had to be carried on surreptitiously thereafter. Viscount
Morley, writing recently on Diderot, summarizes the nature and influence
of the _Encyclopaedia_ in the following words:

    The ecclesiastical party detested the _Encyclopaedia_, in which
    they saw a rising stronghold for their philosophical enemies. To any
    one who turns over the pages of these redoubtable volumes now, it
    seems surprising that their doctrine should have stirred such
    portentous alarm. There is no atheism, no overt attack on any of the
    cardinal mysteries of the faith, no direct denunciation even of the
    notorious abuses of the Church. Yet we feel that the atmosphere of the
    book may well have been displeasing to authorities who had not yet
    learnt to encounter the modern spirit on equal terms. The
    _Encyclopaedia_ takes for granted the justice of religious
    toleration and speculative freedom. It asserts in distinct tones the
    democratic doctrine that it is the common people in a nation whose lot
    ought to be the chief concern of the nation's government. From
    beginning to end it is one unbroken process of exaltation of
    scientific knowledge on the one hand, and pacific industry on the
    other. All these things were odious to the old governing classes of
    France. [15]

_Rousseau._ The fifth reform writer mentioned as exercising a large
influence was Rousseau. In 1749 the Academy at Dijon offered a prize for
the best essay on the subject: _Has the progress of the sciences and arts
contributed to corrupt or to purify morals?_ Rousseau took the negative
side and won the prize. His essay attracted widespread attention. In 1753
he competed for a second prize on _The Origin of Inequality among Men_, in
which he took the same negative attitude. In 1762 appeared both his
_Social Contract_ and _Émile_. In the former he contended that early men
had given to selected leaders the right to conduct their government for
them, and that these had in time become autocratic and had virtually
enslaved the people (R. 249 a). He held that men were not bound to submit
to government against their wills, and to remedy existing abuses he
advocated the overthrow of the usurping government and the establishment
of a republic, with universal suffrage based on "liberty, fraternity, and
equality." The ideal State lay in a society controlled by the people,
where artificiality and aristocracy and the tyranny of society over man
did not exist. Nor could Rousseau distinguish between political and
ecclesiastical tyranny, holding that the former inevitably followed from
the latter (R. 249 b).

Crude as were his theories, and impractical as were many of his ideas, to
an age tired of absurdities and pretensions and injustice, and suffering
deeply from the abuses of both Church and State, his attractively written
book seemed almost inspired. The _Social Contract_ virtually became the
Bible of the French Revolutionists. In the _Émile_, a book which will be
referred to more at length in chapter XXI, Rousseau held that we should
revert, in education, to a state of nature to secure the needed
educational reforms, and that education to prepare for life in the
existing society was both wrong and useless.

A REVOLUTION IN FRENCH THINKING. These five men--Montesquieu, Turgot,
Voltaire, Diderot, and Rousseau--and many other less influential
followers, portrayed the abuses of the time in Church and State and
pointed out the lines of political and ecclesiastical reform. Those who
read their writings understood better why the existing privileges of the
nobility and clergy were no longer right, and the need for reform in
matters of taxation and government. Their writings added to the spirit of
unrest of the century, and were deeply influential, not only in France,
but in the American Colonies as well. Though the attack was at first
against the evils in Church and State, the new critical philosophy soon
led to intellectual developments of importance in many other directions.

At the death of Louis XIV (1715) France was intellectually prostrate.
Great as was his long reign from the point of view of the splendor of his
court, and large as was the quantity of literature produced, his age was
nevertheless an age of misery, religious intolerance, political
oppression, and intellectual decline. It was a reign of centralized and
highly personal government. Men no longer dared to think for themselves,
or to discuss with any freedom questions either of politics or religion.
"There was no popular liberty; there were no great men; there was no
science; there was no literature; there were no arts. The largest
intellects lost their energy; the national spirit died away." Between the
death of Louis XIV and the outbreak of the French Revolution (1789) an
intellectual revolution took place in France, and for this revolution
English political progress and political and scientific thinking were
largely responsible.

GREAT ENGLISH INFLUENCE ON FRANCE. In 1715 the English language was almost
unspoken in France, English science and political progress were unknown
there, and the English were looked down upon and hated. Half a century
later English was spoken everywhere by the scholars of the time; the
English were looked upon as the political and scientific leaders of
Europe; and the scholars of France visited England to study English
political, economic, and scientific progress. Locke, an uncompromising
advocate of political and religious liberty; Hobbes, the speculative moral
philosopher; and the great scientist Newton were the teachers of Voltaire.
More than any other single man, Voltaire moulded and redirected
eighteenth-century thought in France. [16] Numerous French writers of
importance--Helvetius, Diderot, Morellet, Voltaire, Rousseau, to mention
but a few--drew their inspiration from English writers. In the eighteenth
century England became the school for political liberty for France. [17]

The effect of the work of Isaac Newton (p. 388), as popularized by the
writings of Voltaire, was revolutionary on a people who had been so
tyrannized over by the clergy as had the French during the reign of Louis
XIV. An interest in scientific studies before unknown in France now flamed
up, and a new generation of French scientists arose. Physics, chemistry,
zoölogy, and anatomy received a great new impetus, while botany, geology,
and mineralogy were raised to the rank of sciences. Popular scientific
lectures became very common. The classics were almost abandoned for the
new studies.

Economic questions now also began to be discussed, such as questions of
money, food, finance, and government expenditure. In 1776 the Englishman,
Adam Smith, laid the foundations of the new science of political economy
by the publication of his _Wealth of Nations_, and this was at once
translated into French and eagerly read. In 1781 a French banker by the
name of Necker published his _Compte Rendu_, a statistical report on the
finances of France. So feverishly eager were men to study problems of
government that six thousand copies were sold the day it was published,
and eighty thousand had to be printed before the demand for it was
satisfied. A half-century earlier it would have been read scarcely at all.

In the meantime taxes piled up, reforms were refused, the power and
arrogance of the clergy and nobility showed no signs of diminution, the
nation was burdened with debt, commerce and agriculture declined, the lot
of the common people became ever more hard to bear, and the masses grew
increasingly resentful and rebellious. As national affairs continued to
drift from bad to worse in France, a series of important happenings on the
American continent helped to bring matters more rapidly to a crisis.
Before describing these events, however, we wish to sketch briefly the
rise of government by the people and the extension of liberalism in
England--the first great democratic nation of the western world.


III. ENGLAND THE FIRST DEMOCRATIC NATION

EARLY BEGINNINGS OF ENGLISH LIBERTY. The first western nation created from
the wreck of the Roman Empire to achieve a measurement of self-government
was England. Better civilized than most of the other wandering tribes, at
the time of their coming to English shores, the invading Angles, Saxons,
and Jutes early accepted Christianity (p. 120) and settled down to an
agricultural life. On English shores they soon built up a for-the-time
substantial civilization. This was later largely destroyed by the
pillaging Danes, but with characteristic energy the English set to work to
assimilate the newcomers and build up civilization anew. The work of
Alfred (p. 146) in reëstablishing law and order, at a time when law and
order scarcely existed anywhere in western Europe, will long remain
famous. Later on, and at a time when German and Hun and Slav had only
recently accepted Christianity in name and had begun to settle down into
rude tribal governments, and when the Prussians in their original home
along the eastern Baltic were still offering human sacrifices to their
heathen gods (p. 120), the English barons were extorting _Magna Charta_
from King John and laying the firm foundations of English constitutional
liberty. In the meadow at Runnymede, on that justly celebrated June day,
in 1215, government under law and based on the consent of the governed
began to shape itself once more in the western world. Of the sixty-three
articles of this Charter of Liberties, three possess imperishable value.
These provided:

    1. That no free man shall be imprisoned or proceeded against except
       by his peers, or the law of the land, which secured trial by jury.

    2. That justice should neither be sold, denied, nor delayed.

    3. That dues from the people to the king could be imposed only with
       the consent of the National Council (after 1246 known as
       Parliament).

So important was this charter to such a liberty-loving people as the
English have always been, and so bitterly did kings resent its hampering
provisions, that within the next two centuries kings had been forced to
confirm it no less than thirty-seven times.

By 1295 the first complete Parliament, representative of the three orders
of society--Lords, Clergy, and Commons--assembled, and in 1333 the Commons
gained the right to sit by itself. From that time to the present the
Commons, representing the people, has gradually broadened its powers,
working, as Tennyson has said, [18] "from precedent to precedent," until
to-day it rules the English nation. In 1376 the Commons gained the right
to impeach the King's ministers, and in 1407 the exclusive right to make
grants of money for any governmental purpose. Centuries ahead of other
nations, this insured an almost continual meeting of the national assembly
and a close scrutiny of the acts of both kings and ministers.

In 1604 King James I, imitating continental European precedents,
proclaimed his theory as to the "divine right of kings" to rule, [19] and
a struggle at once set in which carried the English into Civil War (1642-
49); led to the beheading of Charles I (1649); the overthrow and
banishment of James II (1688); and the ultimate firm establishment,
instead, of the "divine right of the common people." [20] In an age when
the autocratic power and the divine right of kings to rule was almost
unquestioned elsewhere in Europe, the English people compelled their king
to recognize that he could rule over them only when he ruled in their
interests and as they wished him to do. Though there was a period of
struggle later on with the German Georges (I, II, and III), and especially
with the honest but stupid George III, England has, since 1688, been a
government of and by the people. [21] France did not rid itself of the
"divine-right" conception until the French Revolution (1789), and Germany,
Austria, and Russia not until 1918.

GROWTH OF TOLERANCE AMONG THE ENGLISH. The results of the long struggle of
the English for liberty under law showed itself in many ways in the growth
of tolerance among the people of the English nation. At a time when other
nations were bound down in blind obedience to king and priest, and when
dissenting minorities were driven from the land, the English people had
become accustomed to the idea of individual liberty, regulated by law, and
to the toleration of opinions with which they did not agree. These
characteristically English conceptions of liberty under law and of the
toleration of minorities have found expression in many important ways in
the life and government of the people (R. 250), and have been elements of
great strength in England's colonial policy. One of the important ways in
which this growth of tolerance among the English showed itself was in the
extension of a larger freedom to those unable to subscribe to the state
religion.

Though the Reformation movement had stirred up bitter hatreds in England,
as on the Continent, the English were among the first of European peoples
to show tolerance of opposition in religious matters. The high English
State Church, which had succeeded the Roman, had made but small appeal to
many Englishmen. The Puritans had early struggled to secure a
simplification of the church service and the introduction of more
preaching (p. 359), and in the seventeenth century the organization of
three additional dissenting sects, which became known as Unitarians,
Baptists, and Quakers, took place. These sects divided off rather quietly,
and their separation resulted only in the enactment of new laws regarding
conformity, prayers, and teaching.

During the latter half of the seventeenth century, after the execution of
Charles I (1649), the Puritans had temporarily risen to power, and during
their control of affairs had imposed their strict Calvinistic standards as
to Sabbath observance and piety on the nation. This was very distasteful
to many, and from such strict observances the people in time rebelled. The
standards of the English in personal morality, temperance, amusements, and
manners at the beginning of the eighteenth century were not especially
high, and in the reaction from Puritan control and strict religious
observances the great mass of the people degenerated into positive
irreligion and gross immorality. Drunkenness, rowdyism, robbery,
blasphemy, brutality, lewdness, and prostitution became very common. This
moral decline of the people the Church of England seemed powerless to
arrest.

[Illustration: FIG. 151. JOHN WESLEY (1707-82)
Founder of Methodism.]

About 1730 a reform movement was begun under the able leadership of a
young Oxford student by the name of John Wesley, ably seconded by George
Whitefield (1714-70), with a view to reaching the classes so completely
untouched by the high State Church. By traveling over the country and
preaching a gospel of repentance, personal faith, and better living, these
two young men made a deep emotional appeal, and soon gained a strong hold
on the poorer and more ignorant classes of the people. Forbidden to preach
in Anglican churches, and at times threatened with personal violence,
these two men were in time forced into open rebellion against the
Established Church. Finally they founded a new Church, which became known
as the Methodist. [22] This new organization bore the same relation to the
Church of England that the Anglican Church two hundred years before had
borne to the Church of Rome. Thus was accomplished a second spiritual
reformation in England, and one destined in time to spread to the colonies
and deeply affect the lives of a large portion of the English people. [23]
That such a well-organized sect could arise, such a moral reformation be
preached, and the power of the Established Church be challenged so openly
and without serious persecution, speaks much for the growth of religious
tolerance among the English people since the days of the great Elizabeth.
In 1778 the Roman Catholic Relief Act was adopted, and in 1779 dissenting
ministers and schoolmasters were relieved from the disabilities under
which they had so long remained. These acts indicate a further marked
growth in religious tolerance on the part of the English nation. [24]

NEW EMANCIPATING AND EDUCATIVE INFLUENCES. In 1662 the first regular
newspaper outside of Italy was established in England, and in 1702 the
first daily paper. Small in size, printed on but one side of the sheet,
and dealing wholly with local matters, these nevertheless marked the
beginnings of that daily expression of popular opinion with which we are
now so familiar. [25] After about 1705 the cheap political pamphlet made
its appearance, and after 1710, instead of merely communicating news, the
papers began the discussion of political questions.

By 1735 a revolution had been effected in England, and papers and presses
began to be established in the chief cities and towns outside of London;
the freedom of the press was in a large way completed, and newspapers, for
the first time in the history of the world, were made the exponents of
public opinion. The press in England in consequence became an educative
force of great intellectual and political importance, and did much to
compensate for the lack of a general system of schools for the people. In
1772 the right to publish the debates in Parliament was finally won, over
the strenuous objections [26] of George III. In 1780 the first Sunday
newspaper appeared, "on the only day the lower orders had time to read a
paper at all," and, despite the efforts of religious bodies to suppress
it, the Sunday paper has continued to the present and has contributed its
quota to the education and enlightenment of mankind. In 1785 the famous
London _Times_ began to appear. In the middle of the eighteenth century
debating societies for the consideration of public questions arose, and in
1769 "the first public meeting ever assembled in England, in which it was
attempted to enlighten Englishmen respecting their political rights" was
held, and such meetings soon became of almost daily occurrence. All these
influences stimulated political thinking to a high degree, and contributed
not only to a desire for still larger political freedom but for the more
general diffusion of the ability to read as well (R. 250).

Still other important new influences arose during the early part of the
eighteenth century, each of which tended to awaken new desires for schools
and learning. In 1678 the first modern printed story to appeal to the
masses, Bunyan's _Pilgrim's Progress_, appeared from the press. Written,
as it had been, by a man of the people, its simple narrative form, its
passionate religious feeling, its picture of the journey of a pilgrim
through a world of sin and temptation and trial, and its Biblical language
with which the common people had now become familiar--all these elements
combined to make it a book that appealed strongly to all who read or heard
it read, and stimulated among the masses a desire to read comparable to
that awakened by the chaining of the English Bible in the churches a
century before (R. 170). In 1719 the first great English novel, Defoe's
_Robinson Crusoe_, and in 1726 _Gulliver's Travels_, added new stimulus to
the desires awakened by Bunyan's book. All three were books of the common
people, whereas the dramas, plays, essays, and scholarly works previously
produced had appealed only to a small educated class. In 1751 what was
probably the first circulating library of modern times was opened at
Birmingham, and soon thereafter similar institutions were established in
other English cities.

SCIENCE AND MANUFACTURING; THE NEW ERA. England, too, from the first,
showed an interest in and a tolerance toward the new scientific thinking
scarcely found in any other land. This in itself is indicative of the
great intellectual progress which the English people had by this time
made. [27] At a time when Galileo, in Italy, was fighting, almost alone,
for the right to think along the lines of the new scientific method and
being imprisoned for his pains, Englishmen were reading with deep interest
the epoch-making scientific writings of Lord Francis Bacon, Earlier than
in other lands, too, the Newtonian philosophy found a place in the
instruction of the national universities, and English scholars began to
employ the new scientific method in their search for new truths. The
British Royal (Scientific) Society [28] had begun to meet as early as
1645, and ever since has published in its proceedings the best of English
scientific thinking. By the reign of George I (1714-27) scientific work
began to be popularized, and the first little booklets on scientific
subjects began to appear. These popular presentations of what had been
worked out were sold at the book stalls and by peddlers and were eagerly
read; by the beginning of the reign of George III (1760) they had become
very common. In 1704-10 the first "Dictionary of Arts and Sciences" was
printed, and in 1768-71 the first edition (three volumes) of the now
famous _Encyclopedia Britannica_ appeared. In 1755 the famous British
Museum was founded.

As early as 1698 a rude form of steam engine had been patented in England,
and by 1712 this had been perfected sufficiently to be used in pumping
water from the coal mines. In 1765 James Watt made the real beginning of
the application of steam to industry by patenting his steam engine; in
1760 Wedgwood established the pottery industry in England; in 1767
Hargreaves devised the spinning-jenny, which banished the spindle and
distaff and the old spinning-wheel; in 1769 Arkwright evolved his
spinning-frame; and in 1785 Cartwright completed the process by inventing
the power loom for weaving. In 1784 a great improvement in the smelting of
iron ores (puddling) was worked out. These inventions, all English, were
revolutionary in their effect on manufacturing. They meant the
displacement of hand power by machine labor, the breakdown of home
industry through the concentration of labor in factories, the rise of
great manufacturing cities, [29] and the ultimate collapse of the age-old
apprenticeship system of training, where the master workman with a few
apprentices in his shop prepared goods for sale. They also meant the
ultimate transformation of England from an agricultural into a great
manufacturing and exporting nation, whose manufactured products would be
sold in every corner of the globe.

By 1750 a change in attitude toward all the old intellectual problems had
become marked in England, and by 1775 attention before unknown was being
given there to social, political, economic, and educational questions.
Religious intolerance was dying out, the harsh laws of earlier days had
begun to be modified, new social and political interests [30] were
everywhere attracting attention, and the great commercial expansion of
England was rapidly taking shape. With England and France leading in the
new scientific studies; England in the van in the development of
manufacturing and the French to the fore in social influences and polite
literature; England and the new American Colonies setting new standards in
government by the people; the French theorists and economists giving the
world new ideas as to the function of the State; enlightened despots on
the thrones of Prussia, Austria, Spain, and Russia; and the hatreds of the
hundred years of religious warfare dying out; the world seemed to many,
about 1775, as on the verge of some great and far-reaching change in
methods of living and in government, and about ready to enter a new era
and make rapid advances in nearly all lines of human activity. The change
came, but not in quite the manner expected.


IV. INSTITUTION OF CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT AND RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN
AMERICA

[Illustration: FIG. 152. NATIONALITY OF THE WHITE POPULATION, AS SHOWN BY
THE FAMILY NAMES IN THE CENSUS OF 1790.]

ENGLISHMEN IN AMERICA ESTABLISH A REPUBLIC. Though the early settlement of
America, as was pointed out in chapter xv, was made from among those
people and from those lands which had embraced some form of the Protestant
faith, and represented a number of nationalities and several religious
sects, the thirteen colonies, nevertheless, were essentially English in
origin, speech, habits, observances, and political and religious
conceptions. This is well shown for the white population by the results of
the first Federal census, taken in 1790, as given in the adjoining figure.
This shows that of all the people in the thirteen original States, 83.5
per cent possessed names indicating pure English origin, and that 91.8 per
cent had names which pointed to their having come from the British Isles.
The largest non-British name nationality was the German, with 5.6 per cent
of the whole, and these were found chiefly in Pennsylvania where they
constituted 26.1 per cent of the State's population. Next were those
having Dutch names, who constituted but 2 per cent of the total
population, and but 16.1 per cent of the population of New York. No other
name-nationality constituted over one half of one per cent of the total.
The New England States were almost as English as England itself, 93 to 96
per cent of the names being pure English, and 98.5 to 99.8 per cent being
from the British Isles.

We thus see that it was from England, the nation which had done most in
the development of individual and religious liberty, that the great bulk
of the early settlers of America came, and in the New World the English
traditions as to constitutional government and liberty under law were
early and firmly established. The centuries of struggle for representative
government in England at once bore fruit here. Colony charters, charters
of rights and liberties, public discussion, legislative assemblies, and
liberty under law were from the first made the foundation stones upon
which self-government in America was built up.

From an early date the American Colonies showed an independence to which
even Englishmen were scarcely accustomed, and when the home government
attempted to make the colonists pay some of the expenses of the Seven
Years' War, and a larger share of the expenses of colonial administration,
there was determined opposition. Having no representation in Parliament
and no voice in levying the tax, the colonists declared that taxation
without representation was tyranny, and refused to pay the taxes assessed.
Standing squarely on their rights as Englishmen, the colonists were
gradually forced into open rebellion. In 1765, and again in 1774,
Declarations of Rights were drawn up and adopted by representatives from
the Colonies, and were forwarded to the King. In 1774 the first
Continental Congress met and formed a union of the Colonies; in 1776 the
Colonies declared their independence. This was confirmed, in 1783, by the
Treaty of Paris; in 1787, the Constitution of the United States was
drafted; and in 1789, the American government began. In the preamble to
the twenty-seven charges of tyranny and oppression made against the King
in the Declaration of Independence, we find a statement of political
philosophy [31]  which is a combination of the results of the long English
struggle for liberty and the French eighteenth-century reform philosophy
and revolutionary demands. [32] This preamble declared:

    We hold these truths to be self-evident--that all men are created
    equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
    rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
    happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted
    among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
    governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of
    these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it,
    and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such
    principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall
    seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.

AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO WORLD HISTORY. The American Revolution and its
results were fraught with great importance for the future political and
educational progress of mankind. Before the close of the eighteenth
century the new American government had made at least four important
contributions to world liberty and progress which were certain to be of
large political and educational value for the future.

In the first place, the people of the Colonies had erected independent
governments and had shown the possibility of the self-government of
peoples on a large scale, and not merely in little city-states or
communities, as had previously been the case where self-government had
been tried. Democratic government was here worked out and applied to large
areas, and to peoples of diverse nationalities and embracing different
religious faiths. The possibility of States selecting their rulers and
successfully governing themselves was demonstrated.

In the second place, the new American government which was formed did
something new in world history when it united thirteen independent and
autonomous States into a single federated Nation, and without destroying
the independence of the States. What was formed was not a league, or
confederacy, as had existed at different times among differing groups of
the Greek City-States, and from time to time in the case of later Swiss
and temporary European national groupings, but the union into a
substantial and permanent Federal State of a number of separate States
which still retained their independence, and with provision for the
expansion of this national Union by the addition of new States. This
federal principle in government is probably the greatest political
contribution of the American Union to world development. In the twentieth-
century conception of a League of Nations it has borne still further
fruit.

In the third place, the different American States changed their old
Colonial Charters into definite written Constitutions, each of which
contained a Preamble or Bill of Rights which affirmed the fundamental
principles of democratic liberty (R. 251). These now became the
fundamental law for each of the separate States, and the same idea was
later worked out in the Constitution of the United States. These were the
first written constitutions of history, and have since served as a type
for the creation of constitutional government throughout the world. In
such documents to-day free peoples everywhere define the rights and duties
and obligations which they regard as necessary to their safety and
happiness and welfare.

Finally, the Federal Constitution provided for the inestimable boon of
religious liberty, and in a way that was both revolutionary and wholesome.
At the beginning of the War for Independence the Anglican (Episcopal)
faith had been declared "the established religion" in seven of the
Colonies, and the Congregational was the established religion in three of
the New England Colonies, while but three Colonies had declared for
religious freedom and refused to give a preference to any special creed.
This religious problem had to be met by the Constitutional Convention, and
this body handled it in the only way it could have been intelligently
handled in a nation composed of so many different religious sects as was
ours. It simply incorporated into the Federal Constitution provisions
which guaranteed the free exercise of their religious faith to all, and
forbade the establishment by Congress of any state religion, or the
requirement of any religious test as a prerequisite to holding any office
under the control of the Federal Government. The American people thus took
a stand for religious liberty at a time when the hatreds of the
Reformation still burned fiercely, and when tolerance in religious matters
was as yet but little known.

IMPORTANCE OF THE RELIGIOUS-LIBERTY CONTRIBUTION. The solution of the
religious question arrived at was only second in importance for us to the
establishment of the Federal Union, and the far-reaching significance to
our future national life of the sane and for-the-time extraordinary
provisions incorporated into our National Constitution can hardly be
overestimated. This action led to the early abandonment of state
religions, religious tests, and public taxation for religion in the old
States, and to the prohibition of these in the new. The importance of this
solution of the religious question for the future of popular education in
the United States was great, for it laid the foundations upon which our
systems of free, common, public, tax-supported, non-sectarian schools have
since been built up. How we could have erected a common public-school
system on a religious basis, with the many religious sects among us, it is
impossible to conceive. Instead, we should have had a series of feeble,
jealous, antagonistic, and utterly inefficient church-school systems,
chiefly confined to elementary education, and each largely intent on
teaching its peculiar church doctrines and struggling for an increasing
share of public funds.

How much the American people owe to the Fathers of the Republic for this
most enlightened and intelligent provision, few who have not thought
carefully on the matter can appreciate. To it we must trace not only the
great blessing of religious liberty, which we have so long enjoyed, but
also the final establishment of our common, free, public-school systems.
The beginning of the new state motive for education, which was soon to
supersede the religious motive, dates from the establishment with us of
republican governments; and the beginning of the emancipation of education
from church domination goes back to this wise provision inserted in our
National Constitution.

This national attitude was later copied in the state constitutions, and as
a preamble to practically all we find a Bill of Rights, which in almost
every case included a provision for freedom of religious worship (Rs. 251,
260). After the middle of the nineteenth century a further provision
prohibiting sectarian teaching or state aid to sectarian schools was
everywhere added.


V. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION SWEEPS AWAY ANCIENT ABUSES

NEW DEMANDS FOR REFORM THAT COULD NOT BE RESISTED. More than in any other
continental European country France had, by 1783, become a united nation,
conscious of a modern national feeling. Yet in France mediaeval abuses in
both State and Church had survived, as we have seen, to as great an extent
almost as in any European nation. So determined were the clergy and
nobility to retain their old powers, not only in France but throughout the
continent of Europe as well, that progressive reform seemed well-nigh
impossible. The work of the benevolent despots had, after all, been
superficial. By the last quarter of the eighteenth, though, a progressive
change was under way which was certain to produce either evolution or
revolution. The influence of the American experiment in nation-building
now became pronounced. In 1779 Franklin took a copy of the new
Pennsylvania Constitution with him to Paris, and in 1780 John Adams did
the same with the Massachusetts Constitution. Frenchmen instantly
recognized here, in concrete form, the ideas with which their own heads
were filled. In 1783 Franklin published in France a French translation of
all the American Constitutions, and the National Constitution of 1787 was
as eagerly read and discussed in Paris as in New York or Philadelphia or
Boston. America appeared to the French of that stormy period as an ideal
land; where the dreams of Rousseau about the social contract had been
transformed into realities. Two years later the _cahiers_ of the Third
Estate demanded a written constitution for France. The French, too, had
aided the American Colonies in their struggle for liberty, and French
soldiers returning home carried back new political ideas drawn from the
remarkable political progress of the new American Nation. By 1788 the
demand for reform in France had become so insistent, and the condition of
the treasury of the State was so bad, that it was finally felt necessary
to summon a meeting of the States-General--a sort of national parliament
consisting of representatives of the three great Estates: clergy,
nobility, and commons--which had not met in France since 1614.

[Illustration: FIG. 153. THE STATES-GENERAL IN SESSION AT VERSAILLES
(After a contemporary drawing by Monnet)]

Besides electing its representatives, each locality and order was allowed
to draw up a series of instructions, or _cahiers_ (+R. 252+), for the
guidance of its delegates. These _cahiers_ are a mine of information as to
the demands and hopes and interests of the French people, [33] and it is
interesting to know that the _cahiers_ of nobility, clergy, and commons
alike included, among their demands, the organization of a comprehensive
plan of education for France. [34]

FRANCE ESTABLISHES CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT. The States-General met May
5, 1789, and soon (June 20) resolved itself into the National or
Constituent Assembly. Terrified by the uprisings and burnings of châteaux
throughout France, on the night of August fourth, in a few hours, it
adopted a series of decrees which virtually abolished the _Ancien Régime_
of privileges for France. The nobility gave up most of their old rights,
the serfs [35] were freed, and the special privileges of towns were
surrendered. Later the Assembly adopted a "Declaration of Rights of Man
and of the Citizen" (R. 253), much like the American Declaration of
Independence. This declared, among other things, that all men were born
free and have equal rights, that taxes should be proportional to wealth,
that all citizens were equal before the law and have a right to help make
the laws, and that the people of the nation were sovereign. These
principles struck at the very foundations of the old system.

Soon a Constitution for France, the first ever promulgated in modern
Europe, was prepared and adopted (1791). This abolished the ancient
privileges and reorganized France as a self-governing nation, much after
the American plan. Local government was created, and the absolute monarchy
was changed to a limited constitutional one. Next the property of the
Church was taken over by the State, the monasteries were suppressed, and
the priests and bishops were made state officials and paid a fixed state
salary. The Jesuits had been expelled from France in 1764; and in 1792 the
Brothers of the Christian Schools were not allowed longer to teach. Among
other important matters, the Constitution of 1791 declared that:

    There shall be created and organized a system of public instruction
    common to all citizens, and gratuitous, with respect to those branches
    of instruction which are indispensable for all men.

Up to this point the Revolution in France had proceeded relatively
peacefully, considering the nature of the long-standing abuses which were
to be remedied. In August, 1792, the King was imprisoned, and in January,
1793, he was executed and a Republic proclaimed. [36] Then followed a
reign of terror, which we do not need to follow, and which ended only when
Napoleon became master of France.

BENEFICENT RESULTS OF THE REVOLUTION. The French Revolution was not an
accident or a product of chance, but rather the inevitable result of an
attempt to dam up the stream of human progress and prevent its orderly
onward flow. The Protestant Revolts were the first great revolutionary
wave, the Puritan revolution in England was another, the formation of the
American Republic and the institution of constitutional government and
religious freedom another, while the French Revolution brought the rising
movement to a head and swept away, in a deluge of blood, the very
foundations of the mediaeval system. Along with much that was disastrous,
the French Revolution accomplished after all much that was of greatest
importance for human progress. The world at times seems to be in need of
such a great catharsis. Progress was made in a decade that could hardly
have been made in a century by peaceful evolution. The old order of
privilege came to an end, mediaevalism was swept away, and the serf was
evolved into the free farmer and citizen. One fifth of the soil of France
was restored to the use of the people from the monasteries, and an
additional one third from the Church and nobility. The new principles of
citizenship--Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity--were for France
revolutionary in the extreme, while the assertion that the sovereignty of
a nation rests with the people rather than with the king, here
successfully promulgated, ended for all time the "divine-right-of-kings"
idea for France. After political theory had for a time run mad, the
organizing genius of Napoleon consolidated the gains, gave France a strong
government, a uniform code of laws, [37] and began that organization of
schools for the nation which ultimately meant the taking over of education
from the Church and its provision at the expense of and in the interests
of the nation.

THE NATIONAL IDEA EXTENDS TO OTHER LANDS. The reform work in France,
together with the examples of English and American liberty, soon began to
have their influence in other lands as well. People everywhere began to
see that the old régime of privilege and misgovernment ought to be
replaced. Other countries abolished serfdom, introduced better laws, and
made reforms in the abuses of both Church and State. French armies and
rulers carried the best of French ideas to other lands, and, where the
French rule continued long enough, these ideas became fixed. In particular
was the _Code Napoléon_ copied in the Netherlands, the Italian States, and
the States of southern and western Germany. The national spirit of Italy
was awakened, and the Italian liberals began to look forward to the day
when the small Italian States might be reunited into an Italian Nation,
with Rome as its capital. This became the work of nineteenth-century
Italian statesmen. For the first time in Spanish history, too, the people
became conscious, under French occupation, of a feeling of national unity,
and similarly the national spirit of German lands was stirred by the
conquests of Napoleon.

A constitution was obtained in Spain, in 1812, and between 1815 and 1821
all of Spain's South American colonies--Argentina, Bolivia, Chile,
Colombia, Ecuador, Panama, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Venezuela--revolted,
became independent, and set up republics with constitutional governments,
some of the larger ones based on the federal principle, as in the United
States. Brazil similarly freed itself from Portugal and set up a
constitutional and federated monarchy, in 1822. The Kingdom of Naples
obtained constitutional government in 1820, and Sardinia in 1821. In 1823,
when Spain with Austria's aid prepared to reconquer the Spanish South
American Republics, President Monroe transmitted to the American Congress
his message in which he declared that any attempt on the part of European
nations to suppress republicanism on the American continent would be
considered by the United States as an unfriendly act. This has since been
known as the _Monroe Doctrine_. In 1829 Greece obtained her independence
from Turkey, and in 1843 a constitutional form of government was obtained.

IMPORTANT CONSEQUENCES OF THE DEMOCRATIC MOVEMENT. Since the closing
decades of the eighteenth century, when democratic government and written
constitutions began, the sweep of democratic government has become almost
world wide. Nation after nation has changed to democratic and
constitutional forms of government, the latest additions being Portugal
(1911), China (1912), Russia (1917), and Germany (1918). New English
colonies, too, have carried English self-government into almost every
continent. The World War of 1914-18 gave a new emphasis to democracy, and
there is good reason to believe that government of and by and for the
people is ultimately destined to prevail among all the intelligent nations
and races of the earth.

With the development of democratic government there has everywhere been a
softening of old laws, the growth of humanitarianism, the wider and wider
extension of the suffrage, important legislation as to labor, a previously
unknown attention to the poor and the dependents of society, a vast
extension of educational advantages, and the taking over of education from
the Church by the State and the erection of the school into an important
institution for the preservation and advancement of the national welfare.
These consequences of the onward sweep of new-world ideas we shall trace
more in detail in the chapters which follow.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Show the importance, for human progress, of each of the meanings of the
new eighteenth-century liberalism, as enumerated on pages 471-72.

2. How do you explain the lack of any permanent influence on Spanish life
of the work of the benevolent despots in Spain?

3. Show the liberalizing influence of the rise of scientific investigation
and economic studies, for a nation still oppressed by mediaevalism and bad
government.

4. Enumerate the new sciences which arose in the eighteenth century.

5. Indicate the importance of the freedom of the press in the development
of English political liberty.

6. Explain how the religious-freedom attitude of the American national
constitution conferred an inestimable boon on the States in the matter of
public education.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative
selections are reproduced:

  247. Dabney: Ecclesiastical Tyranny in France.
  248. Voltaire: On the Relation of Church and State.
  249. Rousseau: Extract from the Social Contract.
  250. Buckle: Changes in English Thinking in the Eighteenth Century,
  251. Pennsylvania Constitution: Bill of Rights in.
  252. Clergy of Blois: _Cahier_ of 1779.
  253. France: Declaration of the Rights of Man.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Explain why ecclesiastical tyranny should have awakened such a spirit
of rebellion in France (247), and not in Spain or in Italian lands.

2. Just what attitude toward religion is shown in the extract from
Voltaire (248)?

3. Bolshevists in Russia and in America talk to-day as did Rousseau in the
Social Contract (249). Compare the justification of each with the
eighteenth-century France of Rousseau.

4. What do all the changes enumerated by Buckle (250) indicate as to the
spread of general education, irrespective of schools, among the English
people?

5. Compare the Pennsylvania Bill of Rights of 1776 (251) with that of your
own present-day state constitution,

6. Just what type of educational provisions, and what administrative
organization, did the recommendations of the Clergy of Blois (252)
contemplate? Indicate its shortcomings for eighteenth-century France.

7. Compare the main ideas of 251 and 253.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Dabney, R. H. _The Causes of the French Revolution_.
  Taine, H. A. _The Ancient Regime_.




CHAPTER XX

THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL EDUCATION


I. NEW CONCEPTIONS OF THE EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE

THE STATE AS SERVANT OF THE CHURCH. With the rise of the Protestant sects
we noted, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and for the first time
since Christianity became supreme in the western world, the beginnings of
a state connection with the education of the young. The Protestant
reformers, obtaining the support of the Protestant princes and kings, had
successfully used this support to assist them in the organization of
church schools as an aid to the reformed faith. Luther, it will be
recalled (p. 312), had made a strong appeal to the mayors and magistrates
of all German lands to establish schools as a part of their civic duties
(R. 156), and had contended that a solemn obligation rested upon them to
do so. The Dutch Provinces had worked closely with the Dutch Protestant
synods (p. 334) in ordering schools established and in providing for their
financing; Calvin had organized a religious City-State at Geneva (p. 330),
of which religion and learning had been the corner-stones; the Scottish
Parliament, by the laws of 1633 and 1646 (p. 335), had ordered schools for
Scottish children in connection with the churches; and in the Scandinavian
countries and in Finland the beginnings of a connection with the State had
also been made (p. 315). Finally, in the new Massachusetts Colony the laws
of 1642 and 1647 (p. 366) had, for the first time in the English-speaking
world, ordered that children be taught "to read and understand the
principles of religion and the capital laws of the country" (p. 364), and
that schools be established by the towns, under penalty if they refused to
do so. In all Protestant lands we saw that the reformers appealed, from
time to time, to what were then the servants of the churches--the rising
civil governments and principalities and States--to use their civil
authority to force the people to meet their new religious obligations in
the matter of schooling.

The purpose of the schooling ordered established, however, was almost
wholly religious. Massachusetts, in ordering instruction in the "capital
laws of the country," as well as reading and religion, had formed a marked
exception. In nearly all lands the rising state governments merely helped
the Protestant churches to create the elementary vernacular religious
school, and to make of it an auxiliary for the protection of orthodoxy and
the advancement of the faith. Even in the new state school systems of the
German States--Saxony, Würtemberg (p. 317), Brunswick, Weimar, Gotha--the
elementary schools established were for religious rather than for state
ends. This condition continued until well toward the middle of the
eighteenth century.

THE NEW STATE THEORY OF EDUCATION. After about the middle of the
eighteenth century a new theory as to the purpose of education, and one
destined to make rapid headway, began to be advanced. This theory had
already made marked progress, as we shall see, in the New England
Colonies, and had also found expression, as we shall also see in a later
chapter, in the organizing work of Frederick the Great in Prussia. It was
from the French political philosophers of the eighteenth century, though,
that its clearest definition came. They now advanced the idea that schools
were essentially civil affairs, the purpose of which should be to promote
the everyday interests of society and the welfare of the State, rather
than the welfare of the Church, and to prepare for a life here rather than
a life hereafter.

After about 1750 a critical and reformatory pedagogy rapidly began to take
shape in France, and the second half of the eighteenth century became a
period of criticism and discontent and reconstruction in education, as
well as in politics and religion.

This criticism and discontent in France was greatly stimulated by the
decline in character and influence of the Jesuit schools. Unwilling to
change their instruction to meet the needs of a changing society, their
schools had become formal in character (R. 146), and were now engaged
chiefly in stilling thinking rather than in promoting it. In consequence
the schools had fallen into disrepute throughout all France. The Society,
too, in the eighteenth century, came to be a powerful political
organization which strove to dominate the State. So bad had the situation
become by 1762, that the different parliaments in the provinces and in
Paris had formulated complaints against the Jesuits and their schools, [1]
and, in 1764, the king was induced to suppress the Order. [2] This decline
in influence and final suppression of the Society gave rise to some rather
remarkable pedagogical literature, which looked to the creation of a
system of state secondary schools in France to replace those of the
Jesuits.

The outcome was the rise of a new national and individual conception of
the educational purpose. This was destined in time to spread to other
lands and to lead to the rise of complete state school systems, financed
and managed by the State and conducted for state ends, and to the ultimate
divorce of Church and State, in all progressive lands, in the matter of
the education of the young. Teachers trained and certificated by the State
were in time to supplant the nuns and brothers of the religious
congregations in Catholic lands, as well as teachers who served as
assistants to the pastors in Protestant lands and whose chief purpose was
to uphold the teachings and advance the interests of the sect; citizens
were to supplant the ecclesiastic in the supervision of instruction; and
the courses of instruction were to be changed in direction and vastly
broadened in scope to make them minister to the needs of the State rather
than the Church, and to prepare pupils for useful life here rather than
for life in another world.


II. THE NEW STATE THEORY IN FRANCE

[Illustration: FIG. 154. ROUSSEAU (1712-78)]

THE FRENCH POLITICAL THEORISTS. The leading French political theorists of
the two decades between 1760 and 1780 now began to discuss education as in
theory a civil affair, intimately connected with the promotion of the
welfare of the State. The more important of these, and their chief ideas
were:

1. _Rousseau._ The first of the critical and reformatory pedagogical
writers to awaken any large interest and obtain a general hearing was
Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The same year (1762) that his _Social Contract_
appeared and attacked the foundations of the old political system (p.
483), his _Émile_ also appeared and attacked with equal vigor the
religious and social theory as to education then prevailing throughout
western Europe. For the stiff and unnatural methods in education, under
which children were dressed and made to behave as adults, [3] the harsh
discipline of the time, and the excessive emphasis on religious
instruction and book education, he preached the substitution of life amid
nature, childish ways and sports, parental love, and an education that
considered the instincts and natural development of children.

Gathering up the political and social ideas of his age as to
ecclesiastical and political despotism; the nature of the social contract;
that the "state of nature" was the ideal one, and the one in which men had
been intended to live; that human duty called for a return to the "state
of nature," whatever that might be; and that the artificiality and
hypocrisy of his age in manners, dress, religion, and education were all
wrong--Rousseau restated his political philosophy in terms of the
education of the boy, Émile. Despite its many exaggerations, much faulty
reasoning, and many imperfections, the book had a tremendous influence
upon Europe in laying bare the limitations and defects and abuses of the
formal and ecclesiastical education of the time. [4] He may be regarded as
the first important writer to sap the foundations of the old system of
religious education, and to lay a basis for a new type of child training
(R. 254). Though Rousseau's enthusiasm took the form of theory run mad,
and the educational plan he proposed was largely impossible, he
nevertheless popularized education, not only in France, but among the
reading public of the progressive European States as well. After he had
written, the old limited and narrow religious education was on the
defensive, and, though time was required, the transition to a more secular
type of education was inevitable as fast as nations and peoples could
shake off the dominance of the Church in state affairs.

[Illustration: FIG. 155 LA CHALOTAIS (1701-83)]

2. _La Chalotais._ The year following the publication of Rousseau's
_Émile_ appeared La Chalotais's _Essai d'éducation nationale_ (1763). René
de la Chalotais, a Solicitor-General for the Parliament of Bretagne, was
one of the notable French parliamentarians of the middle of the eighteenth
century. Unlike Rousseau's highly imaginary, exaggerated, sentimental, and
paradoxical volume, La Chalotais produced a practical and philosophical
discussion of the problem of the education of a people. Declaring firmly
that education was essentially a civil affair; that it was the function of
government to make citizens contented by educating them for their sphere
in society; that citizen and secular teachers should not be excluded for
celibates; [5] that the real purpose of education should be to prepare
citizens for France; that the poor were deserving of education; and that
"the most enlightened people will always have the advantage" in the
struggles of a modern world, La Chalotais produced a work which was warmly
approved by such political philosophers as Voltaire, Diderot, and Turgot,
and which was translated into several European languages (R. 255). Though
far less widely read than Rousseau's _Émile_, it was far more influential
in shaping subsequent political theory and action regarding the relations
of education to the State. Nearly every proposal for educational
legislation during the days of the Revolution went back in idea to this
philosophic discussion of the question by La Chalotais and to the
practical proposals of Rolland and Turgot.

[Illustration: FIG. 156. ROLLAND (1734-93)]

3. _Rolland._ In 1768 Rolland, president of the Parliament of Paris,
presented to his colleagues a report in which he outlined a national
system of education to replace both the schools of the Jesuits and those
of the Brothers of the Christian Schools. La Chalotais had proposed a more
modern system of state schools chiefly to replace those of the Jesuits,
but Rolland went further and proposed the extension of education to all,
and the supervision of all schools by a central council of the Government.
By means of a centralized control, a central university to which the other
universities of France were to be subordinate, a higher normal school to
train teachers for the colleges (secondary schools), and universal
education, [6] Rolland hoped to develop for France a national spirit, a
national character, and a national government and code of laws, and to
bring the youth of the provinces into harmony with the best of all French
ideas.

4. _Turgot._ In 1774 Turgot was appointed Minister of Finance (p. 481),
and in 1775 he made a series of recommendations to the King in which he
set forth ideas analogous to those of Rolland, and presented an eloquent
plea for the formation of a national council of public instruction and the
establishment of a system of civil and national education for the whole of
France. In closing he wrote:

    Your kingdom, Sir, is of this world. Without opposing any obstacle
    to the instructions whose object is higher, and which already have
    their rules and their expounders, I think I can propose to you nothing
    of more advantage to your people than to cause to be given to all your
    subjects an instruction which shows them the obligations they owe to
    society and to your power to protect them, and the interest they have
    in fulfilling those duties for the public good and their own. This
    moral and social instruction requires books expressly prepared, by
    competition, and with great care, and a schoolmaster in each parish to
    teach them to children, along with the art of writing, reading,
    counting, measuring, and the principles of mechanics. The study of the
    duty of citizenship  ought to be the foundation of all the other
    studies.... There are methods and establishments for training
    geometricians, physicists, and painters, but there are none for
    training citizens.

5. _Diderot._ In 1776 Diderot, editor with D'Alembert of the
_Encyclopaedia_ (1751-72), prepared, at the request of Catherine II (p.
477), under the title of _Plan of a University_, a complete scheme for the
organization of a state system of public instruction for Russia. Though
the plan was never carried out, it was printed and much discussed in
France, and is important as coming from one of the most influential
Frenchmen of his time. He commends as an example to be followed the work
of the German States in the organization of popular instruction. For
Russia he outlines first a system of people's schools, which shall be free
and obligatory for all, and in which instruction in reading, writing,
arithmetic, morals, civics, and religion shall be taught. "From the Prime
Minister to the lowest peasant," he says, "it is good for every one to
know how to read, write, and count." For the series of secondary schools
to be established, he condemns the usual practice of devoting so much of
the instruction to the humanities and a mediaeval type of logic and
ethics, and urges instead the introduction of instruction in mathematics,
in the modern sciences, literature, and the work of governments. Classical
studies he would confine to the last years of the course. Science,
history, drawing, and music find a place in his scheme.

All this instruction Diderot would place under the supervisory control of
an administrative bureau to be known as the _University of Russia_, at the
head of which should be a statesman, who should exercise control of all
the work of public instruction beneath. Though never carried out in
Russia, the University of France of 1808 is largely an embodiment of the
ideas he proposed in 1776.

LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS TO EMBODY THESE IDEAS. During the quarter of a
century between the publication of Rousseau's _Émile_ and the summoning of
the States-General to reform France (1762-88), the educational as well as
the political ideas of the French reformers had taken deep root with the
thinking classes of the nation. The _cahiers_ of 1789, of all Orders (p.
500), gave evidence of this in their somewhat general demand for the
creation of some form of an educational system for France (R. 252). From
the first days of the Revolution pedagogical literature became plentiful,
and the successive National Assemblies found time, amid the internal
reorganization of France, constitution-making, the troubles with and trial
of the King, and the darkening cloud of foreign intervention, to listen to
reports and addresses on education and to enact a bill for the
organization of a national school system. The more important of these
educational efforts were:

1. _The Constituent Assembly_ (June 17, 1789, to September 30, 1791). In
the Constituent Assembly, into which the States-General resolved itself,
June 17, 1789, and which continued until after it had framed the
constitution of 1791, two notable addresses and one notable report on the
organization of education were made. The Count de Mirabeau, a nobleman
turned against his class and elected to the States-General as a
representative of the Third Estate, made addresses on the "Organization of
a Teaching Body" and on the "Organization of a National _Lycée_." In the
first he advocated the establishment of primary schools throughout France.
In the second he proposed the establishment of colleges of literature in
each department, with a National _Lycée_ at Paris for higher (university)
education, and to contain the essentials of a national normal school or
teachers' college as well.

[Illustration: FIG. 157 COUNT DE MIRABEAU (1749-91)]

[Illustration: FIG. 158. TALLEYRAND (1758-1838)]

Mirabeau's proposals represent rather a transition in thinking from the
old to the new, but the Report of Talleyrand (1791), former Bishop of
Autun, now turned revolutionist, embodies the full culmination of
revolutionary educational thought. Public instruction he termed "a power
which embraces everything, from the games of infancy to the most imposing
fêtes of the Nation." He definitely proposed the organization of a
complete state system of public instruction for France, to consist of a
primary school in every canton (community, district), open to the children
of peasants and workmen--classes heretofore unprovided with education; a
secondary school in every department (county); a series of special schools
in the chief French cities, to prepare for the professions; and a National
Institute, or University, to be located at Paris. Inspired by
Montesquieu's principle that "the laws of education ought to be relative
to the principles of government," Talleyrand proposed a bill designed to
give effect to the provisions of the Constitution of 1791 relating to
education (p. 501), and to provide an education for the people of France
who were now to exercise, through elected representatives, the legislative
power for France. Instruction he held to be the necessary counterpoise of
liberty, and every citizen was to be taught to know, obey, love, and
protect the new constitution. Political, social, and personal morality
were to take the place of religion in the cantonal schools, which were to
be free and equally open to all. As the Constituent Assembly was succeeded
by the newly elected Legislative Assembly within three weeks after
Talleyrand submitted his Report, no action was taken on his bill.

[Illustration: FIG. 159. CONDORCET (1743-94)]

2. _The Legislative Assembly_ (October 1, 1791, to September 21, 1792).
This new legislative body was far more radical in character than its
predecessor, and far more radical than was the sentiment of France at the
time. Among other acts it abolished (1792) the old universities and
confiscated (1793) their property to the State. To it was submitted (April
20-21, 1792) by the mathematician, philosopher, and revolutionist, Marquis
de Condorcet, [7] on behalf of the Committee on Public Instruction and as
a measure of reconstruction, a Report and draft of a Law for the
organization of a complete democratic system of public instruction for
France (R. 256). It provided for the organizing of a primary school for
every four hundred inhabitants, in which each individual was "to be taught
to direct his own conduct and to enjoy the plenitude of his own rights,"
and where principles would be taught, calculated to "insure the
perpetuation of liberty and equality." The bill also provided, for the
first time, for the organization of higher primary schools in the
principal towns; colleges (secondary schools) in the chief cities (one for
every four thousand inhabitants); a higher school for each "department";
_Lycées_, or institutions of still higher learning, at nine places in
France; and a National Society of Sciences and Arts to crown the
educational system at Paris. The national system of education he proposed
was to be equally open to women, as well as men, and to be gratuitous
throughout. Teachers for each grade of school were to be prepared in the
school next above. Sunday lectures for workingmen and peasants were to be
given by teachers everywhere. Public morality, political intelligence,
human progress, and the preservation of liberty and equality were the aims
of the instruction. The necessity for education in a constitutional
government he saw clearly. "A free constitution," he writes, "which should
not be correspondent to the universal instruction of citizens, would come
to destruction after a few conflicts, and would degenerate into one of
those forms of government which cannot preserve the peace among an
ignorant and corrupt people." Anarchy or despotism he held to be the
future for peoples who become free without being enlightened. He held it
to be a fundamental principle that:

    The order of nature includes no distinctions in society beyond those
    of education and wealth. To establish among citizens an equality in
    fact, and to realize the equality confirmed by law, ought to be the
    primary object of national instruction.

The bill proposed by Condorcet, while too ambitious for the France of his
day, was thoroughly sound as a democratic theory of education, and an
accurate prediction of what the nineteenth century brought generally into
existence. Condorcet's Report was discussed, but not acted upon.

[Illustration: FIG. 160. THE INSTITUTE OF FRANCE
Founded by Article 298 of the Constitution of Year III (1793)]

3. _The National Convention_ (September 21, 1792, to October 26, 1795).
The Convention was also a radical body, deeply interested in the creation
of a system of state schools for the people of France. To higher education
there was for a time marked opposition, though later in its history the
Convention erected a number of important higher technical institutions and
schools, among the most important of which was the Institute of France.
There was also in the Convention marked opposition to all forms of
clerical control of schools. The schools of the Brothers of the Christian
Schools were suppressed by it, in 1792, and all secular and endowed
schools and colleges were abolished and their property confiscated, in
1793. The complete supremacy of the State in all educational matters was
now asserted. Great enthusiasm was manifested for the organization of
state primary schools, which were ordered established in 1793 (R. 258 a),
and in these:

    Children of all classes were to receive that first education,
    physical, moral, and intellectual, the best adapted to develop in them
    republican manners, patriotism, and the love of labor, and to render
    them worthy of liberty and equality.

    The course of instruction was to include: "to speak, read, and write
    correctly the French language; the geography of France; the rights and
    duties of men and citizens; [8] the first notions of natural and
    familiar objects; the use of numbers, the compass, the level, the
    system of weights and measures, the mechanical powers, and the
    measurement of time. They are to be taken into the fields and the
    workshops where they may see agricultural and mechanical operations
    going on, and take part in the same so far as their age will allow."

What a change from the course of instruction in the religious schools just
preceding this period!

[Illustration: FIG. 161. LAKANAL (1762-1845)]

A multiplicity of reports, bills, and decrees, often more or less
contradictory but still embodying ideas advanced by Condorcet and
Talleyrand, now appeared. Whereas the preceding legislative bodies had
considered the subject carefully, but without taking action, the
Convention now acted. The nation, though, was so engrossed by the internal
chaos and foreign aggression that there was neither time nor funds to
carry the decrees into effect.

The most extreme proposal of the period was the bill of Lepelletier le
Saint-Fargeau to create a national system of education modeled closely
after that of ancient Sparta. The best of the proposals probably was the
Lakanal Law, of November 17, 1794, which ordered a school for every one
thousand inhabitants, with special divisions for boys and girls, and which
provided for instruction in:

    1. Reading and writing the French language.
    2. The Declaration of the Rights of Man, and the Constitution.
    3. Lessons on republican morals.
    4. The rules of simple calculation and surveying.
    5. Lessons in geography and the phenomena of nature.
    6. Lessons on heroic actions, and songs of triumph.

Lakanal also carefully prescribed the method of instruction, and advocated
the founding of a national normal school (Latin _norma_; a rule), which
idea the Convention adopted in 1794, the school opening [9] in January,
1795. Supplementing this was the law of February 25, 1795, ordering
central or higher schools established to replace the former colleges, [10]
one for every three hundred thousand of the population, which were to
offer instruction from twelve to eighteen. The course was to include:

    12 to 14--Drawing, natural history, ancient and living languages.
    14 to 16--Mathematics, natural philosophy, experimental chemistry.
    16 to 18--Grammar, literature, history, legislation.

Organized on a soviet principle, each professor declared the equal of
every other, and lacking any effective administration or discipline, these
institutions soon fell into disrepute and were displaced when Napoleon
reorganized secondary education in France.

The law of October 25, 1795, closed the work of the Convention. This made
less important provisions for primary education (R. 258 b) than had
preceding bills, but was the only permanent contribution of this period to
the organization of primary schools. It placed greater emphasis than had
the legislative Assembly on the creation of secondary and higher
institutions (R. 258 a), of more value to the bourgeois class. This bill
of 1795 represents a reaction from the extreme republican ideas of a few
years earlier, and the triumph of the conservative middle-class elements
in the nation over the radical republican elements previously in control.

The Convention also, in the latter part of its history, created a number
of higher technical institutions of importance, which were expressive
alike of the French interest in scientific subjects which arose during the
latter part of the eighteenth century, and of the new French military
needs. Many of these institutions have persisted to the present, so well
have they answered the scientific interests and needs of the nation. A
mere list of the institutions created is all that need be given. These
were:

    Museum or Conservatory of Arts (Jan. 16, 1794).
    Conservatory of Arts and Trades (Oct. 10, 1794).
    New medical schools (_Schools of Health_) ordered (Dec. 4, 1794).
    Museum of Natural History (Dec. 11, 1794).
    Central Schools to succeed the former Colleges (secondary schools)
      (Feb. 25, 1795).
    School of Living Oriental Languages (March 30, 1795).
    Veterinary Schools (April 21, 1795).
    Course in Archaeology, National Library (June 8, 1795).
    Bureau of Longitude (June 29, 1795).
    Conservatory of Music (Aug. 3, 1795).
    The National Library (Oct. 17, 1795).
    Museum of Archaeological Monuments (Oct. 20, 1795).
    Polytechnic Schools (R. 257);
      School of Civil Engineering;
      School of Hydrographic Engineers;
      and School of Mining (Oct. 22, 1795).

The Convention also adopted the metric system of weights and measures;
enacted laws under which the peasants could acquire title to the lands
they had tilled for so long; and began the unification of the laws of the
different parts of the country into a single set, which later culminated
in the _Code Napoléon_.

4. _The Directory_ (1795-99) _and the Consulate_ (1799-1804). The
Revolution had by this time largely spent itself, the Directory followed,
and in 1799 Napoleon became First Consul and for the next sixteen years
was master of France. The Law of 1795 for primary schools (R. 258 b) was
but feebly administered under the Directory, as foreign wars absorbed the
energies and resources of the Government. Napoleon's chief educational
interest, too, was in opening up opportunities for talent to rise, in
encouraging scientific work and higher specialized institutions, and in
developing schools of a type that would support the kind of government he
had imposed upon France. The secondary and higher schools he established
and promoted cost him money at a time when money was badly needed for
national defense, and primary education was accordingly neglected during
the time he directed the destinies of the nation. His educational
organizations and work we shall refer to again in a later chapter.

The Revolutionary enthusiasts had stated clearly their theory of
republican education, but had failed to establish a permanent state school
system according to their plans. This now became the work of the
nineteenth century. In the meantime, in the new United States of America
the same ideas were taking shape and finding expression, and to the
developments there we next turn.


III. THE NEW STATE THEORY IN AMERICA

WANING OF THE OLD RELIGIOUS INTEREST. As early as 1647 Rhode Island Colony
had enacted the first law providing for freedom of religious worship ever
enacted by an English-speaking people, and two years later Maryland
enacted a similar law. Though the Maryland law was later repealed, and a
rigid Church-of-England rule established there, these laws were indicative
of the new spirit arising in the New World. By the beginning of the
eighteenth century a change in attitude toward the old problem of personal
salvation had become evident. Frontier conditions; the gradual rise of a
civil as opposed to a religious form of town government; the rising
interests in trade and shipping; the beginnings of the breakdown of the
old aristocratic traditions and customs transplanted from Europe; the
rising individualism in both Europe and America--these all helped to
weaken the hold on the people of the old religious doctrines.

By 1750 the change in religious thinking in the American Colonies had
become quite marked. [11] Especially was this change evidenced in the
dying-out of the old religious fervor and intolerance, and the breaking-up
of the old religious solidarity. While most of the Colonies continued to
maintain an "established Church," other sects had to be admitted to the
Colony and given freedom of worship. The Puritan monopoly in New England
was broken, as was also that of the Anglican faith in the central
Colonies. The day of the monopoly of any sect in a Colony was over. New
secular interests began to take the place of religion as the chief topic
of thought and conversation, and secular books began to dispute the
earlier predominance of the Bible. A few colonial newspapers had begun
(seven by 1750), and these became expressive of the new colony interests.

CHANGING CHARACTER OF THE SCHOOLS. These changes in attitude toward the
old religious problems materially affected both the support and the
character of the education provided in the Colonies. The Law of 1647,
requiring the maintenance of the Latin grammar schools, had been found to
be increasingly difficult of enforcement, not only in Massachusetts, but
in all the other New England Colonies which had followed the Massachusetts
example. With the changing attitude of the people, which had become
clearly manifest by 1750, the demand for relief from the maintenance of
this school in favor of a more practical and less aristocratic type of
higher school, if higher school were needed at all, became marked. By the
close of the colonial period the new American Academy (p. 463), with its
more practical studies, had begun to supersede the old Latin grammar
school.

The elementary school experienced something of the same difficulties. Many
of the parochial schools died out, while others declined in character and
importance. In Church-of-England Colonies all elementary education was
left to private initiative and philanthropic and religious effort (p.
373). In the southern Colonies the classes in society and the character of
the plantation life made common schools impossible, and the feeling of any
need for elementary schools almost entirely died out. In New England the
eighteenth century was a continual struggle on the one hand to prevent the
original religious town school from disappearing, and on the other to
establish in its place a series of scattered and inferior district
schools, while either church or town support and tuition fees became ever
harder to obtain. Among other changes of importance the reading school and
the writing school now became definitely united, in all the smaller places
and in the rural districts, as a measure of economy, to form the American
school of the "3 Rs." New textbooks, too, containing less of the gloomily
religious than the _New England Primer_, and secular rather than religious
in character (p. 443), appeared after 1750 and began to be used in the
schools. After 1750, too, it was increasingly evident that the old
religious enthusiasm for schools had largely died out; that European
traditions and ways and types of schools no longer completely satisfied;
and that the period of the transplanting of European educational ideas and
schools and types of instruction was coming to an end. Instead, the
evolution of a public or state school out of the original religious
school, and the beginnings of the evolution of distinctly American types
of schools, better adapted to American needs, became increasingly evident
in the Colonies as the eighteenth century progressed.

RISE OF THE CIVIL OF STATE SCHOOL. As has been stated earlier, the school
everywhere in America arose as a child of the Church. In the Middle
Colonies, where the parochial-school conception of education was the
prevailing type, the school remained under church control until after the
foundation of our national government. In New England, though--and the New
England evolution in time became the prevailing American practice--the
school passed through a very interesting development during colonial
times.

As we have seen (p. 360), each little New England town was originally
established as a little religious republic, with the Church in complete
control. The governing authorities for church and civil affairs were much
the same. When acting as church officers they were known as Elders and
Deacons; when acting as civil or town officers they were known as
Selectmen. The State, as represented in the colony legislature or the town
meeting, was clearly the servant of the Church, and existed in large part
for religious ends. It was the State acting as the servant of the Church
which enacted the Massachusetts laws of 1642 and 1647 (Rs. 190, 19l),
requiring the towns to maintain schools for religious ends. Now, so close
was the connection between the religious town, which controlled church
affairs, and the civil town, which looked after roads, fences, taxes, and
defense--the constituency of both being one and the same, and the meetings
of both being held at first in the meeting-house--that when the schools
were established the colony legislature placed them under the civil--as
involving taxes, and being a public service--rather than under the
religious town. The interests of one were the interests of both, and,
being the same in constituency and territorial boundaries, there seemed no
occasion for friction or fear. From this religious beginning the civil
school and the civil school-town and school-township, with all their
elaborate school administrative machinery, were later evolved.

The erection of a town hall, separate from the meeting-house, was a first
step in the process. School affairs now were discussed at the town hall,
instead of in the church. The town authorities now appointed committees to
locate and build schoolhouses, select and certificate the teachers, and
visit and examine the school. Next a regular town school committee was
provided for. To this was given the management of the town school, and
town taxes, instead of church taxes, were voted for buildings and
maintenance. The minister continued to certificate the grammar-school
master until the close of the colonial period, but the power to
certificate the elementary-school teachers passed to the town authorities
early in the eighteenth century. By the close of the century all that the
minister--as the only surviving representative of church control--had left
to him was the right to accompany the town authorities in the visitation
of schools. Thus gradually but certainly did the earlier religious school
in America pass out from under the control of the Church and come under
the control of the State. When our national government and the different
state governments were established, the States were ready to accept, in
principle at least, the theory gradually worked out in New England that
schools are state institutions, and should be under the control of the
State.

THE EARLY STATE CONSTITUTIONS AND LAWS. In framing the Federal
Constitution, in 1787, education, then being regarded largely as a local
matter, was left to the States to handle as they saw fit; so we turn to
the early state constitutions and laws to see how far the new American
States had, by the close of the eighteenth century, advanced toward the
conception of education as an affair of the State.

During the period from the Declaration of Independence to the close of the
eighteenth century (1776-1800), all the States, except Rhode Island and
Connecticut, which considered their colonial charters as satisfactory,
formulated and adopted new state constitutions. Three new States--Vermont,
Kentucky, and Tennessee--were admitted to the Union before 1800, and these
framed constitutions also. Of the sixteen States forming the Union by
1800, seven had incorporated into their constitutions a clause setting
forth the State's duty in the matter of education (R. 259). As in the
earlier period of American education, it was Calvinistic New England which
incorporated into the constitutions the best provisions regarding
learning. In the parochial-school central Colonies the mention was much
less emphatic, while the old Anglican-Church Colonies and the new States
of Kentucky and Tennessee remained silent on the subject. Massachusetts,
Vermont, and New Hampshire, in particular, incorporated strong sections
directing the encouragement of learning and virtue, the protection and
fostering of school societies, and the establishment of schools. The
Massachusetts provision, afterwards copied by New Hampshire, is so
explicit in the matter of state duty that it is worth quoting in full.

    Chap. V, Sec. 2. Wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused
    generally among the body of the people, being necessary for the
    preservation of their rights and liberties; and as these depend on
    spreading the opportunities and advantages of education in the various
    parts of the country, and among the different orders of the people, it
    shall be the duty of the legislatures and magistrates, in all future
    periods of this Commonwealth, to cherish the interests of literature
    and the sciences, and all seminaries of them; especially the
    university at Cambridge, public schools, and grammar schools in the
    towns; to encourage private societies and public institutions, by
    rewards and immunities, for the promotion of agriculture, arts,
    sciences, commerce, trades, manufactures, and a natural history of the
    country; to countenance and inculcate the principles of humanity and
    general benevolence, public and private charity, industry and
    frugality, honesty and punctuality in their dealings; sincerity, good
    humor, and all social affections and generous sentiments among the
    people.

Though the Federal Constitution made no provision for education or aid to
schools, when the Congress of the Confederation, in 1787, adopted the
Ordinance for the organization and government of the Northwest Territory,
out of which the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and
Wisconsin were later carved, it prefixed to this Ordinance the following
significant provision:

    Art. 3. Religion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good
    government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of
    education shall forever be encouraged [in the States to be formed from
    this Territory].

By the time the first State formed from this western territory was ready
to be admitted to the Union (Ohio, 1802), the theory that education is a
function of the State had come to be so thoroughly accepted, in principle
at least, by the new American people that Congress now began a policy,
ever since continued, of aiding each new State to establish and maintain a
state system of schools. To this end Congress gave the new State for this
purpose a generous endowment of national land, and in addition three
townships of land to endow a state university. We also find that the
constitutions of the first States created from this new Northwest
Territory (Ohio, 1802; Indiana, 1816 [12]) contain for the time good
provisions relating to public education. The Ohio provisions (R. 260) are
noteworthy for the strong stand for religious freedom and against any
discrimination in the schools between rich and poor, while the Indiana
provisions (R. 261) are marked for their broad and generous conception of
the scope and purpose of a state system of public instruction.

Many of the older States enacted general state school laws early in their
history (R. 262). Connecticut continued the general school laws of 1700,
1712, and 1714 unchanged, and in 1795 added $1,200,000, derived from land
sales, to a permanent state school endowment fund, created as early as
1750. Vermont enacted a general school law in 1782. Massachusetts and New
Hampshire enacted new general school laws, in 1789, which restated and
legalized the school development of the preceding hundred and fifty years.
All these required the maintenance of schools by the towns for a definite
term each year, ordered taxation, and fixed the school studies required by
the State. New York, in 1784, created an administrative organization,
known as the University of the State of New York, to supervise secondary
and higher education throughout the State--an institution clearly modeled
after the centralizing ideas of Condorcet, Rolland, and Diderot (p. 477),
and very similar to the ideas proposed by Talleyrand and Condorcet and
later (1808) embodied in the University of France by Napoleon. In 1795 New
York also provided for a state system of elementary education. Georgia
created a state system of academies, as early as 1783. Delaware created a
state school fund, in 1796, and Virginia enacted an optional school law
the same year. North Carolina created a state university, as early as
1795.

THE NEW POLITICAL MOTIVE FOR SCHOOLS. We thus see, in the new United
States, the theories of the French revolutionary thinkers and statesmen
actually being realized in practice. The constitutional provisions, and
even the legislation, often were in advance of what the States,
impoverished as they were by the War of Independence, could at once carry
out, but they mark the evolution in America of a clearly defined state
theory as to education, and the recognition of a need for general
education in a government whose actions were so largely influenced by the
force of public opinion. The Federal Constitution had extended the right
to vote for national officers to all, and the older States soon began to
remove their earlier property qualifications for voting and to extend
general manhood suffrage to all citizens.

This new development in government by the people, which meant the passing
of the rule of a propertied and educated class and the establishment of a
real democracy, caused the leading American statesmen to turn early to
general education as a necessity for republican safety. In his Farewell
Address to the American people, written in 1796, Washington said:

    Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for
    the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of
    a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that
    public opinion should be enlightened.

Jefferson spent the years 1784 to 1789 in Paris, and became a great
propagandist in America for French political ideas. Writing to James
Madison from France, as early as 1787, he said:

    Above all things, I hope the education of the common people will be
    attended to; convinced that on this good sense we may rely with the
    most security for the preservation of a due sense of liberty.

[Illustration: FIG. 162. THOMAS JEFFERSON (1743-1826)]

In 1779, then, as a member of the Virginia legislature, Jefferson tried
unsuccessfully to secure the passage of a comprehensive bill, after the
plan of the French Revolutionary proposals, for the organization of a
complete system of public education for Virginia. The essential features
of the proposed bill (R. 263) were that every county should be laid off
into school districts, five to six miles square, to be known as
"hundreds," and in each of these an elementary school was to be
established to which any citizen could send his children free of charge
for three years, and as much longer as he was willing to pay tuition; that
the leading pupil in each school was to be selected annually and sent to
one of twenty grammar (secondary) schools to be established and maintained
at various points in the State; after two years the leaders in each of
these schools were to be selected and further educated free for six years,
the less promising being sent home; and at the completion of the grammar-
school course, the upper half of the pupils were to be given three years
more of free education at the State College of William and Mary, and the
other half were to be employed as teachers for the schools of the State.
[13]

Though the scheme failed of approval, Jefferson never lost interest in the
education of the people for intelligent participation in the functions of
government. Writing from Monticello to Colonel Yancey, in 1816, after his
retirement from the presidency, he wrote:

    If a nation expects to be ignorant and free in a state of civilization
    it expects what never was and never will be.... There is no safe
    deposit (for the functions of government) but with the people
    themselves; nor can they be safe with them without information.

In 1819 the founding of the University of Virginia crowned Jefferson's
efforts for education by the State. This institution, the Declaration of
Independence, and the statute for religious freedom in Virginia stand to-
day as the three enduring monuments to his memory. [14]

Other of the early American statesmen expressed similar views as to the
importance of general education by the State. John Jay, first Chief
Justice of the United States, in a letter to his friend, Dr. Benjamin
Rush, wrote:

    I consider knowledge to be the soul of a Republic, and as the weak and
    the wicked are generally in alliance, as much care should be taken to
    diminish the number of the former as of the latter. Education is the
    way to do this, and nothing should be left undone to afford all ranks
    of people the means of obtaining a proper degree of it at a cheap and
    easy rate.

James Madison, fourth President of the United States, wrote:

    A satisfactory plan for primary education is certainly a vital
    desideratum in our republics.

    A popular government without popular information or the means of
    acquiring it is but a prologue to a farce or a tragedy, or, perhaps,
    both. Knowledge will forever govern ignorance; and a people who mean
    to be their own governors must arm themselves with the power which
    knowledge gives.

John Adams, with true New England thoroughness, expressed the new motive
for education still more forcibly when he wrote:

    The instruction of the people in every kind of knowledge that can be
    of use to them in the practice of their moral duties as men, citizens,
    and Christians, and of their political and civil duties as members of
    society and freemen, ought to be the care of the public, and of all
    who have any share in the conduct of its affairs, in a manner that
    never yet has been practiced in any age or nation. The education here
    intended is not merely that of the children of the rich and noble, but
    of every rank and class of people, down to the lowest and poorest. It
    is not too much to say that schools for the education of all should be
    placed at convenient distances and maintained at the public expense.
    The revenues of the State would be applied infinitely better, more
    charitably, wisely, usefully, and therefore politically in this way
    than even in maintaining the poor. This would be the best way of
    preventing the existence of the poor....

    Laws for the liberal education of youth, especially of the lower
    classes of people, are so extremely wise and useful that, to a humane
    and generous mind, no expense for this purpose would be thought
    extravagant.

Having founded, as Lincoln so well said later at Gettysburg, "on this
continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal," and having built a
constitutional form of government based on that equality, it in time
became evident to those who thought at all on the question that that
liberty and political equality could not be preserved without the general
education of all. A new motive for education was thus created and
gradually formulated in the United States, as well as in revolutionary
France, and the nature of the school instruction of the youth of the State
came in time to be colored through and through by this new political
motive. The necessary schools, though, did not come at once. On the
contrary, the struggle to establish these necessary schools it will be our
purpose to trace in subsequent chapters, but before doing so we wish first
to point out how the rise of a political theory for education led to the
development of a theory as to the nature of the educational process which
exercised a far-reaching influence on all subsequent evolution of schools
and teaching.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. What do the proposals of La Chalotais, Rolland, and Turgot indicate as
to the degree of unification of France attained by the time they wrote?

2. What new subjects did Diderot add to the religious elementary school of
his time?

3. Show how the decline in efficiency of the Jesuits was a stimulating
force for the evolution of a system of public instruction in France.

4. Show the statesman-like character of the proposals made in the
legislative assemblies of France for the organization of national
education.

5. Assuming that there had been enough funds to carry out the law (1793)
of the Convention for primary instruction, what other difficulties would
have been met that would have been hard to surmount?

6. Compare the Lakanal school with an American elementary school of a
half-century ago.

7. Show that many of the important educational reforms of Napoleon were
foreshadowed in the National Convention.

8. Was Napoleon right in his attitude toward education and schools?

9. Explain the lack of success of the revolutionary theorists in the
establishment of a state system of education.

10. Explain why the breakdown of the old religious intolerance came
earlier in the American Colonies than in the Old World.

11. Show the great value of the Laws of 1642 and 1647 in holding New
England true to the maintenance of schools during the period of decline.

12. What might have been the result in America had the New England
Colonies established the school as a parish institution, as did the
central Colonies?

13. Analyze the Massachusetts constitutional provision for education, and
show what it provided for.

14. Show the similarity of the University of the State of New York to the
proposals for governmental control in France.

15. Explain why the French revolutionary ideas as to education were
realized so easily in the new United States, whereas France did not
realize them until well into the nineteenth century.

16. Compare Jefferson's proposed law with the proposals of Talleyrand for
France.

17. Just what type of educational institutions did Washington have in mind
in the quotation from his Farewell Address? John Jay? John Adams?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying Book of Readings the following selections are
reproduced:

  254. Dabney: The Far-Reaching Influence of Rousseau's Writings.
  255. La Chalotais: Essay on National Education.
  256. Condorcet: Outline of a Plan for Organizing Public Instruction in
       France.
  257. Report: Founding of the Polytechnic School at Paris.
  258. Barnard: Work of the National Convention in France.
       (a) Various legislative proposals.
       (b) The Law of 1795 organizing Primary Instruction.
  259. American States: Early Constitutional Provisions relating to
       Education.
  260. Ohio: Educational Provisions of First Constitution.
  261. Indiana: Educational Provisions of First Constitution.
  262. American States: Early School Legislation in.
  263. Jefferson: Plan for Organizing Education in Virginia.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Explain the conditions of society under which the emotional writings of
a man of the type of Rousseau could have made such a deep impression (254)
on the nation.

2. In how far do nations to-day accept the theories of La Chalotais (255)?

3. What type of administrative organization was proposed by Condorcet
(256)?

4. What does the founding of the Polytechnic School (257) indicate as to
the French interest in science?

5. What real progress was made by the National Convention (258 a), and to
what degree did it fail? 6. Explain the type of school system proposed and
the conception of education lying behind the early constitutional
provisions (259) for education in each of the American States.

7. In what respects were the educational provisions of the first Ohio
constitution (260) remarkable?

8. In what respects were the educational provisions of the first Indiana
constitution (261) remarkable?

9. Characterize the early school legislation reproduced (262).

10. Just what type of educational system did Jefferson propose to organize
in Virginia (263)?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Barnard, Henry. _American Journal of Education_, vol. 22, pp.
    651-64.
  Compayré, G. _History of Pedagogy_, chapters 15, 16, 17.
  Cubberley, E. P. _Public Education in the United States_, chapter
    3.




CHAPTER XXI

A NEW THEORY AND SUBJECT-MATTER FOR THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL


In chapters XVII and XVIII we traced the development of educational theory
up to the point where John Locke left it after outlining his social and
disciplinary theory for the educational process, and in the chapter
preceding this one we traced the evolution of a new state theory as to the
purpose of education to replace the old religious theory. The new theory
as to state control, and the erection of a citizenship purpose for
education, made it both possible and desirable that the instruction in the
school, and particularly in the vernacular school, should be recast, both
in method and content, to bring the school into harmony with the new
secular purpose. In consequence, an important reorganization of the
vernacular school now took place, and to this transformation of the
elementary school we next turn.


I. THE NEW THEORY STATED

ICONOCLASTIC NATURE OF THE WORK OF ROUSSEAU. The inspirer of the new
theory as to the purpose of education was none other than the French-Swiss
iconoclast and political writer, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, whose work as a
political theorist we have previously described. Happening to take up the
educational problem as a phase of his activity against the political and
social and ecclesiastical conditions of his age, drawing freely on Locke's
_Thoughts_ for ideas, and inspired by a feeling that so corrupt and
debased was his age that if he rejected everything accepted by it and
adopted the opposite he would reach the truth, Rousseau restated his
political theories as to the control of man by society and his ideas as to
a life according to "nature" in a book in which he described the
education, from birth to manhood, of an imaginary boy, Émile, and his
future wife, Sophie. In the first sentence of the book Rousseau sets forth
his fundamental thesis:

    All is good as it comes from the hand of the Creator; all degenerates
    under the hands of man. He forces one country to produce the fruits of
    another, one tree to bear that of another. He confounds climates,
    elements, and seasons; he mutilates his dog, his horse, his slave;
    turns everything topsy-turvy, disfigures everything. He will have
    nothing as nature made it, not even man himself; he must be trained
    like a managed horse, trimmed like a tree in a garden.

His book, published in 1762, in no sense outlined a workable system of
education. Instead, in charming literary style, with much sophistry, many
paradoxes, numerous irrelevant digressions upon topics having no relation
to education, and in no systematic order, Rousseau presented his ideas as
to the nature and purpose of education. Emphasizing the importance of the
natural development of the child (R. 264 a), he contended that the three
great teachers of man were nature, man, and experience, and that the
second and third tended to destroy the value of the first (R. 264 b); that
the child should be handled in a new way, and that the most important item
in his training up to twelve years of age was to do nothing (R. 264 c, d)
so that nature might develop his character properly (R. 264 e); and that
from twelve to fifteen his education should be largely from things and
nature, and not from books (R. 264 f). As the outcome of such an education
Rousseau produced a boy who, from his point of view, would at eighteen
still be natural (R. 264 g) and unspoiled by the social life about him,
which, after all, he felt was soon to pass away (R. 264 i). The old
religious instruction he would completely supersede (R. 264 h).

[Illustration: FIG. 163. THE ROUSSEAU MONUMENT AT GENEVA]

So depraved was the age, and so wretched were the educational practices of
his time, that, in spite of the malevolent impulse which was his driving
force, what he wrote actually contained many excellent ideas, pointed the
way to better practices, and became an inspiration for others who, unlike
Rousseau, were deeply interested in problems of education and child
welfare. One cannot study Rousseau's writings as a whole, see him in his
eighteenth-century setting, know of his personal life, and not feel that
the far-reaching reforms produced by his _Émile_ are among the strangest
facts in history.

THE VALUABLE ELEMENTS IN ROUSSEAU'S WORK. Amid his glittering generalities
and striking paradoxes Rousseau did, however, set forth certain important
ideas as to the proper education of children. Popularizing the best ideas
of the Englishman, Locke (p. 433), Rousseau may be said to have given
currency to certain conceptions as to the education of children which, in
the hands of others, brought about great educational changes. Briefly
stated, these were:

    1. The replacement of authority by reason and investigation.

    2. That education should be adapted to the gradually unfolding
       capacities of the child.

    3. That each age in the life of a child has activities which are
       normal to that age, and that education should seek for and follow
       these.

    4. That physical activity and health are of first importance.

    5. That education, and especially elementary education, should take
       place through the senses, rather than through the memory.

    6. That the emphasis placed on the memory in education is
       fundamentally wrong, dwarfing the judgment and reason of the child.

    7. That catechetical and Jesuitical types of education should be
       abandoned.

    8. That the study of theological subtleties is unsuited to child needs
       or child capacity.

    9. That the natural interests, curiosity, and activities of children
       should be utilized in their education.

   10. That the normal activities of children call for expression, and
       that the best means of utilizing these activities are conversation,
       writing, drawing, music, and play.

   11. That education should no longer be exclusively literary and
       linguistic, but should be based on sense perception, expression,
       and reasoning.

   12. That such education calls for instruction in the book of nature,
       with home geography and the investigation of elementary problems in
       science occupying a prominent place.

   13. That the child be taught rather than the subject-matter; life here
       rather than hereafter; and the development of reason rather than
       the loading of the memory, were the proper objects of education.

   14. That a many-sided education is necessary to reveal child
       possibilities; to correct the narrowing effect of specialized class
       education; and to prepare one for possible changes in fortune.

A new educational ideal presented. Rousseau's _Émile_ presented a new
ideal in education. According to his conception it was debasing that man
should be educated to behave correctly in an artificial society, to follow
blindly the doctrines of a faith, or to be an obedient subject of a king.
Instead he conceived the function of education to be to evolve the natural
powers, cultivate the human side, unfold the inborn capacities of every
human being, and to develop a reasoning individual, capable of
intelligently directing his life under diverse conditions and in any form
of society. A book setting forth such ideas naturally was revolutionary
[1] in matters of education. It deeply influenced thinkers along these
lines during the remaining years of the eighteenth century, and became the
inspiring source of nineteenth-century reforms. As Rousseau's _Social
Contract_ became the political handbook of the French Revolutionists, so
his _Émile_ became the inspiration of a new theory as to the education of
children.

Coming, as it did, at a time when political and ecclesiastical despotisms
were fast breaking down in France, when new forces were striving for
expression throughout Europe, and when new theories as to the functions of
government were being set forth in the American Colonies and in France, it
gave the needed inspiration for the evolution of a new theory of non-
religious, universal, and democratic education which would prepare
citizens for intelligent participation in the functions of a democratic
State, and for a reorganization of the subject-matter of education itself.
A new theory as to the educational purpose was soon to arise, and the
whole nature of the educational process, in the hands of others, was soon
to be transformed as a result of the fortunate conjunction of the
iconoclastic and impractical discussion of education by Rousseau and the
more practical work of English, French, and American political theorists
and statesmen. Out of the fusing of these, modern educational theory
arose.


II. GERMAN ATTEMPTS TO WORK OUT A NEW THEORY

INFLUENCE OF THE _ÉMILE_ IN GERMAN LANDS. The _Émile_ was widely read, not
only in France, but throughout the continent of Europe as well. In German
lands its publication coincided with the rising tide of nationalism--the
"Period of Enlightenment"--and the book was warmly welcomed by such (then
young) men as Goethe, Schiller, Herder, Richter, Fichte, and Kant. It
presented a new ideal of education and a new ideal for humanity, and its
ideas harmonized well with those of the newly created aristocracy of worth
which the young German enthusiasts were busily engaged in proclaiming for
their native land. The ideal of the perfected individual, strong in the
consciousness of his powers, now found expression in the new "classics of
individualism" which marked the outburst of the best that German
literature has ever produced. As Paulsen [2] well says:

    Rousseau exercised an immense influence on his times, and Germany was
    stirred perhaps even more deeply than France. In France Voltaire
    continued to be regarded as the great man of his time, whereas, in
    Germany, his place in the esteem of the younger generation had been
    taken by the enthusiast of Geneva. Kant, Herder, Goethe, Schiller,
    Fichte, all of them were roused by Rousseau to the inmost depths of
    their natures. He gave utterance to the passionate longing of their
    souls: to do away with the imitation of French courtly culture, by
    which Nature was suppressed and perverted in every way, to do away
    with the established political and social order, based on court
    society and class distinctions, which was felt to be lowering to man
    in his quality as a reasonable being, and to return to Nature, to
    simple and unsophisticated habits of life, or rather to find a way
    through Nature to a better civilisation, which would restore the
    natural values of life to their rightful place and would be compatible
    with truth and virtue, sincerity and probity of character.

The great German philosopher, Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), was so deeply
stirred by the _Émile_ that the regularity of his daily walks and the
clearness of his thinking were disturbed by it. Goethe called the book
"the teacher's Gospel." Schiller praised Rousseau as "a new Socrates, who
of Christians wished to make men." Herder acclaimed Rousseau as a German,
and his "divine work" as his guide. Jean-Paul Richter confessed himself
indebted to Rousseau for the best ideas in his _Levana_. Lavater declared
himself ready for a Reformation in education along the lines laid down by
Rousseau.

[Illustration: FIG. 64. BASEDOW (1723-90)]

BASEDOW AND HIS WORK. Perhaps the most important practical influence
exerted by the _Émile_ in German lands came in the work of Johann Bernard
Basedow and his followers. Basedow was a North German who had been
educated in the _Gymnasium_ at Hamburg, had studied in the theological
faculty at Leipzig, had been a tutor in a nobleman's family, and had been
a teacher in a _Ritterakademie_ in Denmark and the _Gymnasium_ at Altona.
Deeply imbued with the new scientific spirit, in thorough revolt against
the dominance of the Church in human lives, and incited to new efforts by
his reading of the _Émile_, Basedow thought out a plan for a reform school
which should put many of Rousseau's ideas into practice. In 1768 he issued
his _Address to Philanthropists and Men of Property on Schools and Studies
and their Influence on the Public Weal_, in which he appealed for funds to
enable him to open a school to try out his ideas, and to enable him to
prepare a new type of textbooks for the use of schools. He proposed in
this appeal to organize a school which should be non-sectarian, and also
advocated the creation of a National Council of Education to have charge
of all public instruction. These were essentially the ideas of the French
political reformers of the time. The appeal was widely scattered, awakened
much enthusiasm, and subscriptions to assist him poured in from many
sources. [3]

In 1774 Basedow published two works of more than ordinary importance. The
first, a _Book of Method for Fathers and Mothers of Families and of
Nations_, was a book for adults, and outlined a plan of education for both
boys and girls. The keynotes were "following nature," "impartial religious
instruction," children to be dealt with as children, learning through the
senses, language instruction by a natural method, and much study of
natural objects. The ideas were a combination of those of Bacon, Comenius,
and Rousseau. The second book, in four volumes, and containing one hundred
copper-plate illustrations, was the famous _Elementary Work_
(_Elementarwerk mit Kupfern_) (R. 266), the first illustrated school
textbook since the _Orbis Pictus_ (1654) of Comenius. This work of
Basedow's became, in German lands, the _Orbis Pictus_ of the eighteenth
century. By means of its "natural methods" (R. 265) children were to be
taught to read, both the vernacular and Latin, more easily and in less
time than had been done before, and in addition were to be given a
knowledge of morals, commerce, scientific subjects, and social usages by
"an incomparable method," founded on experience in teaching children. The
book enjoyed a wide circulation among the middle and upper classes in
German lands.

BASEDOW'S _PHILANTHROPINUM_. In 1774 Prince Leopold, of Dessau, a town in
the duchy of Anhalt, in northern Germany, gave Basedow the use of two
buildings and a garden, and twelve thousand thalers in money, with which
to establish his long-heralded _Philanthropinum_, which was to be an
educational institution of a new type. Great expectations were aroused,
and a widespread interest in the new school awakened. Education according
to nature, with a reformed, time-saving, natural method for the teaching
of languages, were to be its central ideas. Children were to be treated as
children, and not as adults. Powdered hair, gilded coats, swords, rouge,
and hoops were to be discarded for short hair, clean faces, sailor
jackets, and caps, while the natural plays of children and directed
physical training were to be made a feature of the instruction. The
languages were to be taught by conversational methods. Each child was to
be taught a handicraft--turning, planing, and carpentering were provided--
for both social and educational reasons. Instruction in real things--
science, nature--was to take the place of instruction in words, and the
vernacular was to be the language of instruction. The institution was to
have the atmosphere of religion, but was not to be Catholic, Lutheran,
Reformed, or Jewish, and was to be free from "theologizing distinctions."
Latin, German, French, mathematics, a knowledge of nature (geography,
physics, natural history), music, dancing, drawing, and physical training
were the principal subjects of instruction. The children were divided into
four classes, and the instruction for each, with the textbooks to be used,
was outlined (R. 265).

The school opened with Basedow and three assistants as teachers, and two
of Basedow's children and twelve others as pupils. Later the school came
to have many boarding pupils, drawn from as far-distant points as Riga and
Spain. In 1776 a public examination was held, to which many distinguished
men were invited, and the work which Basedow's methods could produce was
exhibited. These methods seem to have been successful, judging from the
rather full accounts which have been left us. [4] The school represented a
new type of educational effort, and was frankly experimental in purpose.
It was an attempt to apply, in practice, the main ideas of Rousseau's
_Émile_. Basedow tried the plan of education outlined by Rousseau with his
own daughter, whom he named Émilie.

[ILLUSTRATION: FIG. 165  IMMANUEL KANT (1724-1804)]

As a promising experiment the school awakened widespread interest, and
Basedow was supported by such thinkers of the time as Goethe and Kant. The
year following the "Examination" Kant, then professor of philosophy at the
University of Königsberg, contributed an article to the _Königsberg
Gazette_ explaining the importance of the experiment Basedow was making.
Still later, in his university lectures _On Pedagogy_, he further stated
the importance of such a new experiment, in the following words:

    It was imagined that experiments in education were not necessary; and
    that, whether any thing in it was good or bad, could be judged of by
    the reason. But this was a great mistake; experience shows very often
    that results are produced precisely the opposite to those which had
    been expected. We also see from experiment that one generation cannot
    work out a complete plan of education. The only experimental school
    which has made a beginning toward breaking the path was the Dessau
    institution. This praise must be given to it, in spite of the many
    faults which may be charged against it; faults which belong to all
    conclusions based upon such undertakings; and which make new
    experiments always necessary. It was the only school in which the
    teachers had the liberty to work after their own methods and plans,
    and where they stood in connection, not only with each other, but with
    men of learning throughout all Germany.

BASEDOW'S INFLUENCE, AND FOLLOWERS. Basedow, though, was an impractical
theorist, boastful and quarrelsome, vulgar and coarse, given to
drunkenness and intemperate speech, and fond of making claims for his work
which the results did not justify. In a few years he had been displaced as
director, and in 1793 the _Philanthropinum_ closed its doors. The school,
nevertheless, was a very important educational experiment, and Basedow's
work for a time exerted a profound influence on German pedagogical
thought. He may be said to have raised instruction in the _Realien_ in
German lands to a place of distinct importance, and to have given a turn
to such instruction which it has ever since retained. [5] The methods of
instruction, too, worked out in arithmetic, geography, geometry, natural
history, physics, and history were in many ways as revolutionary as those
evolved by Pestalozzi later on in Switzerland. In his emphasis on
scientific subject-matter Basedow surpassed Pestalozzi, but Pestalozzi
possessed a clearer, intuitive insight into the nature and purpose of the
educational process. The work of the two men furnishes an interesting
basis for comparison (R. 271), and the work of each gave added importance
to that of the other.

From Dessau an interest in pedagogical ideas and experiments spread over
Europe, and particularly over German lands. Other institutions, modeled
after the _Philanthropinum_, were founded in many places, and some of
Basedow's followers [6] did as important work along certain lines as did
Basedow himself. His followers were numerous, and of all degrees of worth.
They urged acceptance of the new ideas of Rousseau as worked out and
promulgated by Basedow; vigorously attacked the old schools, making
converts here and there; and in a way helped to prepare northern German
lands for the incoming, later, of the better-organized ideas of the
German-Swiss reformer Pestalozzi, to whose work we next turn.


III. THE WORK AND INFLUENCE OF PESTALOZZI

THE INSPIRATION OF PESTALOZZI. Among those most deeply influenced by
Rousseau's _Émile_ was a young German-Swiss by the name of Johann Heinrich
Pestalozzi, who was born (1746) and brought up in the ancient city of
Zurich. Inspired by Rousseau's writings he spent the early part of his
life in trying to render service to the poor, and the latter part in
working out for himself a theory and a method of instruction based on the
natural development of the child. To Pestalozzi, more than to any one
else, we owe the foundations of the modern secular vernacular elementary
school, and in consequence his work is of commanding importance in the
history of the development of educational practice.

Trying to educate his own child according to Rousseau's plan, he not only
discovered its impracticability but also that the only way to improve on
it was to study the children themselves. Accordingly he opened a school
and home on his farm at Neuhof, in 1774. Here he took in fifty abandoned
children, to whom he taught reading, writing, and arithmetic, gave them
moral discourses, and trained them in gardening, farming, and cheese-
making. It was an attempt to regenerate beggars by means of education,
which Pestalozzi firmly believed could be done. At the end of two years he
had spent all the money he and his wife possessed, and the school closed
in failure--a blessing in disguise--though with Pestalozzi's faith in the
power of education unshaken. Of this experiment he wrote: "For years I
have lived in the midst of fifty little beggars, sharing in my poverty my
bread with them, living like a beggar myself in order to teach beggars to
live like men."

Turning next to writing, while continuing to farm, Pestalozzi now tried to
express his faith in education in printed form. His _Leonard and Gertrude_
(1781) was a wonderfully beautiful story of Swiss peasant life, and of the
genius and sympathy and love of a woman amid degrading surroundings. From
a wretched place the village of Bonnal, under Pestalozzi's pen, was
transformed by the power of education. [7] The book was a great success
from the first, and for it Pestalozzi was made a "citizen" of the French
Republic, along with Washington, Madison, Kosciusko, Wilberforce, and Tom
Paine. He continued to farm and to think, though nearly starving, until
1798, when the opportunity for which he was really fitted came.

PESTALOZZI'S EDUCATIONAL EXPERIMENTS. In 1798 "The Helvetic Republic" was
proclaimed, an event which divided Pestalozzi's life into two parts. Up to
this time he had been interested wholly in the philanthropic aspect of
education, believing that the poor could be regenerated through education
and labor. From this time on he interested himself in the teaching aspect
of the problem, in the working-out and formulation of a teaching method
based on the natural development of the child, and in training others to
teach. Much to the disgust of the authorities of the new Swiss Government,
citizen Pestalozzi applied for service as a schoolteacher. The opportunity
to render such service soon came.

That autumn the French troops invaded Switzerland, and, in putting down
the stubborn resistance of the three German cantons, shot down a large
number of the people. Orphans to the number of 169 were left in the little
town of Stanz, and citizen Pestalozzi was given charge of them. For six
months he was father, mother, teacher, and nurse. Then, worn out himself,
the orphanage was changed into a hospital. A little later he became a
schoolmaster in Burgdorf; was dismissed; became a teacher in another
school; and finally, in 1800, opened a school himself in an old castle
there. He now drew about him other teachers interested in improving
instruction, and in consequence could specialize the work. He provided
separate teachers for drawing and singing, geography and history, language
and arithmetic, and gymnastics. The year following the school was enlarged
into a teachers' training-school, the government extending him aid in
return for giving Swiss teachers one month of training as teachers in his
school. Here he wrote and published _How Gertrude teaches her Children_,
which explained his methods and forms his most important pedagogical work
(R. 267); a _Guide for teaching Spelling and Reading_; and a _Book for
Mothers_, devoted to a description of "object teaching." In 1803, the
castle being needed by the government, Pestalozzi moved first to
Munchenbuchsee, near Hofwyl, opening his Institute temporarily in an old
convent there. For a few months, in 1804, he was associated with Emanuel
von Fellenberg, at Hofwyl (p. 546), but in October, 1804, he moved to
Yverdon, where he reëstablished the Institute, and where the next twenty
years of his life were spent and his greatest success achieved.

[Illustration: FIG. 166. THE SCENE OF PESTALOZZI'S LABORS]

THE CONTRIBUTION OF PESTALOZZI. The great contribution of Pestalozzi lay
in that, following the lead of Rousseau, he rejected the religious aim and
the teaching of mere words and facts, which had characterized all
elementary education up to near the close of the eighteenth century, and
tried instead to reduce the educational process to a well-organized
routine, based on the natural and orderly development of the instincts,
capacities, and powers of the growing child. Taking Rousseau's idea of a
return to nature, he tried to apply it to the education of children. This
led to his rejection of what he called the "empty chattering of mere
words" and "outward show" in the instruction in reading and the catechism,
and the introduction in their place of real studies, based on observation,
experimentation, and reasoning. "Sense impression" became his watchword.
[8] As he expressed it, he "tried to organize and psychologize the
educational process" by harmonizing it with the natural development of the
child (R. 267). To this end he carefully studied children, and developed
his methods experimentally as a result of his observation. To this end,
both at Burgdorf and Yverdon, all results of preceding teachers and
writers on education were rejected, for fear that error might creep in.
Read nothing, discover everything, and prove all things, came to be the
working guides of himself and his teachers.

The development of man he believed to be organic, and to proceed according
to law. It was the work of the teacher to discover these laws of
development and to assist nature in securing "a natural, symmetrical, and
harmonious development" of all the "faculties" of the child. Real
education must develop the child as a whole--mentally, physically,
morally--and called for the training of the head and the hand and the
heart. The only proper means for developing the powers of the child was
use, and hence education must guide and stimulate self-activity, be based
on intuition and exercise, and the sense impressions must be organized and
directed. Education, too, if it is to follow the organic development of
the child, must observe the proper progress of child development and be
graded, so that each step of the process shall grow out of the preceding
and grow into the following stage. To accomplish these ends the training
must be all-round and harmonious; much liberty must be allowed the child
in learning; education must proceed largely by doing instead of by words,
the method of learning must be largely analytical; real objects and ideas
must precede symbols and words; and, finally, the organization and
correlation of what is learned must be looked after by the teacher.

[Illustration: PLATE II. JOHANN HEINRICH PESTALOZZI.]

Still more, Pestalozzi possessed a deep and abiding faith, new at the
time, in the power of education as a means of regenerating society. He had
begun his work by trying to "teach beggars to live like men," and his
belief in the potency of education in working this transformation, so
touchingly expressed in his _Leonard and Gertrude_, never left him. He
believed that each human being could be raised through the influence of
education to the level of an intellectually free and morally independent
life, and that every human being was entitled to the right to attain such
freedom and independence. The way to this lay through the full use of his
developing powers, under the guidance of a teacher, and not through a
process of repeating words and learning by heart. Not only the
intellectual qualities of perception, judgment, and reasoning need
exercise, but the moral powers as well. To provide such exercise and
direction was the work of the school.

Pestalozzi also resented the brutal discipline which for ages had
characterized all school instruction, believed it by its very nature
immoral, and tried to substitute for this a strict but loving discipline--
a "thinking love," he calls it--and to make the school as nearly as
possible like a gentle and refined home. To a Swiss father, who on
visiting his school exclaimed, "Why, this is not a school, but a family,"
Pestalozzi answered that such a statement was the greatest praise he could
have given him.

THE CONSEQUENCES OF THESE IDEAS. The educational consequences of these new
ideas were very large. They in time gave aim and purpose to the elementary
school of the nineteenth century, transforming it from an instrument of
the Church for church ends, to an instrument of society to be used for its
own regeneration and the advancement of the welfare of all. [9] The
introduction of the study of natural objects in place of words, and much
talking about what was seen and studied instead of parrot-like
reproductions of the words of a book, revolutionized both the methods and
the subject-matter of instruction in the developing elementary school.
Observation and investigation tended to supersede mere memorizing; class
discussion and thinking to supersede the reciting of the words of the
book; thinking about what was being done to supersede routine learning;
and class instruction to supersede the wasteful individual teaching which
had for so long characterized all school work. It meant the reorganization
of the work of the vernacular school on a modern basis, with class
organization and group instruction, and a modern-world purpose (R. 269).

The work of Pestalozzi also meant the introduction of new subject-matter
for instruction, the organization of new teaching subjects for the
elementary school, and the redirection of the elementary education of
children. Observation led to the development of elementary-science study,
and the study of home geography; talking about what was observed led to
the study of language usage, as distinct from the older study of grammar;
and counting and measuring led to the study of number, and hence to a new
type of primary arithmetic. The reading of the school also changed both in
character and purpose. In other words, in place of an elementary education
based on reading, a little writing and spelling, and the catechism, all of
a memoriter type and with religious ends in view, a new primary school,
essentially secular in character, was created by the work of Pestalozzi.
This new school was based on the study of real objects, learning through
sense impressions, the individual expression of ideas, child activity, and
the development of the child's powers in an orderly way. In fact, "the
development of the faculties" of the child became a by-word with
Pestalozzi and his followers.

Pestalozzi's deep abiding faith in the power of education to regenerate
society was highly influential in Switzerland, throughout western Europe,
and later in America in showing how to deal with orphans, vagrants, and
those suffering from physical defects or in need of reformation, by
providing for such a combination of intellectual and industrial training.

THE SPREAD AND INFLUENCE OF PESTALOZZI'S WORK. So famous did the work of
Pestalozzi become that his schools at Burgdorf and Yverdon came to be
"show places," even in a land filled with natural wonders. Observers and
students came from America (R. 268) and from all over Europe to see and to
teach in his school, and draw inspiration from seeing his work (R. 270)
and talking with him. [10] In particular the educators of Prussia were
attracted by his work, and, earlier than other nations, saw the far-
reaching significance of his discoveries. Herbart visited his school as
early as 1799, when but a young man of twenty-three, and wrote a very
sympathetic description of his new methods. Froebel spent the years 1808
to 1810 as a teacher at Yverdon, when he was a young man of twenty-six to
eight. "It soon became evident to me," wrote Froebel, "that 'Pestalozzi'
was to be the watchword of my life." The philosopher Fichte, whose
Addresses (1807-08) on the condition of the German people (page 568),
after their humiliating defeat by Napoleon, did much to reveal to Prussia
the possibilities of national regeneration by means of education, had
taught in Zurich, knew Pestalozzi, and afterward exploited his work and
his ideas in Berlin. [11] As early as 1803 an envoy, sent by the Prussian
King, [12] reported favorably on Pestalozzi's work, and in 1804
Pestalozzian methods were authorized for the primary schools of Prussia.
In 1808 seventeen teachers were sent to Switzerland, at the expense of the
Prussian Government, to spend three years in studying Pestalozzi's ideas
and methods. On their return, these and others spread Pestalozzian ideas
throughout Prussia. A pastor and teacher from Würtemberg, Karl August
Zeller (1774-1847), came to Burgdorf in 1803 to study. In 1806 he opened a
training-school for teachers in Zurich, and there worked out a plan of
studies based on the work of Pestalozzi. This was printed and attracted
much attention. In 1808 the King of Würtemberg listened to five lectures
on Pestalozzian methods by Zeller, and invited him to a position as school
inspector in his State. Before he had done but a few months' work he was
called to Prussia, to organize a normal school and begin the introduction
of Pestalozzian ideas there. From Prussia the ideas and methods of
Pestalozzi gradually spread to the other German States.

Many Swiss teachers were trained by Pestalozzi, and these also helped to
extend his work and ideas over Switzerland. Particularly in German
Switzerland did his ideas take root and reorganize education. As a result
modern systems of education made an early start in these cantons. One of
Pestalozzi's earliest and most faithful teachers, Hermann Krüsi, became
principal of the Swiss normal school at Gais, and trained teachers there
in Pestalozzian methods. Zeller's pupils, too, did much to spread his
influence among the Swiss. Pestalozzi's ideas were also carried to
England, but in no such satisfactory manner as to the German States. Where
German lands received both the method and the spirit, the English obtained
largely the form. Later Pestalozzian ideas came to the United States, at
first largely through English sources, and, after about 1860, resulted in
a thoroughgoing reorganization of American elementary education.

After Pestalozzi's institution had become celebrated, and visitors and
commissions from many countries had visited him and it, and after
governments had vied with one another in introducing Pestalozzian methods
and reforms, the vogue of the Pestalozzian ideas became very extended.
Many excellent private schools were founded on the Pestalozzian model,
while on the other hand self-styled Pestalozzian reformers sprang up on
all sides. All this imitation was both natural and helpful; the
foolishness and charlatanism in time disappeared, leaving a real advance
in the educational conception.

THE MANUAL-LABOR SCHOOL OF FELLENBERG. Of the Swiss associates and
followers of Pestalozzi one of the most influential was Phillip Emanuel
von Fellenberg (1771-1844). The son of a Swiss official of high political
and social position, possessed of wealth, having traveled extensively,
Fellenberg, having become convinced that correct early education was the
only means whereby the State might be elevated and the lot of man made
better, resolved (1805) to devote his life and his fortune to the working-
out of his ideas. For a short time associated with Pestalozzi, he soon
withdrew and established, on his own estate, an Institution which later
(1829) came to comprise the following:

    1. A farm of about six hundred acres.

    2. Workshops for manufacturing clothing and tools.

    3. A printing and lithographing establishment.

    4. A literary institution for the education of the well-to-do.

    5. A lower or _real_ school, which trained for handicrafts and
       middle-class occupations.

    6. An agricultural school for the education of the poor as farm
       laborers, and as teachers for the rural schools.

[Illustration: PLATE 12: FELLENBERG'S INSTITUTE AT HOFWYL.
The first Agricultural and Mechanical College. This school contained the
germ-idea of all our agricultural education.]

By 1810 the Institution had begun to attract attention, and soon pupils
and visitors came from distant lands to study in and to examine the
schools. The agricultural school in particular aroused interest. More than
one hundred Reports (R. 272) were published, in Europe and America, on
this very successful experiment in a combined intellectual and manual-
labor type of education. Fellenberg died in 1844, and his family
discontinued the school in 1848.

Fellenberg's work was a continuation of the social-regeneration conception
of education held by Pestalozzi, and contained the germ-idea of all our
agricultural and industrial education. His plan was widely copied in
Switzerland, Germany, England, and the United States. It was well suited
to the United States because of the very democratic conditions then
prevailing among an agricultural people possessed of but little wealth.
The plan of combining farming and schooling made for a time a strong
appeal to Americans, and such schools were founded in many parts of the
country. The idea at first was to unite training in agriculture with
schooling, but it was soon extended to the rapidly rising mechanical
pursuits as well. The plan, however, was rather short-lived in the United
States, due to the rise of manufacturing and the opening of rich and cheap
farms to the westward, and lasted with us scarcely two decades. A
generation later it reappeared in the Central West in the form of a new
demand for colleges to teach agricultural and mechanical arts, but with
the manual-labor idea omitted. This we shall refer to again, later on
(chapter xxix).

[Illustration: FIG. 167. FELLENBERG (1771-1844)]


IV. REDIRECTION OF THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL

SIGNIFICANCE OF THIS WORK. Though some form of parish school for the
elements of religious instruction had existed in many places during the
later Middle Ages, and foundations providing for some type of elementary
instruction had appeared here and there in almost all lands, the
elementary vernacular school, as we have previously pointed out, was
nevertheless clearly the outcome of the Protestant movement in the
sixteenth century, and in its origin was essentially a child of the
Church. A child of the Church, too, for more than two centuries the
elementary vernacular school remained. During these two centuries the
elementary school made slow but rather unsatisfactory progress, due
largely to there being no other motive for its maintenance or expansion
than the original religious purpose. Only in the New England Colonies in
North America, in some of the provinces of the Netherlands, and in a few
of the German States had any real progress been made in evolving any
different type of school out of this early religious creation, and even in
these places the change was in form of control rather than in subject-
matter or purpose. The school remained religious in purpose, even though
its control was beginning to pass from the Church to the State.

Now, within half a century, beginning with the work of Rousseau (1762),
and by means of the labors of the political philosophers of France, the
Revolutionary leaders in the American Colonies, the legislative Assemblies
and Conventions in France, and the experimental work of Basedow and his
followers in German lands and of Pestalozzi and his disciples in
Switzerland, the whole purpose and nature of the elementary vernacular
school was changed. The American and French political revolutions and the
more peaceful changes in England had ushered in new conceptions as to the
nature and purpose and duties of government. As a consequence of these new
ideas, education had come to be regarded in a new light, and to assume a
new importance in the eyes of statesmen. In place of schools to serve
religious and sectarian ends, and maintained as an adjunct of the parishes
or of a State Church, the elementary vernacular school now came to be
conceived of as an instrument of the State, the chief purpose of which was
to serve state ends. Some time would, of course, be required to develop
the state support necessary to effect the complete transformation in
control, and the forces of reaction would naturally delay the process as
much as possible, but the theory of state purpose had at last been so
effectively proclaimed, and the forces of a modern world were pushing the
idea so steadily forward, that it was only a question of time until the
change would be effected.

A NEW IMPETUS FOR CHANGE IN CONTROL. Basedow and Pestalozzi, too, had
given the movement for a transfer of control a new impetus by working out
new methods in instruction and in organizing new subject-matter for the
school, and methods and subject-matter which harmonized with the spirit
and principles of the new democracy that had been proclaimed. Pestalozzi
in particular had sought, guided by a clearer insight into the educational
problem than Basedow possessed (R. 271), to create a school in which
children might, under the wise guidance of the teacher, develop and
strengthen their own "faculties" and thus evolve into reasoning, self-
directing human beings, fitted for usefulness and service in a modern
world. To make intelligent and reasoning individuals of all citizens, to
develop moral and civic character, to train for life in organized society,
and to serve as an instrument by means of which an ignorant, drunken,
immoral, and shiftless working-class and peasantry might be elevated into
men and women of character, intelligence, and directive power, was in
Pestalozzi's conception the underlying meaning of the school. After
Pestalozzi, the earlier conception as to the religious purpose of the
elementary vernacular schools, by means of which children were to be
trained almost exclusively "in the principles of our holy religion" and to
become "loyal church members," and to "fit them for that station in life
in which it hath pleased their Heavenly Father to place them," was doomed.
In its stead there was certain to arise a newer conception of the school
as an instrument of that form of organized society known as the State, and
maintained by the State to train its future citizens for intelligent
participation in the duties and obligations of citizenship, and for
social, moral, and economic efficiency.

THE WAY NOW BECOMING CLEAR. After two hundred and fifty years of confusion
and political failure, the way was now at last becoming clear for the
creation of national instead of church systems of elementary education,
and for the firm establishment of the elementary vernacular school as an
important obligation to its future citizens of every progressive modern
State and the common birthright of all. This became distinctively the work
of the nineteenth century. It also became the work of the nineteenth
century to gather up the old secondary-school and university foundations,
accumulated through the ages, and remould them to meet modern needs, fuse
them into the national school systems created, and connect them in some
manner with the people's schools. To see how this was done we next turn to
the beginnings of the organization of national school systems in the
German States, France, Italy, England, and the United States. These may be
taken as types. As Prussia was the first modern State to grasp the
significance of national education, and to organize state schools, we
shall begin our study by first tracing the steps by which this
transformation was effected there.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Compare the statement of the valuable elements in the theories of
Rousseau (p. 530) with the main ideas of Basedow (p. 535); Ratke (p. 607);
Comenius (p. 409).

2. Do we accept all the fourteen points of Rousseau's theory to-day?

3. Might a Rousseau have done work of similar importance in Russia, early
in the twentieth century? Why?

4. Explain the educational significance of "self-activity," "sense
impressions," and "harmonious development."

5. What were the strong points in the experimental work of Basedow?

6. Explain the great enthusiasm which his rather visionary statements and
plans awakened.

7. Show the importance of such work as that of Basedow in preparing the
way for better-organized reform work.

8. How far was Pestalozzi right as to the power of education to give men
intellectual and moral freedom?

9. What do you understand Pestalozzi to have meant by "the development of
the faculties"?

10. State the importance of the work of Pestalozzi from the point of view
of showing the world how to deal with orphans and defectives.

11. Show how the germs of agricultural and technical education lay in the
work of Fellenberg.

12. Explain the greater popularity of the _Émile_ in German lands.

13. State the change in subject-matter and aims from the vernacular church
school to the school as thought out by Pestalozzi.

14. Show that it was a fortunate conjunction that brought the work of
Pestalozzi alongside of that of the political reformers of France.

15. What differences might there have been had Comenius lived and done his
work in the time of Pestalozzi?

SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections,
illustrative of the contents of this chapter, are reproduced:

  264. Rousseau: Illustrative Selections from the _Émile_.
  265. Basedow: Instruction in the _Philanthropinum_.
  266. Basedow: A Page from the _Elementarwerk_.
  267. Pestalozzi: Explanation of his Work.
  268. Griscom: A Visit to Pestalozzi at Yverdon.
  269. Woodbridge: An Estimate of Pestalozzi's Work.
  270. Dr. Mayo: On Pestalozzi.
  271. Woodbridge: Work of Pestalozzi and Basedow compared.
  272. Griscom: Hofwyl as seen by an American.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Show the fallacy of Rousseau's reasoning (264 d) as to society being a
denominator which prevents man from realizing himself.

2. What are the elements of truth and falsity in Rousseau's idling-to-the-
twelfth-year (264 d) idea?

3. Would such a training up to twelve (264 e) be possible, or desirable?

4. What type of education is presupposed in 264 f?

5. Show the similarity in the conceptions of the _Orbis Pictus_ (221) and
the _Elementarwerk_ (266).

6. What types of schools and conceptions of education were combined in the
Philanthropinum (265)?

7. Just what did Pestalozzi attempt (267) to accomplish?

8. Compare the accounts as to purpose and instruction given by Pestalozzi
(267) and Griscom (268).

9. What do the tributes of Woodbridge (269) and Mayo (270) reveal as to
the character of Pestalozzi and his influence?

10. Analyze the courses of instruction (272) at Hofwyl.

11. State the points of similarity and difference between the work of
Basedow and Pestalozzi (271), and the points of superiority in the work of
Pestalozzi.


SELECTED REFERENCES

* Anderson, L. F. "The Manual-Labor-School Movement"; in _Educational
    Review_, vol. 46, pp. 369-88. (November, 1913.)
  Barnard, Henry. _Pestalozzi and his Educational System_.
* Compayré, G. _Jean-Jacques Rousseau_.
* Compayré, G. _Pestalozzi and Elementary Education_.
* Guimps, Roger de. _Pestalozzi: his Aim and Work_.
* Krüsi, Hermann, Jr. _Life and Work of Pestalozzi_.
* Parker S. C. _History of Modern Education, chaps. 8, 9, 13-16_.
* Pestalozzi, J. H. _Leonard and Gertrude_.
  Pestalozzi, J. H. _How Gertrude teaches her Children_.
  Pinloche, A. _Pestalozzi and the Foundations of the Modern Elementary
    School_.




CHAPTER XXII

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN PRUSSIA


I. THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATION

EARLY GERMAN PROGRESS IN SCHOOL ORGANIZATION. The first modern nation to
take over the school from the Church, and to make of it an instrument for
promoting the interests of the State was Prussia, and the example of
Prussia was soon followed by the other German States. The reasons for this
early action by the German States will be clear if we remember the marked
progress made in establishing state control of the churches (p. 318) which
followed the Protestant Revolts in German lands. Figure 96, page 319,
reëxamined now, will make the reason for the earlier evolution of state
education in Germany plain. Würtemberg, as early as 1559, had organized
the first German state-church school system, and had made attendance at
the religious instruction, compulsory on the parents of all children. The
example of Würtemberg was followed by Brunswick (1569), Saxony (1580),
Weimar (1619), and Gotha (1642). In Weimar and Gotha the compulsory-
attendance idea had even been adopted for elementary-school instruction to
all children up to the age of twelve.

By the middle of the seventeenth century most of the German States, even
including Catholic Bavaria, had followed the example of Würtemberg, and
had created a state-church school system which involved at least
elementary and secondary schools and the beginnings of compulsory school
attendance. Notwithstanding the ravages of the Thirty Years' War (1618-
48), the state-church schools of German lands contained, more definitely
than had been worked out elsewhere, the germs of a separate state school
organization. Only in the American Colonies (p. 364) had an equal
development in state-church organization and control been made. As state-
church schools, with the religious purpose dominant, the German schools
remained until near the middle of the eighteenth century. Then a new
movement for state control began, and within fifty years thereafter they
had been transformed into institutions of the State, with the state
purpose their most essential characteristic. How this transformation was
effected in Prussia, the leader among the German States, and the forces
which brought about the transformation, it will be the purpose of this
chapter to relate.

THE NEW UNIVERSITY OF HALLE. The turning-point in the history of German
educational progress was the founding of the University of Halle, in 1694.
This institution, due to its entirely new methods of work, has usually
been designated as the first modern university. A few forward-looking men,
men who had been expelled from Leipzig because of their critical attitude
and modern ways of thinking, were made professors here. Its creation was
due to the sympathy for these men felt by the Elector Friedrich III of
Brandenburg, later the first King of Prussia. The King clearly intended
that the new institution should be representative of modern tendencies in
education. To this end he installed as professors men who could and would
reform the instruction in theology, law, medicine, and philosophy.

In consequence Aristotle was displaced for the new scientific philosophy
of Descartes and Bacon, and Latin in the classrooms for the German speech.
The sincere pietistic faith of Francke (p. 418) was substituted for the
Lutheran dogmatism which had supplanted the earlier Catholic. The
instruction in law was reformed to accord with the modern needs and theory
of the State. Medical instruction, based on observation, experimentation,
and deduction, superseded instruction based on the reading of Hippocrates
and Galen. The new sciences, especially mathematics and physics, found a
congenial home in the philosophical or arts faculty. Free scientific
investigation and research, without interference from the theological
faculty, were soon established as features of the institution, and in
place of the fixed scientific knowledge taught for so long from the texts
of Aristotle (Rs. 113-15) and other ancients, a new and changing science,
that must prove its laws and axioms, and which might at any time be
changed by the investigation of any teacher or student, here now found a
home. Under the leadership of Christian Wolff, who was Professor of
Philosophy from 1707 to 1723, when he was banished by a new King at the
instigation of the Pietists for his too great liberalism in religion, and
again from 1740 to 1754, after his recall by Frederick the Great, [1]
philosophy was "made to speak German" and the Aristotelian philosophy was
permanently displaced. "No thing without sufficient cause" was the ruling
principle of Wolff's teaching.

CHANGES WROUGHT IN OLD ESTABLISHED PROCEDURE. The introduction of the new
scientific and mathematical and philosophical studies soon changed the
arts or philosophy faculty from a preparatory faculty for the faculties of
law, medicine, and theology, as it had been for centuries, to the equal of
these three professional faculties in importance, while the elementary
instruction in Latin and Greek was now relegated to the _Gymnasia_ below.
These were now in turn changed into preparatory schools for all four
faculties of the university. The university instruction in the ancient
languages was now placed on a much higher plane, and a new humanistic
renaissance took place (p. 462) which deeply influenced both university
and gymnasial training. New standards of taste and judgment were drawn
from the ancient literatures and applied to modern life, and students were
trained to read and enjoy the ancient classics. This reawakening of the
best spirit of the Italian Renaissance marked the first outburst of a
national feeling of a people as yet possessed of no national literature of
importance, but unwilling longer to depend on foreign (French) influences
for the cultural elements in their intellectual life.

It was at Halle, too, that Gundling, in 1711, discussed "the office of a
university" and laid down the modern university theory of _Lehrfreiheit
und Lernfreiheit_--that is, freedom from outside interference in teaching
and studying, both teachers and students to be free to follow the truth
wherever the truth might lead, and without reference to what preconceived
theories might be upset thereby. This was a revolution in university
procedure, [2] and the importance of the establishment of this new
conception of university work can scarcely be overestimated. It was a
contribution to intellectual progress of large future value. It meant the
end of the old-type university, ruled by a narrow theological dogmatism
and maintained to give support to a particular religious faith, and the
ultimate transformation of the old university foundations into
institutions actuated by the methods and purposes of a modern world.

In 1734 another new university was founded at Göttingen, and in this
Johann Matthias Gesner (1691-1761) raised the new humanistic learning to
the place of first importance. This new university became a nursery for
the new literary humanism, ably supplementing the work done at Halle. From
these two universities teachers of a new type went out, filled with the
spirit of "The Enlightenment," as this eighteenth-century German
renaissance was called, and they in time regenerated all the German
universities. Still more, they regenerated the secondary schools of German
lands as well, and gave Greek literature and life that place of first
importance in their instruction which was retained until the latter part
of the nineteenth century. Gesner at Göttingen, and later Ernesti at
Leipzig, did much to formulate the new pedagogical purpose [3] of
instruction in the ancient languages and literatures for the higher
schools of German lands.

THE EARLIEST SCHOOL LAWS FOR PRUSSIA. In 1713 there came to the kingship
of Prussia an organizing genius in the person of Frederic William I (1713-
40). Under his direction Prussia was given, for the first time, a
centralized and uniform financial administration, and the beginnings of
state school organization were made. He freed the State from debt,
provided it with a good income, developed a strong army, and began a
vigorous colonization and commercial policy. Though he cared nothing and
did nothing for the universities, the religious reform movement of
Francke, as well as his educational undertakings (p. 419), found in the
new King a warm supporter. Largely in consequence of this the King became
deeply interested in attempts to improve and advance the education of the
masses of his people.

The first year of his reign he issued a Regulatory Code for the Reformed
Evangelical and Latin schools of Prussia, and in 1717 he issued the so-
called "Advisory Order," relating to the people's schools. In this latter
parents were urged, under penalty of "vigorous punishment," to send their
children to school to learn religion, reading, writing, to calculate, and
"all that could serve to promote their happiness and welfare." The tuition
fees of poor children he ordered paid out of the community poor-box (R.
273). The following year he directed the authorities of Lithuania to
relieve the existing ignorance there, and sent commissioners to provide
the villages with schoolmasters. From time to time he renewed his
directions. To insure a better class of teachers for the towns and rural
schools, he, in 1722, directed that no one be admitted to the office of
sacristan-schoolmaster [4] except tailors, weavers, smiths, wheelwrights,
and carpenters, and in 1738 he further restricted the position of teacher
in the town and rural schools to tailors.

[Illustration: FIG. 168. THE SCHOOL OF A HANDWORKER
Conducted in his home. A gentleman visiting the school.
After a drawing in the German School Museum in Berlin.]

Becoming especially interested in providing schools for the previously
neglected province of East Prussia, he gave the sum of fifty thousand
thalers as an endowment fund, the interest to be used in assisting
communities to build schoolhouses and maintain schools, and he also set
aside large tracts of land for school uses. Within a few years over a
thousand elementary schools had been established, and some eighteen
hundred new schools in Prussia owed their origin to the interest of this
King. He also took a similar interest in the establishment of schools in
Pomerania (R. 273), a part of which had but recently been wrested from
Sweden.

In 1737 the King issued his celebrated _Principia Regulative_, which
henceforth became the fundamental School Law for the province of East
Prussia. This prescribed conditions for the building of schoolhouses, the
support of the schoolmaster, tuition fees, and government aid. The
following digest of the section of the _Principia_ relating to these
matters gives a good idea as to the nature of the school regulations the
King sought to enforce:

    1. The parishes forming school societies were obliged to build school-
       houses and to keep them in repair.

    2. The State was to furnish the necessary timber and firewood.

    3. The expenses for doors, windows, and stoves to be obtained from
       collections.

    4. Every church to pay four thalers a year toward the support of the
       schoolmaster.

    5. Tuition fees for each child, from four to twelve years of age, to
       be four groschen per year.

    6. Government to pay the fee when a peasant sends more than one child
       to school.

    7. The peasants to furnish the teacher with certain provisions.

    8. The teacher to have the right of free pasture for his small stock
       and some fees from every child confirmed.

    9. Government to give the teacher one acre of land, which villagers
       were to till for him.

In 1738 the King further regulated the private schools and teachers in and
about Berlin, in particular dealing with their qualifications and fees.
The King showed, for the time, an interest in and solicitude for the
education of his people heretofore almost unknown. That his decrees were
in advance of the possibilities of the people in the matter of school
support is not to be wondered at. Still, they rendered useful service in
preparing the way for further organizing work by his successors, and in
particular in accustoming the people to the ideas of state oversight and
local school support. Under his successor and son, Frederick the Great,
the preparatory work of the father bore important fruit.

THE ORGANIZING WORK OF FREDERICK THE GREAT. In 1740 Frederick II, surnamed
the Great, succeeded his father, and in turn guided the destinies of
Prussia for forty-six years. His benevolently despotic rule has been
described on a preceding page (p. 474). Here we will consider only his
work for education. In 1740, 1741, and again in 1743 he issued
"regulations concerning the support of schools in the villages of
Prussia," in which he directed that new schools should be established,
teachers provided for them, and that "the existing school regulations and
the arrangements made in pursuance thereto should be permanent, and that
no change should be made under any pretext whatever."

In 1750 he effected a centralization of all the provincial church
consistories, except that of Catholic Silesia, under the Berlin
Consistory. This was a centralizing measure of large future importance, as
it centralized the administration of the schools, as well as that of the
churches, and transformed the Berlin Consistory into an important
administrative agent of the central government. To this new centralized
administrative organization the King issued instructions to pay special
attention to schools, in order that they might be furnished with able
schoolmasters and the young be well educated. One of the results of this
centralization was the gradual evolution of the modern German _Gymnasien_,
with uniform standards and improved instruction, out of the old and
weakened Latin schools of various types within the kingdom.

From 1756 to 1763 Frederick was engaged in a struggle for existence, known
as the Seven Years' War, but as soon as peace was at hand the King issued
new regulations "concerning the maintenance of schools," and began
employing competent schoolmasters for his royal estates. In April, 1763,
he issued instructions to have a series of general school regulations
prepared for all Prussia. These were drawn up by Julius Hecker, a former
pupil and teacher in Francke's Institution (p. 418) and now a pastor in
Berlin and counselor for the Berlin Consistory. After approval by the
King, these were issued, September 23, 1763, under the title of _General
Land-Schule Reglement_ (general school regulations for the rural and
village schools) of all Prussia (R. 274). These new regulations
constituted the first general School Code for the whole kingdom, and mark
the real foundation of the Prussian elementary-school system. Two years
later (1765) a similar but stronger set of regulations or Code was drawn
up and promulgated for the government of the Catholic elementary schools
in the province of Silesia (R. 275). This was a new province which
Frederick had wrested by force a few years previously (1748) from Maria
Theresa of Austria, and the addition of a large number of Catholics to
Prussia caused Frederick to issue specific regulations for schools among
them.

[Illustration: FIG. 169. THE KINGDOM OF PRUSSIA, 1740-86]

These two School Codes did not so much bring already existing schools into
a state system, but rather set up standards and obligations for an
elementary-school system in part to be created in the future. The schools
were still left under the supervision and direction of the Church, but the
State now undertook to tell the Church what it must do. To enforce the
obligation the State Inspectors of Prussia were directed to make an annual
inspection (R. 274, § 26) of all schools, and to forward a report on their
inspection to the Berlin Consistory, and for Catholic Silesia the
following significant injunction was placed in the Code:

    § 51. In order to render as permanent as possible this reform of
    schools, which lies near our heart, we cannot be satisfied with
    committing the care of the schools to the clergy alone. We find it
    necessary that our bureau of War and Domain, the bureau of the
    Episcopal Vicariate, and the dioceses in our Silesian and Glatz
    districts, as well as our special school inspectors, give all due
    attention to this subject, so important to the State.

THE PRUSSIAN SCHOOL CODES OF 1763 AND 1765. The regulations of 1763 were
issued, so the introduction reads (R. 274), because "the instruction of
youth" in the country had "come to be greatly neglected" and "the young
people were growing up in stupidity and ignorance." The King, therefore,
issued the new regulations "to the end that ignorance, so injurious and
unbecoming to Christianity, may be prevented and lessened, and the coming
time may train and educate in the schools more enlightened and virtuous
subjects."

To this end the King ordered compulsory education for the children of all
subjects from the ages of five to thirteen or fourteen, all apprentices to
be taught, and leaving certificates to be issued on completion of the
course (R. 274, §§ 1-4). The school hours were fixed, Sunday and summer
instruction regulated, tuition fees standardized, and the fees of the
children of the poor were ordered paid (R. 274, §§ 5-8). A school census,
and fines on parents not sending their children to school were provided
for (R. 274, §§ 10-11). The requirements for a teacher, his habits, his
qualifications and examination, the license to teach, and the extent to
which he might ply his trade or business, were all laid down in some
detail (R. 274 §§ 12-17). The organization, instruction, textbooks, order
of exercises, and discipline for all schools were prescribed at some
length (R. 274, §§ 19-21). The Code closed with a series of regulations
covering the relations of the schoolmaster and clergyman, and the
supervision of the instruction by the clergyman and clerical
superintendents (R. 274, §§ 25-26). Incapable teachers were ordered
suspended or deposed. A a final injunction relative to school attendance
the Code closed with the following sentence:

    In general we here confirm and renew all wholesome laws, published in
    former times, especially, that no clergyman shall admit to
    confirmation and the sacrament, any children not of his parish, nor
    those unable to read, or who are ignorant of the fundamental
    principles of evangelical religion.

The Code of 1765 for the Catholic schools of Silesia followed much the
same line as the Code of 1763, though in it the King placed special
emphasis on the training of schoolmasters, a subject in which he had
become much interested (R. 275 a); the regulation of the conditions under
which teachers lived and worked (R. 275 b); and the supervision of
instruction by the clergyman of the parish (R. 275 e). These directions
throw much light on the conditions surrounding teaching near the middle of
the eighteenth century. The nature of instruction in the Catholic schools,
and the compulsion to attend, were also definitely stated (R. 275 c-d).

These new Codes met with resistance everywhere. The money for the
execution of such a comprehensive project was not as yet generally
available; parents and churches objected to taxation and to the loss of
their children from work; the wealthy landlords objected to the financial
burden; the standards for teachers later on (1779) had to be lowered, and
veterans from Frederick's wars installed; and the examinations of teachers
had to be made easy [5] to secure teachers at all for the schools. While
there continued for some decades to be a vast difference between the
actual conditions in the schools and the requirements of these Codes, and
while the real establishment of a state school system awaited the first
decade of the nineteenth century for its accomplishment, much valuable
progress in organization nevertheless was made. In principle, at least,
Frederick the Great, by the Codes of 1763 and 1765, effected for
elementary education a transition from the church school of the Protestant
Reformation, and for Catholic Silesia from the parish school of the
Church, to the state school of the nineteenth century. It remained only
for his successors to realize in practice what he had made substantial
beginnings of in law. Nowhere else in Europe that early had such progress
in educational organization been made.

THE PRUSSIAN EXAMPLE FOLLOWED IN OTHER GERMAN STATES. The example of
Prussia was in time followed by the other larger German States. Würtemberg
issued a new School Code in 1792, which remained the ruling law for the
church schools throughout the eighteenth century. The Saxon King, Augustus
the Just, inspired by the example of Frederick, issued a mandate, in 1766,
reminding parents as to their duty to send children to school, and in 1773
issued a new Regulation, filled with "generous enthusiasm for the cause."
A teachers' training-school was founded at Dresden, in 1788, and four
others before the close of the century. In 1805 a comprehensive Code was
issued. This required that every child must be able to read, write, count,
and know the truths of religion to receive the sacrament; clergymen were
ordered to supervise the schools; school attendance was required from six
to fourteen; the pay of teachers and the government appropriations for
schools were increased; and a series of fines were imposed for violations
of the Code. Bavaria issued new school Codes in 1770 and 1778, and
additional schoolhouses were built and new textbooks written. After the
suppression of the Jesuits (1773) a new progressive spirit animated the
Catholic States, and Austria in particular, under the leadership of Maria
Theresa and Joseph II (p. 475), made marked progress in school
organization and educational reform.

In 1770 Maria Theresa appointed a School Commission to have charge of
education in Lower Austria; in 1771 established the first Austrian normal
school in Vienna; and in 1774 promulgated a General School Code (R. 276),
drawn up by the Abbot Felbiger, who had been most prominent in school
organization in Silesia. This Code provided for School Commissions in all
provinces [6] ordered the establishment of an elementary school in all
villages and parishes, a "principal" or higher elementary school in the
principal city of every canton, and a normal school in every province;
laid down the course of study for each; and gave details as to teachers,
instruction, compulsory attendance, support, and inspection similar to
Frederick's Silesian Code (R. 275). Continuation instruction up to twenty
years of age also was ordered. That such demands were much in advance of
what was possible is evident, and it is not surprising that, in the
reaction under Francis I, following the outburst of the French Revolution,
we find a decree (1805) that the elementary school shall be curtailed to
"absolutely necessary limits," and that the common people shall get in
elementary school only such ideas as will not trouble them in their work,
and which will not make them "discontented with their condition; their
intelligence shall be directed toward the fulfillment of their moral
duties, and prudent and diligent fulfillment of their domestic and
communal obligations."

THE BEGINNINGS OF TEACHER-TRAINING. The beginning of teacher-training in
German lands was the _Seminarium Praceptorum_ of Francke, established at
Halle (p. 419), in 1697. In 1738 Johann Julius Hecker (1707-68), one of
Francke's former students and teachers, and the author of the Prussian
Code of 1763, established the first regular seminary for teachers in
Prussia, to train intending theological students for the temporary or
parallel occupation of teaching in the Latin schools. In 1747 he
established a private _Lehrerseminar_ in Berlin, in connection with his
celebrated Realschule (p. 420), and there demonstrated the possibilities
of teacher-training. Frederick the Great was so pleased with the result
that, in 1753, he gave the school a subsidy and changed it into a royal
institution, and on every fitting occasion recommended school authorities
to it for teachers. Similar institutions were opened in Hanover, in 1751;
Wolfenbüttel, in 1753; in the county of Glatz in Silesia, in 1764 (R.
275); in Breslau, in 1765 and 1767; and in Carlsruhe, in 1768. In the
Silesian Code of 1765 Frederick specified (R. 275 a, § 2) six institutions
which he had designated as teacher-training schools.

These early Prussian institutions laid the foundations upon which the
normal-school system of the nineteenth century has been built. In Prussia
first, but soon thereafter in other German States (Austria, at Vienna,
1771; Saxe-Weimar, at Eisenach, in 1783; and Saxony, at Dresden, 1788) the
Teachers' Seminary was erected into an important institution of the State,
and the idea has since been copied by almost all modern nations. This
early development in Prussia was influential in both France and the United
States, as we shall point out further on.

Despite these many important educational efforts, though, the type and the
work of teachers remained low throughout the whole of the eighteenth
century. In the rural and village schools the teachers continued to be
deficient in number and lacking in preparation. Often the pastors had
first to give to invalids, cripples, shoemakers, tailors, watchmen, and
herdsmen the rudimentary knowledge they in turn imparted to the children.
In the towns of fair size the conditions were not much better than in the
villages. The elementary school of the middle-sized towns generally had
but one class, common for boys and girls, and the magistrates did little
to improve the condition of the schools or the teachers. In the larger
cities, and even in Berlin, the number of elementary schools was
insufficient, the schools were crowded, and many children had no
opportunity to attend schools. [7] In  Leipzig there was no public school
until 1792, in which year the city free school was established. Even
Sunday schools, supported by subscription, had been resorted to by Berlin,
after 1798, to provide journeymen and apprentices with some of the
rudiments of an education. The creation of a state school system out of
the insufficient and inefficient religious schools proved a task of large
dimensions, in Prussia as in other lands. Even as late as 1819 Dinter
found discouraging conditions (R. 279) among the teachers of East Prussia.

[Illustration: FIG. 170. A GERMAN LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY SCHOOL
(After a picture in the German School Museum in Berlin)]

FURTHER LATE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY PROGRESS. Frederick the Great died in
1786. In the reign of his successors his work bore fruit in a complete
transfer of all schools from church to state control, and in the
organization of the strongest system of state schools the world had ever
known. The year following the death of Frederick the Great (1787), and
largely as an outgrowth of the preceding centralizing work with reference
to elementary education, the Superior School (_Oberschulcollegium_) Board
was established to exercise a similar centralized control over the older
secondary and higher schools of Prussia. Secondary and higher education
were now severed from church control, in principle at least, as elementary
education had been by the "Regulations" of 1763 and 1765. The year
following (1788) "Leaving Examinations" (_Maturitätsprüfung_) were
instituted to determine the completion of the gymnasial course. These, for
a time, were largely ineffective, due to clerical opposition, but the
centralizing work of this Superior School Board for the supervision of
higher education, and the state examinations for testing the instruction
of the secondary schools, were from the first important contributing
influences.

In 1794 came the culmination of all the preceding work in the publication
of the General Civil Code (_Allgemeine Landrecht_) for the State, in
which, in the section relating to schools, the following important
declaration was made:

    Schools and universities are state institutions, charged with the
    instruction of youth in useful information and scientific knowledge.
    Such institutions may be founded only with the knowledge and consent
    of the State. All public schools and educational institutions are
    under the supervision of the State, and are at all times subject to
    its examination and inspection.

The secular authority and the clergy were still to share jointly in the
control of the schools, but both according to rules laid down by the
State. In all cases of conflict or dispute, the secular authority was to
decide. This important document forms the _Magna Charta_ for secular
education in Prussia.

During the decade which followed the promulgation of this declaration of
state control but little additional progress of importance was
accomplished, though the Minister of Justice, to whom (1798) the
administration of Lutheran church and school affairs had been given,
maintained a correspondence for some years with the King regarding
"provisions for a better education and instruction of the children of
citizens and peasants," and stated to the King that "the object of reform
is national education, and its field of operation, therefore, all
provinces of the monarchy." The King, though, a weak, deeply religious,
and unimaginative man (Frederick William III, 1797-1840), who lacked the
energy and foresight of his predecessors, did little or nothing. Under
Frederick William III the State lacked vigor and drifted; the Church
regained something of its former power; and the army and the civil service
became corrupt. In 1806 a blow fell which brought matters to an immediate
crisis and forced important action.


II. A STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM AT LAST CREATED

THE HUMILIATION OF PRUSSIA. At the close of 1804 France, by vote, changed
from the Republic to an Empire, with Napoleon Bonaparte as first Emperor
of the French, and for some years he took pains that Frenchmen should
forget "Liberty and Equality" amid the surfeit of "Glory" he heaped upon
France. The great nations outside France, fearful of Napoleon's ambition
and power, did not take his accession to the throne of France so
complacently, and, in 1805, England, Sweden, Austria, and Russia formed
the "Third Coalition" against Napoleon in an effort to restore the balance
of power in Europe. Of the great powers of Europe only Prussia held aloof,
refused to take sides, and in consequence enjoyed a temporary prosperity
and freedom from invasion. For this, though, she was soon to pay a
terrible price. Having humiliated the Austrians and vanquished the
Russians, Napoleon now goaded the Prussians into attacking him, and then
utterly humiliated them in turn. At the battle of Jena (October 14, 1806)
the Prussian army was utterly routed, and forced back almost to the
Russian frontier. Officered by old generals and political favorites who
were no longer efficient, and backed by a state service honeycombed with
inefficiency and corruption, the Prussian army that had won such victories
under Frederick the Great was all but annihilated by the new and efficient
fighting machine created by the Corsican who now controlled the destinies
of France. By the Treaty of Tilsit (July 7, 1807) Prussia lost all her
lands west of the Elbe and nearly all her stealings from Poland--in all
about one half her territory and population--and was almost stricken from
the list of important powers in Europe. In all its history Prussia had
experienced no such humiliation as this. In a few months the constructive
work of a century had been undone.

THE REGENERATION OF PRUSSIA. The new national German feeling, which had
been slowly rising for half a century, now burst forth and soon worked a
regeneration of the State. In the school of adversity the King and the
people learned much, and the task of national reorganization was entrusted
to a series of able ministers whom the King and his capable Queen, Louise,
now called into service. His chief minister, Stein, created a free people
by abolishing serfdom and feudal land tenure (1807); eliminated feudal
distinctions in business; granted local government to the cities; and
broke the hold of the clergy on the educational system. His successor,
Hardenburg, extended the rights of citizenship, and laid the foundations
of government by legislative assemblies. Another minister, Scharnhorst,
reorganized the Prussian army (1807-13) by dismissing nearly all the old
generals, and introducing the principle of compulsory military service. In
all branches of the government service there were reorganizations, the one
thought of the leaders being to so reorganize and revitalize the State as
to enable it in time to overthrow the rule of Napoleon and regain its
national independence.

Though the abolition of serfdom, the reform of the civil service, and the
beginnings of local and representative government were important gains,
nothing was of secondary importance to the complete reorganization of
education which now took place. The education of the people was turned to
in earnest for the regeneration of the national spirit, and education was,
in a decade, made the great constructive agent of the State. Said the
King:

    Though we have lost many square miles of land, though the country
    has been robbed of its external power and splendor, yet we shall and
    will gain in intrinsic power and splendor, and therefore it is my
    earnest wish that the greatest attention be paid to public
    instruction.... The State must regain in mental force what it has lost
    in physical force.

His minister Stein said:

    We proceed from the fundamental principle, to elevate the moral,
    religious, and patriotic spirit in the nation, to instil into it again
    courage, self-reliance, and readiness to sacrifice everything for
    national honor and for independence from the foreigner.... To attain
    this end, we must mainly rely on the education and instruction of the
    young. If by a method founded on the true nature of man, every faculty
    of the mind can be developed, every noble principle of life be
    animated and nourished, all one-sided education avoided, and those
    tendencies on which the power and dignity of men rest, hitherto
    neglected with the greatest indifference, carefully fostered--then we
    may hope to see grow up a generation, physically and morally vigorous,
    and the beginnings of a better time.

FICHTE APPEALS TO THE LEADERS. Still more did the philosopher Fichte
(1762-1814), in a series of "Addresses to the German Nation," delivered in
Berlin during the winter [8] of 1807-08, appeal to the leaders to turn to
education to rescue the State from the miseries which had overwhelmed it.
Unable forcibly to resist, and with every phase of the government
determined by a foreign conqueror, only education had been overlooked, he
said, and to this the leaders should turn for national redemption (R.
277). He held that it rested with them to determine

    whether you will be the end and last of a race ... or the beginnings
    and germ of a new time, glorious beyond all your imaginings, and those
    from whom posterity will reckon the years of their welfare.... A
    nation that is capable, if it were only in its highest representation
    and leaders, of fixing its eyes firmly on the vision from the
    spiritual world, Independence, and being possessed with a love of it,
    will surely prevail over a nation that is only used as a tool of
    foreign aggressiveness and for the subjugation of independent nations.

With a fervor of emotion that was characteristic of a romantic age,
impelled by a conviction that the distinctive character of the German
people was indispensable to the world, and holding that what was necessary
also was possible, Fichte made the German leaders feel, with him, that

    to reshape reality by means of ideas is the business of man, his
    proper earthly task; and nothing can be impossible to a will confident
    of itself and of its aim. [9]

[Illustration: PLATE 13. TWO LEADERS IN THE REGENERATION OF PRUSSIA

JOHANN GOTTLEIB FICHTE (1762-1814)
Philosopher, university teacher

WILHELM VON HUMBOLDT (1767-1835)
Philosopher, scholar, statesman]

Fichte's Addresses stirred the thinkers among the German people as they
had not been stirred since the days of the Reformation, [10] and a
national reorganization of education, with national ends in view, now took
place. As Duke Ernest remade Gotha, after the ravages of the Thirty Years'
War, by means of education (p. 317), so the leaders of Prussia now created
a new national spirit by taking over the school from the Church and
forging it into one of the greatest constructive instruments of the State.
The result showed itself in the "Uprising of Prussia," in the winter of
1812-13; the "War of Liberation," of 1813-15; the utter defeat of Napoleon
at the battle of Leipzig by Russia, Prussia, and Austria, in 1813; and
again at the battle of Waterloo by England and Prussia, [11] in 1815.
Still more clearly was the result shown in the humiliating defeat of
France, in 1870, when it was commonly remarked that the schoolmaster of
Prussia had at last triumphed. The regeneration of Prussia in the early
part of the nineteenth century, as well as its more recent humiliation,
stand as eloquent testimonials to the tremendous influence of education on
national destiny, when rightly and when wrongly directed.

THE REORGINATION OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION. The first step in the process of
educational reorganization was the abolition (1807) of the
_Oberschulcollegium_ Board, established (p. 564) in 1787 to supervise
secondary and higher education, in order to get rid of clerical influence
and control. The next step was the creation instead (1808) of a Department
of Public Instruction, organized as a branch of the Interior Department of
the State.

One of the first steps of the acting head of the new department was to
send seventeen Prussian teachers (1808) to Switzerland to spend three
years, at the expense of the Government, in studying Pestalozzi's ideas
and methods, and they were particularly enjoined that they were not sent
primarily to get the mechanical side of the method, but to

    "warm yourselves at the sacred fire which burns in the heart of this
    man, so full of strength and love, whose work has remained so far
    below what he originally desired, below the essential ideas of his
    life, of which the method is only a feeble product.

    "You will have reached perfection when you have clearly seen that
    education is an art, and the most sublime and holy of all, and in what
    connection it is with the great art of the education of nations."

In 1809 Carl August Zeller (1774-1847), a pupil of Pestalozzi, who had
established two Pestalozzian training-colleges in Switzerland and had just
begun to hold Pestalozzian institutes in Würtemberg (p. 545), was called
to Prussia to organize a Teachers' Seminary (normal school) to train
teachers in the Pestalozzian methods. The seventeen Prussian teachers, on
their return from study with Pestalozzi, were also made directors of
training institutions, or provincial superintendents of instruction. In
this way Pestalozzian ideas were soon in use in the elementary school
rooms of Prussia, and so effective was this work, and so readily did the
Prussian teachers catch the spirit of Pestalozzi's endeavors, that at the
Berlin celebration of the centennial of his birth, in 1846, the German
educator Diesterweg [12] said:

    By these men and these means, men trained in the Institution at
    Yverdon under Pestalozzi, the study of his publications, and the
    applications of his methods in the model and normal schools of
    Prussia, after 1808, was the present Prussian, or rather Prussian-
    Pestalozzian school system established, for he is entitled to at least
    one half the fame of the German popular schools.

[Illustration: FIG. 171. DINTER (1760-1831)
Director of Teachers' Seminaries in Saxony; Superintendent of Education in
East Prussia.]

Similarly Gustavus Friedrich Dinter, who early distinguished himself as
principal of a Teachers' Seminary in Saxony, was called to Prussia and
made School Counselor (Superintendent) for the province of East Prussia.
Wherever Prussia could find men, in other States, who knew Pestalozzian
methods and possessed the new conception of education, they were called to
Prussia and put to work, and the statement of Dinter was characteristic of
the spirit which animated their work. He said: [13]

    I promised God, that I would look upon every Prussian peasant child as
    a being who could complain of me before God, if I did not provide him
    with the best education, as a man and a Christian, which it was
    possible for me to provide.

WORK OF THE TEACHERS SEMINARIES. Napoleon had imposed heavy financial
indemnities on Prussia, as well as loss of territory, and the material
means with which to establish schools were scanty indeed. With a keen
conception of the practical difficulties, the leaders saw that the key to
the problem lay in the creation of a new type of teaching force, and to
this end they began from the first to establish Teachers' Seminaries.
Those who desired to enter these institutions were carefully selected, and
out of them a steady stream of what Horace Mann described (R. 278) as a
"beneficent order of men" were sent to the schools, "moulding the
character of the people, and carrying them forward in a career of
civilization more rapidly than any other people in the world are now
advancing." Mann described, with marked approval, both the teacher and the
training he received.

So successful were these institutions that within a decade, under the glow
of the new national spirit animating the people, the elementary schools
were largely transformed in spirit and purpose, and the position of the
elementary-school teacher was elevated from the rank of a trade (R. 279)
to that of a profession (R. 278). By 1840, when the earlier fervor had
died out and a reaction had clearly set in, there were in Prussia alone
thirty-eight Teachers' Seminaries for elementary teachers, approximately
thirty thousand elementary schools, and every sixth person in Prussia was
in school. In the other German States, and in Holland, Sweden, and France,
analogous but less extensive progress in providing normal schools and
elementary schools had been made; but in Austria, which did not for long
follow the Prussian example, the schools remained largely stationary for
more than half a century to come.

[Illustration: FIG. 172. DIESTERWEG (1790-1866)
Director of Teachers' Seminaries at Maurs (1820-33) and Berlin (1833-49).
"Der deutsche Pestalozzi".]

NATIONALIZING THE ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION. That the system of elementary
vernacular or people's schools (the term _Volksschule_ now began to be
applied) now created should be permeated by a strong nationalistic tone
was, the times and circumstances considered, only natural. Though the
Pestalozzian theories as to the development of the mental faculties,
training through the senses, and the power of education to regenerate
society were accepted, along with the new Pestalozzian subject-matter and
methods in instruction (p. 543,) all that could be rendered useful to the
Prussian State in its extremity naturally was given special emphasis. Thus
all that related to the home country--geography, history, and the German
speech--was taught as much from the patriotic as from the pedagogical
point of view. Music was given special emphasis as preparatory for
participation in the patriotic singing-societies and festivals, which were
organized at the time of the "Uprising of Prussia" (1813). Drawing and
arithmetic were emphasized for their practical values. Physical exercises
were given an emphasis before unknown, because of their hygienic and
military values. Finally religion was given an importance beyond that of
Pestalozzi's school, but with the emphasis now placed on moral
earnestness, humility, self-sacrifice, and obedience to authority, rather
than the earlier stress on the Catechism and church doctrine.

Clearly perceiving, decades ahead of other nations, the power of such
training to nationalize a people and thus strengthen the State, the
Prussian leaders, in the first two decades of the nineteenth century, laid
the foundations of that training of the masses, and of teachers for the
masses (R. 280), which, more than any other single item, paved the way for
the development of a national German spirit, the unification of German
lands into an Imperial German Empire, and that blind trust in and
obedience to authority which has recently led to a second national
humiliation.

THE REORGANIZATION OF SECONDARY EDUCATION. Alongside this elementary-
school system for the masses of the people, the older secondary and higher
school system for a directing class (p. 553) also was largely reorganized
and redirected. The first step in this direction was the appointment, in
1809, of Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835), "a philosopher, scholar,
philologist, and statesman" of the first rank, to the headship of the new
Prussian Department of Public Instruction. During the two and a half years
he remained in charge important work in the reorganization of secondary
and higher education was accomplished. In 1817 the Department of Public
Instruction was changed from a bureau to an independent Ministry for
Spiritual and Instructional Affairs. By 1825, when governing school boards
were ordered established in each province, and made responsible to the
Ministry for Education at Berlin, the organization of the state school
system was virtually complete. For the next half-century the changes made
were in the nature of the perfection of bureaucratic organization, rather
than any fundamental organizing change. During the early years
improvements of great future importance for secondary education were
effected in the creation of a well-educated, professional teaching body,
and in the standardization of courses and of work.

In 1810 the examination of all secondary-school teachers, according to a
uniform state plan, was ordered. The examinations were to be conducted for
the State by the university authorities; to be based on university
training in the gymnasial subjects, with an opportunity to reveal special
preparation in any subject or subjects; and no one in the future could
even be nominated for a position as a gymnasial teacher who had not passed
this examination. This meant the erection of the work of teaching in the
secondary schools into a distinct profession; the elimination from the
schools of the theological student who taught for a time as a stepping-
stone to a church living; and the end of easy local examination and
approval by town authorities or the patrons of a school. To insure still
better preparation of candidates, Pedagogical Seminars were begun in the
universities [14] for imparting to future gymnasial teachers some
pedagogical knowledge and insight, while Philological Seminars also
appeared, about the same time, [15] to give additional training in
understanding the spirit of instruction in the chief subjects of the
gymnasial course--the classics. In 1826 a year of trial teaching before
appointment (_Probejahr_) was added for all candidates, and in 1831 new
and more stringent regulations for the examination of teachers were
ordered. [16] At least two generations ahead of other nations, Prussia
thus developed a body of professional teachers for its secondary schools.

UNIFICATION OF THE SECONDARY SCHOOLS. In 1812 the Leaving Examinations
(_Maturitätsprüfung_), instituted in 1788, but ineffective through
clerical opposition, were revived and strictly enforced. In 1834 the
passing of such an examination was made necessary to entering nearly all
branches of the state civil service, thus securing an educated body of
minor public officials. This same year the universities gave up their
entrance examinations, and have since depended entirely on the Leaving
Examinations of the State.

The immediate effect of the reinstitution of the Leaving Examinations was
to unify the work of all the different surviving types of classical
secondary schools--_Gymnasium, Lyceum, Pädagogium, Collegium, Lateinische
Schule, Akademie_--all standard nine-year schools henceforth taking the
name of _Gymnasien_. Those institutions which could not meet the standards
of a nine-year classical school were either permitted to do the first six
years of the work, being known as _Pro-Gymnasien_, or the modern languages
were substituted for the ancient, and they became middle-class
institutions under the name of _Bürgerschulen_. A few _Realschulen_ also
were in existence, and these were permitted to continue, as middle-class
institutions, but without any state recognition. Thus, without the
destruction of institutions, the accumulated foundations of the centuries
were transformed into a series of organized state schools to serve the
needs of the State.

The next step was the promulgation of a uniform course of instruction for
all _Gymnasien_ and _Pro-Gymnasien_. This was done in 1816. The studies
were Latin, Greek, German, mathematics, history, geography, religion, and
science, the amount of time to be devoted to each ranging, in the order
listed, from a maximum for Latin to a minimum for science. Up to 1824
Greek was not absolutely required; from 1824 to 1837 it was required,
unless the substitution of a modern language was permitted; but after
1837, when the type of German secondary school had become fairly well
fixed, and the devotion to humanistic studies had reached a climax, Greek
became a fixed and unvarying requirement. [17]

FOUNDING OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN. One result of the Treaty of Tilsit
(p. 566) was that Prussia had lost all her universities, except three
along the Baltic coast. Both Halle and Göttingen were lost, and the loss
of Halle was a severe blow. In 1807 Fichte, who had been a professor at
Jena, drew up a plan and submitted it to the King for the organization of
a new university at Berlin. When Humboldt came to the head of the
Department of Public Instruction the idea at once won his enthusiastic
approval. In May, 1809, he reported favorably on the project to the King,
and three months later a Cabinet Order was issued creating the new
university, giving it an annual money grant, and assigning a royal palace
to it for a home. The spirit with which the new institution was founded
may be inferred from the following extract from a memorial, published by
Humboldt, in 1810. In this he said:

The State should not treat the universities as if they were higher
classical schools or schools of special sciences. On the whole the State
should not look to them at all for anything that directly concerns its own
interests, but should rather cherish a conviction that, in fulfilling
their real destination, they will not only serve its own purposes, but
serve them on an infinitely higher plane, commanding a much wider field of
operation, and affording room to set in motion much more efficient springs
and forces than are at the disposal of the State itself.

This university was indeed a new creation, and of far more significance
for the future of university work than even the founding of Halle had
been. To the selection of its first faculty Humboldt devoted almost all
his energies during the period he remained in office. From the first, high
attainment in some branch of knowledge, and the ability to advance that
knowledge, was placed ahead of mere teaching skill. The most eminent
scholars in all lines were invited to the new "chairs," and when it opened
(1810) its first faculty represented the highest attainment of scholarship
in German lands. From the first the instruction divested itself of almost
all that characterized the school. The lecture replaced the classroom
recitation, and the seminar, in which small groups of advanced students
investigate a problem under the direction of a professor, was given a
place of large importance in the institution. Original research and
contributions to knowledge marked the work of both students and
professors, the object being, not to train teachers for the schools, but
to produce scholars capable of advancing knowledge by personal research.
Even more than at Halle, the institution was a place where professors and
students worked to discover truth, uninfluenced by any preconceived
notions and unmindful of what older ideas might be upset in the process.
The value of such pioneer work for university scholars everywhere is not
likely to be overestimated.

SPECIALIZATION IN UNIVERSITY INSTRUCTION EMPHASIZED. Specialization in
some field of knowledge soon came to be the ruling idea, and this proved
exceedingly fruitful in the years which followed. There Bopp developed the
study of comparative grammar on the basis of the Sanskrit. There Dietz
founded Romance philology. Ritschl turned his students to the study of
Latin inscriptions to reconstruct the past. Lepsius began the study of
Egyptology with a spade. Niebuhr's _Roman History_ (1811) was the
institution's first fruit, and his successor, Ranke, showed his students
how to study history from the sources. Hegel, Schopenhauer, and Lotze made
over philosophy. Fechner and Wundt began there the study of experimental
psychology. Stahl and von Savigny created new standards in the study of
law. Müller introduced the microscope into the study of pathological
anatomy. Schultze systematized zoölogy. Liebig, who had opened at Giessen
(1824) what was probably the first chemical laboratory in the world open
to students, was drawn to Berlin and created there a new chemistry. Still
later, Helmholtz created there a new physics.

The effect of all this on the expansion of the work of the philosophical
faculty was marked. The new philological and historical sciences, the
biological sciences, and the mathematical sciences, were all greatly
expanded in scope, and the new philosophical faculty, evolved out of the
old arts faculty (p. 554), now attained to the place of first importance
in the university--a position it has ever since retained. Law and medicine
were also given a new direction and emphasis, and even the teaching of
theology was greatly improved under the specialization in instruction and
the freedom in teaching which now became the rule.

The effect on the other German universities was marked. Some of the older
institutions (Erfurt, Wittenberg, Cologne, Mainz) died out, while new
foundations (Breslau, 1811; Bonn, 1818; Munich, 1826) after the new model,
took their place. Those that continued were changed in character, [18] and
a new unity was established throughout the German university world. By
1850 exact scientific research, in both libraries and laboratories, and a
sober search for truth, had become the watchword of all the German
universities. In consequence they naturally assumed a world leadership,
and were frequented by students from many lands. Especially has the United
States been influenced in its university development by the large number
of university teachers who received their specialized training in the
German universities [19] during the latter half of the nineteenth century.
The lecture, the seminar, laboratory investigation, research, the
doctorate, and academic freedom in study and teaching are distinctive
contributions to our university development drawn from German lands, and
superimposed on our earlier English-type college. The founding of Johns
Hopkins University, at Baltimore, in 1876, on the German model, marked the
erection of the first distinctively research university in America.

A TWO-CLASS STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM CREATED. We thus see that Prussia by 1815,
clearly by 1825, had taken over education from the Church and made of it
an instrument of the State to serve State ends. For the masses there was
the _Volksschule_, superseding the old religious vernacular school and
clearly designed to create an intelligent but obedient and patriotic
citizenship for the Fatherland, and in this school the great majority of
the children of the State received their education for citizenship and for
life. This was for both sexes, and was entirely a German school.
Attendance upon this school was made compulsory, and beyond this some
continuation education early began to be provided (Rs. 274, Section 6; 275
d; 276, Section 15). Within the past half-century continuation education,
especially along vocational lines, as we shall point out in a subsequent
chapter, has received in German lands a very remarkable development. To
insure that this school should serve the State in the way desired,
Teachers' Seminaries, for the training of _Volksschule_, teachers, were
from the first made a feature of the new state system.

[Illustration: FIG. 173. THE PRUSSIAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM CREATED
Compare with Fig. 269 and note the difference between a European two-class
system and the American democratic educational ladder.]

For those who were to form the official and directing class of Society--a
closely limited, almost entirely male, intellectual aristocracy--education
in separate classical schools, with university or professional training
superimposed, was provided, and this type of training offered a very
thorough preparation for a small and a carefully selected class. Out of
this class the leaders of Germany for a century have been drawn. [20] For
this classical school also the universities were early directed to prepare
a well-educated body of teachers. The Prussian plan was followed in all
its essentials in the other German States, so that the drawing given (Fig.
173) was true for Germany as a whole, as well as for Prussia, up at least
to 1914.

NEW NINETEENTH-CENTURY TENDENCIES MANIFESTED. In this early evolution of
the Prussian state school systems we find two prominent nineteenth-century
ideas expressing themselves. The first is the new conception of the State
as not merely a government organized to secure national safety and
protection from invasion, but rather an organization of the people to
promote public welfare and realize a moral and political ideal. To this
end state control of the whole range of education, to enable the State to
promote intellectual and moral and social progress along lines useful to
the State, became a necessity, and some form of this education, in the
interests of the public welfare, must now be extended to all. Though
France and the new American nation gave earlier political expression to
this new conception of the State, it was in Prussia that the idea attained
its earliest concrete and for long its most complete realization. Seeing
further and more clearly than other nations the possibilities of
education, the practical workers of Prussia, and after them the other
German States, took over education as a function of the State for the
propagation of the national ideas and the promotion of the national
culture. Of this development Paulsen says:

    In the nineteenth century Germany took the lead in the educational
    movement among the nations of Europe. The German universities have
    become acknowledged centers of scientific research for the whole
    world.... In the domain of primary and technical education Germany has
    also become the universal teacher of Europe.

    But it must not be forgotten, in this connection, that the German
    people had been the pupils of their neighbors during a greater length
    of time and with greater assiduity than any other European nation.
    Thus, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Germany imported the
    culture of Humanism from Italy. During the seventeenth and eighteenth
    centuries she introduced the modern courtly culture and language of
    the French people, besides giving admission, since the middle of the
    eighteenth century, to the philosophy, science, and literature of
    English middle-class society. Lastly, since the end of the eighteenth
    century, the Germans have yielded themselves to the influence of the
    Hellenic spirit with greater fervor than any other nation.

The second nineteenth-century idea which early found expression in the
Prussian State, and one which became a dominant factor during the latter
half of the century, was the idea of utilizing the schools, as state
institutions, to promote national ends--to unify and nationalize peoples.
National self-consciousness here first found concrete expression, and with
wonderful practical results. From a geographical expression, consisting of
nearly four hundred petty self-governing cities, principalities, and
states, and some fourteen hundred independent noblemen and prelates,
before the Napoleonic wars, their close found the German people free from
serfdom, united in spirit, and organized politically into thirty-eight
modern-type States. In 1870, largely as a result of the nationalizing
efforts of government and education, working hand in hand, an Imperial
Empire of twenty-two States and three Free Cities was formed. The struggle
for national realization, begun by Prussia after 1807, and with education
as the important constructive tool of the State, has since been copied by
nation after nation and has become the dominant force of modern history.
To awaken a national self-consciousness, to acquire national unity, and to
infuse into all a common culture has supplanted the humanistic
cosmopolitanism of the eighteenth century and become the dominant
characteristic of nineteenth-century political history. In this Prussia
led the way.

THE PERIOD OF REACTION. Through the period preceding the Wars of
Liberation (1813-15), and afterward for a few years, an educational zeal
animated the Government. The schools during this period were free on the
one hand from politics and on the other from minute official regulation.
As one writer well stated: [21]

    It was difficult to decide whether the schools derived their
    importance from the life which surged around them, or whether their
    importance was due to their intrinsic power, very carefully fostered
    by the state authorities.... There was spirit and life in Prussia;
    there was much activity and liberty in contriving, with little outward
    parade. Any foreigner, visiting Prussia, might observe that the
    vitalizing breath of government, like the spirit of God, was acting
    upon the whole people.

Napoleon was finally vanquished at Waterloo (1815) and sent to Saint
Helena, and the Congress of Vienna (1815) remade the map of Europe. In
doing so it forgot that the people wanted constitutional government,
instead of a return to absolute rulers. It restored old thrones, rights,
and territories, and inaugurated a policy of political reaction which
increased in intensity with time and dominated the governments of
continental Europe until after the middle of the century. Under the lead
of the Austrian minister, Metternich, and by "third-degree" methods, the
so-called Holy Alliance [22] of continental Europe suppressed free speech,
democratic movements, political liberties, university freedom, and
liberalism in government and religion. The governments in this Alliance
redirected and restricted the people's schools, as much as could be done,
to make them conform in purpose to their reactionary ideas. In
consequence, the development of popular education in Germany, as well as
in France and other continental lands, was for a time checked. The great
start obtained by Prussia and the German States before 1820, though, was
such that what had been done there could not be wholly undone. In France,
Spain, the Italian Kingdoms, the Austrian States, and Russia, on the other
hand, what had not been developed to any extent could be prevented from
developing, and in these lands popular education was given back to the
Church to control and direct. In England, also, though for other reasons
there, the Church retained its control over elementary education for half
a century longer.

CHANGE IN THE SPIRIT OF THE SCHOOLS. The King of Prussia, Frederick
William III (1797-1840), though he had given full adherence to the
movement for general education during the dark period of Prussian history,
was after all never fully in sympathy with the liberal aspect of the
movement. After Austria, by the settlement at Vienna, became the leader of
the German States, and Metternich the dominating political personality of
Europe, the King came more and more to favor a restriction of liberties
and the holding of education to certain rather limited lines, fearful that
too much education of the people might prove harmful to the Government.
Accordingly, under the influence of the King and against the desires of
the liberal leaders, Prussia now changed direction and embarked on a
policy of reaction which checked normal educational progress; led to the
unsuccessful revolution of 1848 and the subsequent almost fanatical
governmental opposition to reforms; and was in large part responsible for
the disaster of 1918. It is an interesting speculation as to how different
the future German and world history might have been had Prussia and the
German States held to the liberal ideas of the earlier period, and drawn
their political conceptions from England and the new American nation,
rather than from Austria and Russia.

Accordingly, in November, 1817, the Department of Public Instruction was
replaced by a Ministry for Spiritual, Educational, and Medical Affairs,
and Karl, Baron von Altenstein, was made Minister. He continued in office
until his death, [23] in 1840, and his administration was marked by an
increasing state centralization and limitation of the earlier plans. In
1819 he codified all previous practices into a general school law for the
kingdom. While the King never really approved and issued it, it
nevertheless became a basis for future work and is the law so
enthusiastically described by Cousin, in 1830 (R. 280). Under his
administration the earlier creative enthusiasm and the energy for the
execution of great ideas disappeared, and the earlier "stimulating and
encouraging attitude on the part of the authorities was now replaced by
the timid policy of the drag and the brake." The earlier preparatory work
in the development of Teachers' Seminaries and the establishment of
elementary schools was allowed to continue; Pestalozzian ideas were for a
time not seriously restricted; compulsory attendance was more definitely
ordered enforced, in 1825; the abolition of tuition fees for _Volksschule_
education was begun in 1833, but not completed until 1888; and a more
careful supervision of schools was instituted, in 1834. The great change
was rather in the spirit and direction of the instruction. The early
tendency to emphasize nationalism and religious instruction (p. 571) was
now stressed, and the liberal aspects of Pestalozzianism were increasingly
subordinated to the more formal instruction and to nationalistic ends. The
soldier and the priest joined hands in diverting the schools to the
creation of intelligent, devout, patriotic, and, above all else, obedient
Germans, while the universal military idea, brought in by the successful
work of Scharnhorst (p. 567), and retained after the War of Liberation as
a survival of the old dynastic and predatory conception of the State, was
more and more emphasized in the work of the schools and the life of the
citizen. When Horace Mann reported on his visit to the schools of the
German States, in 1843, he called attention to this element of weakness
(R. 281), as well as to their many elements of strength.

FURTHER INTOLERANCE AND REACTION. The reactionary tendencies which set in
after the settlement of Vienna had, by 1840, produced stagnation in the
life of the Governments of Europe, and the revolutions of 1848, which
broke out in France, Italy, Switzerland, and the different German and
Austrian States, were revolts against the reactionary governmental rule
and an expression of disappointment at the failure to secure
constitutional government. The revolutions were both successful and
unsuccessful--successful in that the greater liberty they sought came
later on, but unsuccessful at the time. In consequence, immediately
following 1848, an even more reactionary educational policy was
instituted. University freedom was markedly restricted; the institutions
lost their earlier vigor; and the number of students suffered a marked
decline in consequence. The secondary schools also felt the new
influences. Latin and Greek were made compulsory; uniform programs for
work were insisted upon; and Latin in particular was reduced to a
grammatical drill that destroyed the spirit of the earlier instruction and
put gymnasial teaching back almost to the type made so popular by Sturm.
The few _Realschulen_, which had continued to exist and were tolerated
before, were now treated with positive dislike. In 1859 they were able to
force their first official recognition, but only when changed from
practical schools for the middle classes to secondary schools, on the same
basis as the _Gymnasien_, and for parallel ends.

It was upon the elementary schools (_Volksschulen_) and the Teachers'
Seminaries that the most severe official displeasure now fell. A number of
_Volksschule_ teachers had been connected with the revolutions of 1848,
and "over-education" was regarded as responsible. The Teachers' Seminary
at Preslau, which had for long given a high grade of training, was closed,
and the head of the Seminary at Berlin, Diesterweg, was dismissed because
of his strong advocacy of Pestalozzian ideas. Anything savoring of
individualism was especially under the ban. Bitter reproaches were heaped
upon the elementary-school teachers, and the new King, Frederick William
IV (1840-61) considered their work as the very root of the political evils
of the State. To a conference of Seminary teachers, held in 1849 in
Berlin, he said: [24]

    You and you alone are to blame for all the misery which the last year
    has brought upon Prussia! The irreligious pseudo-education of the
    masses is to be blamed for it, which you have been spreading under the
    name of true wisdom, and by which you have eradicated religious belief
    and loyalty from the hearts of my subjects and alienated their
    affections from my person. This sham education, strutting about like a
    peacock, has always been odious to me. I hated it already from the
    bottom of my soul before I came to the throne, and, since my
    accession, I have done everything I could to suppress it. I mean to
    proceed on this path, without taking heed of any one, and, indeed, no
    power on earth shall divert me from it.

Thus easily did an autocratic Hohenzollern cast upon the shoulders of
others the burden of his own failure to grasp the evolution in political
thinking  [25] which had taken place in Europe, since 1789. Unfortunately
for the future of the German people he was able to force his will upon
them.

    PROGRESS OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION AS SHOWN
    BY THE DECREASE IN ILLITERACY IN PRUSSIA,
    BY PROVINCES
    (From _Rep. U.S. Com. Educ._, 1890-1900, I, p. 781)

    _Provinces_   1841   1864-65      1881     1894-95

                _Per cent.  Per cent.  Per cent.  Per cent._
    East Prussia     \                    / 7.05        .99
                      15.33     16.54
    West Prussia     /                    \ 8.79       1.23
    Brandenburg        2.47       .96        .32        .06
    Pomerania          1.23      1.47        .43        .12
    Posen             41.00     16.90       9.97        .98
    Silesia            9.22      3.78       2.33        .43
    Saxony             1.19       .49        .28        .09
    Westphalia         2.14      1.03        .60        .02
    Rhenish Prussia    7.06      1.13        .23        .05
    Hohenzollern        .00       .00        .00        .00
                      =====     =====      =====      =====
    The State          9.30      5.52       2.38        .33

In 1854 new "Regulations" were issued which put the course of instruction
for elementary schools back to the days of Frederick the Great. The one-
class rural elementary school was made the standard. Everything beyond
reading, writing, a little arithmetic, and religious instruction in strict
accordance with the creeds of the Church, was considered as superfluous,
and was to be allowed only by special permit. The elimination of
illiteracy, the creation of obedient citizens, and the nationalizing of
new elements became the aim of the schools.

The instruction in the Teachers' Seminaries was reduced to the merest
necessities, and they were given clearly to understand that they were to
train teachers, and not to prepare educated men. All theory of education,
all didactics, all psychology were eliminated. A return was made to the
subject-matter theory of education, and a limited subject-matter at that,
and it once more became the business of the teacher to see that this was
carefully learned. Religious instruction naturally once more came to hold
a place of first importance. Similar reactionary movements took place in
other German States, all being sensitive to the reactionary spirit of the
time and the leadership of Austria and Prussia.

THE MODERN GERMAN EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE. After about 1860, largely in
response to modern scientific and industrial forces among a people turning
from agriculture toward industrialism, a slight relaxation of the
reactionary legislation began to be evident. This expressed itself chiefly
in a diminution of the time given to memoriter work in religion, and the
introduction in its place of work in German history and geography, with
some work in natural science. In the Teachers' Seminaries instruction in
German literature, formerly rigidly excluded, was now added. It was not,
however, until after the unification of Germany, following the Franco-
Prussian War, and the creation of Imperial Germany under the directive
guidance of Bismarck, that any real change took place. Then the changes
were due to new political, religious, social, industrial, and economic
forces which belong to the later period of German history.

In 1872 a new law gave to the Prussian elementary schools a new course of
study; reasserted the authority of the State in education; extended the
control of the public authorities; and made the State instead of the
Church the authority even for their religious instruction. [26] The
schools were now to be used as of old to build up and strengthen the
nation, but particularly to support the new Prussian idea as to the work
and function of the State. _Realien_ were given a new prominence, because
of new industrial needs, and the instruction in religion was revamped. The
old memoriter work was greatly reduced, and in its place an emotional and
political emphasis was given to the religious instruction. To make the
school of the people an instrument for fighting the growth of social
democracy, and a support for the throne and government, instruction in
religion was "placed in the center of the teacher's work," and teachers
were given to understand that they were "members of an educational army
and expected loyally to follow the flag." The secondary schools also were
redirected. A new emphasis on scientific subjects and modern languages
replaced the earlier emphasis on Greek. The Emperor interfered (R. 368) to
force a revision of the gymnasial programs better to adapt them to modern
needs. In particular were the universities of all the States unified and
nationalized, and great technical universities created. Science, commerce,
technical work, modern languages, and government were stressed in the
instruction of the leaders.

Deciding clearly where the nation was to go and the route it was to
follow, and that education for national ends was one of the important
means to be employed, the different parts of the educational systems in
the States--elementary schools, secondary schools, universities, normal
schools, professional schools, technical schools, continuation schools--
were carefully integrated into a unified state system, thoroughly national
in spirit, and given a definite function to perform in the work which the
Nation set itself to carry through. Nowhere have teachers been so well
trained to play their part in a national plan, and nowhere have teachers
acquitted themselves more worthily, from the point of view of the
Government. As Alexander [27] has well said:

    During the nineteenth century the leaders of Germany decided that
    Germany should assume leadership in the world in every line of
    endeavor, particularly in commerce and world power. They set this as
    the very definite goal of their national ambition. The next question
    was how that aim could be accomplished. It was to be done through
    education. Accordingly school systems were organized with this aim in
    view. In a State such as the Germans proposed building there were
    be leaders and followers. The followers were to be trained for a
    docile, efficient German citizenship; that is, the lower classes were
    to be made into God-fearing, patriotic, economically-independent
    Germans. This was the task of the _Volksschule_, and it has been
    wonderfully well accomplished. This type of German is created to do
    the manual labor of the State.

    The leaders were to be trained in middle and higher schools and in the
    universities. There were to be different grades of leaders; leaders in
    the lower walks of life, leaders in the middle walks of life, and
    leaders of the nation. The higher schools and the universities were
    employed to produce these types of leaders.... The leaders think and
    do; the followers merely do. The schools were organized for the
    express purpose of producing just these types.

So well was this system and plan working that, had the Imperial Government
not been so impatient of that slower but surer progress by peaceful means,
and staked all on a gambler's throw, in another half-century the German
nation might have held the world largely in fee. As it is, the results
which the Germans attained by reason of definite aims and definite methods
are both an encouragement and a warning to other nations.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Point out the extent of the educational reorganization which resulted
from the reform work begun at Halle.

2. How do you explain the very early German interest in compulsory school
attendance, when such was unknown elsewhere in Europe?

3. Compare the Prussian Regulations of 1737 with what was common at that
time in practice in the parishes of the American Colonies.

4. Show the wisdom of the early Prussian kings in working at school reform
through the Church. Could they well have worked otherwise? Why?

5. How do you explain such a slow development of a professional teaching
body in Prussia, when all the state influences had for so long been
favorable to educational development?

6. Show that the Oberschulcollegium Board marked the beginnings of a State
Ministry for Education for Prussia.

7. Show that the spirit of the Prussian leaders, after 1806, was a further
expansion of the German national feeling which arose in the Period of
Enlightenment.

8. Show that the reorganization of elementary education, and the creation
of the University of Berlin, were almost equally important events for the
future of German lands.

9. Show that the work of Prussia, in using the schools for national ends,
was: (a) in keeping with the work of the French Revolutionary leaders,
and (b) only a further extension of the organizing work done by
Frederick the Great.

10. Show how the universities of Germany early took the lead of the
universities of the world, and the influence of this fact on national
progress.

11. Enumerate the new nineteenth-century tendencies observable in the
early educational organization in Prussia.

12. Explain the marked mid-nineteenth-century reaction to educational
development which set in.

13. Explain the early and marked welcome accorded science-study in German
lands.

14. Explain in what ways Prussia attained an educational leadership, ahead
of other nations.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections,
illustrative of the contents of this chapter, are reproduced:

  273. Barnard: The Organizing Work of Frederick William I.
  274. Prussia: The School Code of 1763.
  275. Prussia: The Silesian School Code of 1765.
  276. Austria: The School Code of 1774.
  277. Fichte: Addresses to the German Nation.
  278. Mann: The Prussian Elementary Teacher and his Training.
  279. Dinter: Prussian Schools and Teachers as he found them.
  280. Cousin: Report on Education in Prussia.
  281. Mann: The Military Aspect of Prussian Education.,


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Explain the interest of Frederick William I (273) in elementary
education.

2. Characterize, from the Codes of 1763 (274) and 1765 (275), and cite
paragraph to show: (a) The type of instruction ordered provided; (b) the
type of teacher expected; (c) the character of the attendance required;
and (d) the character of the continuation training ordered.

3. Show the similarity in their main lines of the Prussian (274) and
Austrian (276) Codes.

4. Would the reasoning of Fichte (277) apply to any crushed nation?
Illustrate.

5. Do we select teachers for training as carefully in the United States
today as they did in Prussia eighty years ago (278)? Could we?

6. Did such conditions as Dinter describes (279) exist, even later, with
us?

7. Was the Prussian school system, as described by Cousin (280), a
centralized or a decentralized system?

8. Show that Mann's reasoning as to the strength of the Prussian school
system (281) was thoroughly sound.


SELECTED REFERENCES

* Alexander, Thomas. _The Prussian Elementary Schools_.
* Barnard, Henry. "Public Instruction in Prussia"; in _American Journal
    of Education_, vol. XX, pp. 333-434.
  Barnard, Henry. _German Teachers and Educators_.
* Cassell, Henry. "Adolph Diesterweg"; in _Educational Review_, vol.
    I, pp. 345-56. (April, 1891.)
  Friedel, V. H. _The German School as a War Nursery_.
  Lexis, W. _A General View of the History and Organization of Public
    Education in the German Empire_.
* Nohle, E. "History of the German School System"; in _Report U.S.
    Commissioner of Education_, 1897-98, vol. I, pp. 3-82. Translated
    from Rein's _Encyclopädisches Handbuch der Pädagogik_.
* Paulsen, Fr. _German Education, Past and Present_.
* Paulsen, Fr. _The German Universities_.
* Russell, James. _German Higher Schools_.
  Seeley, J. R. _Life and Times of Stein_, vol. I.




CHAPTER XXIII

NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE AND ITALY


I. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN FRANCE

LINES OF DEVELOPMENT MARKED OUT BY THE REVOLUTION. The Revolution proved
very disastrous to the old forms of education in France. The old
educational foundations, accumulated through the ages, were swept away,
and the teaching congregations, which had provided the people with
whatever education they had enjoyed, were driven from the soil. The ruin
of educational and religious institutions in Russia under the recent rule
of the Bolshevists is perhaps comparable to what happened in France. Many
plans were proposed by the Revolutionary philosophers and enthusiasts, as
we have seen (chapter xx), to replace what had once been and to provide
better than had once been done for the educational needs of the masses of
the people, but with results that were small in comparison with the
expectations of the legislative assemblies which considered or approved
them. Nevertheless, the directions of future progress in educational
organization were clearly marked out before Napoleon came to power, and
the work which he did was largely an extension, and a reduction to working
order, of what had been proposed or established by the enthusiasts of the
pre-revolutionary and revolutionary periods. At the time of the Revolution
the State definitely took over the control of education from the Church,
and the work of Napoleon and those who came after him was to organize
public instruction into a practical state-controlled system.

In effecting this organization, the preceding discussions of education as
a function of the State and the desirable forms of organization to follow
all bore important fruit, and the forms finally adopted embodied not only
the ideas contained in the legislation of the revolutionary assemblies,
but the earlier theoretical discussion of the subject by Rolland (p. 510),
Diderot (p. 511), and Talleyrand (p. 513) as well. They embodied also the
peculiar administrative genius of France--that desire for uniformity in
organization and administration--and hence stand in contrast to the state
educational organizations worked out about the same time in German lands.
The German States, as we have seen, had for long been working toward state
control of education, but when this was finally attained they still
permitted a large degree of local initiative and control. The French, on
the contrary, made the transition in a few years, and the system of state
control which they established provided for uniformity, and for
centralized supervision and inspection in the hands of the State. The
forms for state control and education adopted in the two countries were
also expressive of age-long tendencies in each. For three centuries German
political organization, as we have seen, had been extremely decentralized
on the one hand, and had been slowly evolving a system of education under
the joint control of the small States and the Church on the other. In
France, on the contrary, centralization of authority and subordination to
a central government had been the tendency for an even longer period. When
the time arrived for the State to take over education from the Church, it
was but natural that France should tend toward a much more highly
centralized control than did the German States, and the differing
political situations of the two countries, at the opening of the
nineteenth century, gave added emphasis to these differing tendencies.

[Illustration: FIG. 174. AN OLD FOUNDATION TRANSFORMED
This was an ancient château in France. In 1604 Henry IV gave it to the
Jesuits for a school. In 1791 it became national property, and was
transformed into a Military College.]

In consequence, Prussia and the other German States early achieved a form
of state educational organization which emphasized local interest and the
spirit of the instruction, whereas France created an administrative
organization which emphasized central control and, for the time, the form
rather than the spirit of instruction. This was well pointed out by Victor
Cousin (R. 280), in contrasting conditions in Prussia with those existing
in France.

NAPOLEON BEGINS THE ORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION. In 1799 Napoleon became
First Consul and master of France, and in 1804 France, by vote, changed
from a Republic to an Empire, with Napoleon as first Emperor. Until his
banishment to Saint Helena (1815) he was master of France. A man of large
executive capacity and an organizing genius of great ability, whether he
turned to army organization, governmental organization, the codification
of the laws, or the organization of education, Napoleon's practical and
constructive mind quickly reduced parts to their proper places in a well-
regulated scheme. Shortly after he became Consul he took up, among other
things, the matter of educational organization.

His first effort was in 1800, when he transformed the old humanistic
College Louis le Grand (founded 1567) and created four military colleges
from its endowment. One of these colleges he later, in characteristic
fashion, transformed into a School of Arts and Trades (R. 282). In 1802 he
signed the famous Concordat with the Pope. This restored the priests to
the churches, with state aid for their stipends, and virtually turned over
primary education again to the Church for care and control. The "Brothers
of the Christian Schools" (p. 515) were recalled the next year and
especially favored, and soon established themselves more firmly than
before the Revolution.

[Illustration: FIG. 175. COUNT DE FOURCROY (1755-1809)]

In 1802 Napoleon first turned his attention to a general organization of
public instruction by directing Count de Fourcroy, a distinguished chemist
who had been a teacher in the Polytechnic School, and whom he appointed
Director of Public Instruction, to draw up, according to his ideas, an
organizing law on the subject. This became the Law of 1802. It was divided
into nine chapters, as follows:

       I. Degrees of Instruction.
      II. Primary Schools.
     III. Secondary Schools.
      IV. Lycées.
       V. Special Schools.
      VI. The Military School.
     VII. The National Pupils.
    VIII. The _nationales pensions_
      IX. General regulations.

1. PRIMARY SCHOOLS. The chapter on primary schools virtually reënacted the
Law of 1795 (R. 258 b). Each commune [1] was required to furnish a
schoolhouse and a home for the teacher. The teacher was to be responsible
to local authorities, while the supervision of the school was placed under
the prefect of the Department. The instruction was to be limited to
reading, writing, and arithmetic, and the legal authorities were enjoined
"to watch that the teachers did not carry their instructions beyond these
limits." The teacher was to be paid entirely from tuition fees, though one
fifth of the pupils were to be provided with free schooling. The State
gave nothing toward the support of the primary schools.

The interest of Napoleon was not in primary or general education, but
rather in training pupils for scientific and technical efficiency, and
youths of superior ability for the professions and for executive work in
the kind of government he had imposed upon France. To this end secondary
and special education were made particular functions of the State, while
primary education was left to the communes to provide as they saw fit.
They could provide schools and the parents could pay for the teacher, or
not, as they might decide. There was no compulsion to enforce the
requirement of a primary school, and no state aid to stimulate local
effort to create one. In consequence not many state primary schools were
established, and primary education remained, for another generation, in
the hands of private teachers and the Church.

2. SECONDARY SCHOOLS. Chapters III and IV of the Law of 1802 made full
provision for two types of secondary schools--the Communal Colleges and
the Lycées [2]--to replace the Central Higher Schools established in 1795
(p. 518). These latter had lacked sadly in internal organization. They
were merely day schools, lacking the dormitory and boarding arrangements
which for over three centuries had characterized the French _collèges_. As
a result they had not prospered. The Law of 1802 now replaced them with
two types of residential secondary schools, in which the youth of the
country, under careful supervision and discipline, might prepare for
entrance to the higher special schools. These fixed the lines of future
French development in secondary schools.

The standard secondary school now became known as the _Lycée_. These
institutions corresponded to the Colleges under the old régime, of which
the College of Guyenne (R. 136) was a type. The instruction was to include
the ancient languages, rhetoric, logic, ethics, belles-lettres,
mathematics, and physical science, with some provision for additional
instruction in modern languages and drawing. Each was to have at least
eight "professors," an administrative head, a supervisor of studies, and a
steward to manage the business affairs of the institution. The State
usually provided the building, often using some former church school which
had been suppressed, and the cities in which the Lycées were located were
required to provide them with furniture and teaching equipment. The funds
for maintenance came from tuition fees, boarding and rooming income, and
state scholarships, of which six thousand four hundred were provided.

Besides the Lycées, every school established by a municipality, or kept by
an individual, which gave instruction in Latin, French, geography,
history, and mathematics was designated as a secondary school, or Communal
College. These institutions usually offered but a partial Lycée course,
and were tuition schools, being patronized by many parents whose tastes
forbade the sending of their children to the lower-class primary schools.
A license from the Government to operate was necessary before masters
could be employed. They were to be maintained by the municipality, without
any state encouragement beyond some grants for capable teachers and
scholarships in the Lycées for meritorious pupils.

Within two years after the enactment of the Law of 1802 there had been
created in France 46 Lycées, 378 secondary schools of various degrees of
completeness, and 361 private schools of secondary grade had been opened.
A number of these disappeared later, in the reorganization of 1808. For
the supervision of all these institutions the Director General of Public
Instruction appointed three Superintendents of Secondary Studies; and for
the work of the schools he outlined the courses of instruction in detail,
laid down the rules of administration, prepared and selected the
textbooks, and appointed the "professors."

SPECIAL OR HIGHER SCHOOLS. The chapter of the Law of 1802 on Special
Schools made provision for the creation of the following special
"faculties" or schools for higher education for France:

    3 medical schools, to replace the _Schools of Health_ of 1794 (p.
      518).
   10 law schools; increased to 12 in 1804 (Date of _Code Napoléon_,
      p. 518).
    4 schools of natural history, natural philosophy, and chemistry.
    2 schools of mechanical and chemical arts,
    1 mathematical school,
    1 school of geography, history, and political economy.
      A fourth school of art and design.
      Professors of astronomy for the observatories.

In 1803 the School of Arts and Trades was added (R. 282), and in 1804,
after Napoleon had signed the Concordat with the Pope, thus restoring the
Catholic religion (abolished 1791), schools of theology were added to the
above list.

We have here, clearly outlined, the main paths along which French state
educational organization had been tending and was in future to follow. The
State had definitely dispossessed the Church as the controlling agency in
education, and had definitely taken over the school as an instrument for
its own ends. Though primary education had been temporarily left to the
communes, and was soon to be turned over in large part to be handled by
the Church for a generation longer, the supervision was to remain with the
State. The middle-class elements were well provided for in the new
secondary schools, and these were now subject to complete supervision by
the State. For higher education groups of Special Schools, or Teaching
Faculties, replaced the older universities, which were not re-created
until after the coming of the Third Republic (1871). The dominant
characteristics of the state educational system thus created, aside from
its emphasis on secondary and higher education, were its uniformity and
centralized control. These characteristics were further stressed in the
reorganization of 1808, and have remained prominent in French educational
organization ever since.

CREATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FRANCE. By 1806 Napoleon was ready for a
further and more complete organization of the public instruction of the
State, and to this end the following law was now enacted (May 10, 1806):

    Sec. 1. There will be formed, under the name of Imperial University,
    a body exclusively commissioned with teaching and public education
    throughout the Empire.

    Sec. 2. The members of this corporation can contract civil, special,
    and temporary obligations.

    Sec. 3. The organization of this corps will be given in the form of a
    law to the legislative body in the session of 1810.

In 1808, without the formality of further legislation, Napoleon issued an
Imperial Decree creating the University of France. This was not only
Napoleon's most remarkable educational creation, but it was an
administrative and governing organization for education so in harmony with
French spirit and French governmental ideas that it has persisted ever
since, though changed somewhat in form with time.

The Decree began by declaring that "public instruction, in the whole
Empire, is confined exclusively to the University," and that "no school,
nor establishment for instruction, can be formed independent of the
Imperial University, and without the authority of its chief." Unlike the
University of Berlin (p. 574), created a year later, this was not a
teaching university at all, but instead a governing, examining, and
disbursing corporation, [3] presided over by a Grand Master and a Council
of twenty-six members, all appointed by the Emperor. This Council decided
all matters of importance, and exercised supervision and control over
education of all kinds, from the lowest to the highest, throughout France.
[4] To assist the Council, general inspectors for medicine, law, theology,
letters, and science were provided for, to visit and "examine the
condition of instruction and discipline in the faculties, _lycées_, and
colleges; to inform themselves in regard to the fidelity and ability of
professors, regents, and ushers; to examine the students; and to make a
complete survey of those institutions, in their whole administration."
Beneath the Grand Master and Council the State was divided into twenty-
seven "Academies" (administrative districts), each of which had a Rector,
a Council of ten, and Inspectors, all appointed by the Grand Master. These
exercised jurisdiction over teachers and pupils in all schools, and
decided all local matters, subject to appeal to the Grand Master and
Council.

Under this new administrative organization but little change was made in
the schools from that provided for in the law of 1802. Primary education
remained as before, private schools and Church schools supplying most of
the need. All were under the supervision of the University, and all were
instructed to make as a basis of their instruction: (1) the precepts of
the Catholic religion; (2) fidelity to the Emperor, to the imperial
monarchy, the depository of the happiness of the people, and to the
Napoleonic dynasty, the conservator of the unity of France, and of all the
ideas proclaimed by the Constitution.

The _Lycées_ and Communal Colleges continued, much as before, [5] and
during the half-century which followed, experienced a steady and
substantial growth.

    DEVELOPMENT OF THE LYCÉES

    Year          1809    1811    1813    1829    1847   1866
    Lycées          35      36      36      36      54     74
    Pupils       9,068  10,926  14,492  15,087  23,207 34,442
    Free pupils  4,199   4,008   3,500   1,600

    DEVELOPMENT OF THE COMMUNAL COLLEGES

    Year           1809    1815    1830    1849    1855    1866
    Colleges        273     323     332     306     244     251
    Pupils       18,507  19,320  27,308  31,706  32,500  33,038

The Special Higher Schools were also continued, and to the list given (p.
593) Napoleon added (1808) a Superior Normal School (R. 283) to train
graduates of the _Lycées_ for teaching. This opened in 1810, with thirty-
seven students and a two-year course of instruction, and in 1815 a third
year of method and practice work was added. With some varying fortunes,
this institution has continued to the present.

THE NEW INTEREST IN PRIMARY EDUCATION. The period from 1815 to 1830 in
France is known as the Restoration. Louis XVIII was made King and ruled
until his death in 1824, and his brother Charles X who followed until
deposed by the Revolution of 1830. Though a representative of the old
régime was recalled on the abdication of Napoleon, the great social gains
of the Revolution were retained. There was no odious restoration of
privilege and absolute monarchy. Frenchmen continued to be equal before
the law; a form of constitutional government was provided; the right of
petition was recognized; and the system of public instruction as Napoleon
had organized it continued almost unchanged. For a decade at least there
was less political reaction in France than in other continental States.

In matters of education, what had been provided was retained, and there
seems (R. 285) to have been an increasing demand for additions and
improvements, particularly in the matter of primary and middle-class
schools, and a willingness on the part of the communes to provide such
advantages. Some small progress had been made in meeting these demands,
before 1830.

In 1816 a small treasury grant (50,000 francs) was made for school books,
model schools, and deserving teachers in the primary schools, and in 1829
this sum was increased to 300,000 francs. In 1818 the "Brothers of the
Christian Schools" were permitted to be certificated for teaching on
merely presenting their Letter of Obedience from the head of their Order,
and in 1824 the cantonal school committees were remodeled so as to give
the bishops and clergy entire control of all Catholic primary schools.
Monitorial instruction was introduced from England by private teachers, in
an effort to supply the beginnings of education at small expense, and for
a time this had some vogue, but never proved very successful. In 1815 the
_Lycées_ were renamed Royal Colleges, but in 1848 the old name was
restored, and has since been retained. In 1817 there were thirty-six
_Lycées_, receiving an annual state subsidy of 812,000 francs; thirty
years later the fifty-four in existence were receiving 1,500,000 francs.
From 1822 to 1829 the Higher Normal School was suppressed, and twelve
elementary normal schools were created in its stead.

EARLY WORK UNDER THE MONARCHY OF 1830. In July, 1830, Charles X attempted
to suppress constitutional liberty, and the people rose in revolt and
deposed him, and gave the crown to a new King, Louis-Philippe. He ruled
until deposed by the creation of the Second Republic, in 1848. The
"Monarchy of 1830" was supported by the leading thinkers of the time,
prominent among whom were Thiers and Guizot, and one of the first affairs
of State to which they turned their attention was the extension downward
of the system of public instruction. The first steps were an increase of
the state grant for primary schools (1830) to a million francs a year; the
overthrow of the control by the priests of the cantonal school committees
(1830): the abolition (1831) of the exemption of the religious orders from
the examinations for teaching certificates; and the creation (1830-31) of
thirty new normal schools.

[Illustration: FIG. 176 VICTOR COUSIN (1792-1867)]

The next step was to send (1831) M. Victor Cousin--Director of the
restored Higher Normal School of France--on a mission to the German
States, and in particular to Prussia, to study and report on the system of
elementary education, teacher training, and educational organization and
administration which had done so much for its regeneration. So convincing
was Cousin's _Report_ [6] that, despite bitter national antipathies, it
carried conviction throughout France. "It demonstrated to the government
and the people the immense superiority of all the German States, even the
most insignificant duchy, over any and every Department of France, in all
that concerned institutions of primary and secondary education." Cousin
pronounced the school law of Prussia (R. 280) "the most comprehensive and
perfect legislative measure regarding primary education" with which he was
acquainted, and declared his conviction that "in the present state of
things, a law concerning primary education is indispensable in France."
The chief question, he continued, was "how to procure a good one in a
country where there is a total absence of all precedents and experience in
so grave a matter." Cousin then pointed out the bases, derived from
Prussian experience and French historical development, on which a
satisfactory law could be framed (R. 284 a-c); the desirability of local
control and liberty in instruction (R. 284 f-g); and strongly recommended
the organization of higher primary schools (a new creation; first
recommended (1792) by Condorcet, p. 514) as well as primary schools (R.
284 e) to meet the educational needs of the middle classes of the
population of France.

THE LAW OF 1833. On the basis of Cousin's _Report_ a bill, making the
maintenance of primary schools obligatory on every commune; providing for
higher primary schools in the towns and cities; additional normal schools
to train teachers for these schools; a corps of primary-school inspectors,
to represent the State; and normal training and state certification
required to teach in any primary school, was prepared. In an address to
the Chamber of Deputies, in introducing the bill (1832), M. Guizot [7],
the newly appointed Minister for Public Instruction, set forth the history
of primary instruction in France up to 1832 (R. 285 a); described the two
grades of primary instruction to be created (R. 285 b); and, emphasizing
Cousin's maxim that "the schoolmaster makes the school," dwelt on the
necessity for normal training and state certification for all primary
teachers (R. 285 c). In preparing the bill it was decided not to follow
the revolutionary ideas of free instruction, by lay and state teachers, or
to enforce compulsion to attend, and for these omissions M. Guizot, in his
_Mémoires_ (R. 286), gives some very interesting reasons.

[Illustration:  FIG. 177. OUTLINE OF THE MAIN FEATURES OF THE FRENCH STATE
SCHOOL SYSTEM]

The bill became a law the following year, and is known officially as the
Law of 1833. This Law forms the foundations upon which the French system
of national elementary education has been developed, as the Napoleonic Law
of 1802 and the Decree of 1808 have formed the basis for secondary
education and French state administrative organization. A primary school
was to be established in every commune, which was to provide the building,
pay a fixed minimum salary to the teacher, and where able maintain the
school.  The state reserved the right to fix the pay of the teacher, and
even to approve his appointment.  A tuition fee was to be paid for
attendance, but those who could not pay were to be provided with free
places. The primary schools were to give instruction in reading, writing,
arithmetic, the weights and measures, the French language, and morals and
religion. The higher primary schools were to build on these subjects, and
to offer instruction in geometry and its applications, linear drawing,
surveying, physical science, natural history, history, geography, and
music, and were to emphasize instruction in "the history and geography of
France, and in the elements of science, as they apply it every day in the
office, the workshop, and the field." [8] These latter were the
_Bürgerschulen_, recommended by Cousin (R. 284 e) on the basis of his
study of Prussian education. [9]

[Illustration: PLATE 14. FRANÇOIS PIERRE GUILLAUME GUIZOT (1787-1874)
Creator of the French primary school system]

The primary schools were to follow a uniform plan, and as a guide a
_Manual of Primary Instruction_ was issued, giving detailed directions as
to what was to be done. In sending out a copy of the Law to the primary
teachers of France, M. Guizot enclosed a personal letter to each,
informing him as to what the government expected of him in the new work
(R. 287). During the four years that M. Guizot remained Minister of Public
Instruction he rendered a remarkable service, well described by Matthew
Arnold (R. 288), in awakening his countrymen to the new problem of popular
education then before them.

The results under the Law of 1833 were large [10] and the subsequent
legislation under the monarchy of 1830 was important. For the first time
in French history an earnest effort was made to provide education suited
to the needs of the great mass of the people, and the marked development
of schools which ensued showed how eagerly they embraced the opportunities
offered their children, though the schooling was neither compulsory nor
gratuitous.  In 1837 Infant Schools, for still younger children, were
authorized, and in 1840 state aid for these was begun. In 1836 classes for
adults, first begun in Paris in 1820, were authorized generally, but it
was not until 1867 that these were formally incorporated into the state
school system. In 1845 state aid for the Communal Colleges, as well as for
the _Lycées_, was begun.

    DEVELOPMENT OF INFANT SCHOOLS

    Year...... 1827 1837 1840 1843 1846 1850 1863 1886 1897
    Schools...    1  251  555 1489 1861 1735 3308 6696 5683

REACTION AFTER 1848. In France, as in Europe generally, the people were
steadily becoming more liberal, as they became better educated, while the
rulers were becoming more autocratic. The result was the series of
revolutions of 1848, which broke out first in France, and finally extended
to most of the countries of continental Europe. In France the King, Louis-
Philippe, was forced to abdicate; a Republic, based on universal manhood
suffrage, was proclaimed; and Louis Napoleon, a nephew of Napoleon I, was
elected President. In 1851 Napoleon established himself as Dictator;
prepared a new constitution providing for an Empire; and, in 1852,
dissolved the Second Republic and assumed the title of Emperor Napoleon
III. This Second Empire lasted until 1870, when France was humiliated by
the Prussians as the latter had been by Napoleon I in 1806. The Emperor
and his armies were taken prisoners (1870) and, in 1871, the Prussians
occupied Paris and crowned the new Emperor of united and Imperial Germany
in the palace of the French Kings at Versailles. A Third Republic now
succeeded, and this has lasted to the present time.

The period from 1848 to 1870 in France was a period of middle-class rule,
and reaction in education as in government. In 1848 a Sub-Commission on
Primary Education reported in opposition to the state primary schools. The
troubles of 1848 had brought to view the political restlessness which had
taken possession of the teachers, as well as other classes in society. The
new schools were naturally suspected of being the source of the popular
discontent. Many teachers had sympathized with, and some had taken part in
the disturbances, and teachers generally were now placed under close
surveillance. Some of the leaders were forced into exile until after 1870.
Religious schools, regarded as more favorable to monarchical needs and
purposes, were now encouraged, and the number of religious schools
increased from 6464 in 1850, to 11,391 by 1864. Private schools, too, were
given full freedom to compete with the state schools, and the pay of the
primary teachers was reduced. The course in the normal schools was
condemned as too ambitious, and, in 1851, was cut down. The course of
instruction in the primary schools, on the other hand, was, unlike in
Prussia, broadened instead of restricted, and in particular emphasis was
placed, in keeping with nearly a century of French tradition, on
scientific and practical subjects. [11] The law of 1850 stated the
requirements for primary schools as follows:

    Art. 23. Primary instruction comprises moral and religious
    instruction, reading, writing, the elements of the French language,
    computation, and the legal system of weights and measures. It may
    comprise, in addition, arithmetic applied to practical operations, the
    elements of history (a required subject after 1867) and geography,
    notions of the physical sciences and of natural history applicable to
    the ordinary purposes of life, elementary instruction in agriculture,
    trade, and hygiene; and surveying, leveling, linear drawing, singing,
    and gymnastics.

Religious instruction prospered under the Second Empire, and the state
primary schools lost in importance. The _Lycées_ continued largely as
classical institutions, though after 1865 the crowding of the rising
sciences began to dispute the supremacy of classical studies.  There were,
however, many voices of discontent, particularly from exiled teachers (R.
289), and the way was rapidly being prepared for the creation of a
stronger and better state school system as soon as political conditions
were propitious.

REVOLUTIONARY IDEALS AT LAST REALIZED.  With the creation of the Third
Republic, in 1870, a change from the old conditions and old attitudes took
place.  Up to about 1879 the new government was in control of those who
were at heart sympathetic with the old conditions, but were forced to
accept the new; from 1879 to 1890 was a transition period; and since 1890
the Republic has grown steadily in strength and regained its position
among the great powers of the world.  The first few years of the new
Republic were devoted to paying the Prussian indemnity and clearing the
soil of France of German armies, but, after about 1875, education became a
great national interest among leaders of France. [12] France saw, somewhat
as did Prussia after 1806, the necessity for creating a strong state
system of primary, secondary, and higher schools to train the youth of the
land in the principles of the Republic, strengthen the national spirit,
advance the welfare of the State, and protect it from dangers both within
and without.

    PROGRESS OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN FRANCE, DURING THE NINETEENTH
    CENTURY, AS SHOWN BY THE REDUCTION IN THE PERCENTAGE OF ILLITERACY
    AMONG ARMY CONSCRIPTS, AND AMONG PERSONS SIGNING THE MARRIAGE RECORDS

    Years    Army     Marriage records
          conscripts  Men    Women
    1790              53.0%  73.0%
    1827    58.0%
    1833    47.8
    1840    42.8
    1845    37.8
    1850    35.7
    1855    33.7      32.0   47.0
    1860    30.0      30.4   44.8
    1865    24.4      27.5   41.0
    1870    19.7      26.8   39.4
    1875    16.0      20.0   31.0
    1880    14.7      16.1   24.5
    1885    11.5      13.0   20.2
    1890     7.8       8.7   12.8
    1896     5.1       5.8    7.8
    1901     4.4       4.4    6.3

Millions were put into the building of schoolhouses (1878-88); new normal
schools were established; a normal school for women was created in each of
the eighty-seven departments of France; the academic and superior councils
of public instruction were reorganized to eliminate clerical influences
(1881); religious instruction was replaced by moral and civic instruction
(R. 290); and clerical "Letters of Obedience" were no longer accepted, and
all teachers were required to be certificated by the State. The Law of
1881, eliminating instruction in religion from the elementary schools, was
followed, in 1886, by a law providing for the gradual replacement of
clerical by lay teachers. In 1904, the teaching congregations of France
were suppressed. All elementary education now became public, free,
compulsory, and secular, [13] and teachers were required to be neutral in
religious matters. [14]

Since 1871, also, technical and scientific education has been emphasized;
the primary and superior-primary schools have been made free (1881) and
compulsory (1882); classes for adults have been begun generally; the state
aid for schools has been very greatly increased; _lycées_ and colleges for
women have been created (1880); the _lycées_ modernized in their
instruction [15] and the reorganization and reëstablishment of a series of
fifteen state universities of a modern type, begun in 1885, was completed
in 1896. The reorganization and expansion of education in France since
1875 is a wonderful example of republican interest and energy, and is
along entirely different lines from those followed, since the same date,
in German lands.

After the lapse of nearly a century we now see the French Revolutionary
ideas of gratuity, obligation, and secularization finally put into effect,
and the state system of public instruction outlined by Condorcet (p. 514),
in 1792, at last an accomplished fact.


II. NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ITALY

IMPORTANCE OF THE WORK OF NAPOLEON. So much has been written about the
deluge of blood that took place in Paris in the days of the Commune and
the time of the National Conventions, and of the military victories and
autocratic rule of Napoleon Bonaparte, that it is difficult to appraise
the importance of either, from the point of view of the progress of
civilization and of the organization of modern political institutions, at
its true worth. The faults of both are prominent and outstanding, but it
nevertheless was the merit of the Revolution that it enabled France, and
along with France a good portion of western Europe, to rid itself of the
worst survivals of the Middle Ages, while to Napoleon much of western
Europe is indebted for the foundation of its civil institutions, unified
legal procedure, beginnings of state educational organization, and modern
governmental forms. Writing on this subject, Matthew Arnold [16] well
said:

    With all his faults, his [Napoleon's] reason was so clear and strong
    that he saw, in its general outlines at least, the just and rational
    type of civil organization which modern society needs, and wherever
    his armies went he instituted it.

[Illustration: FIG. 178. EUROPE IN 1810
Showing the control of France when Napoleon was at the height of his
power.]

That the French Revolution's merit and service was a real one is shown by
all the world, as it improves, getting rid more and more of the Middle
Ages. That Napoleon's merit and service was a real one is shown by the bad
governments which succeeded him having always got rid, when they could, of
his work, and by the progress of improvement, when these governments
became intolerable, and are themselves got rid of, always bringing it
back. Where governments were not wholly bad, and did not get rid of
Napoleon's good work, this work turns out to have the future on its side,
and to be more likely to assimilate the institutions round it to its
pattern than to be itself assimilated by them.

In the Italian States, the Netherlands, some of the French cantons of
Switzerland, the Rhine countries, and the Danish peninsula, in particular,
the rule of Napoleon, imposed by his armies, carried out by rulers of his
selection, and maintained for a long enough period that the legal
organization, civil order, unified government, and taste of educational
opportunities of a new type which his rule brought became attractive to
the people, in time proved deeply influential in their political
development. [17] All these nations still show traces of the French
influence in their state educational organization. We shall take the
Italian States as a type, and examine briefly the influence on the
development of state educational organization there which resulted from
contact with the forward-looking rule of "The Great Emperor."

DECLINE IN IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATION IN ITALY. In a preceding chapter (p.
503), we mentioned that the rule of Napoleon in northern Italy awakened
the national spirit from its long lethargy, and caused Italian liberals to
look forward, for the first time since the days of the Revival of
Learning, to the time when the Italian States might be united into one
Italian nation, with Rome as its capital. This became the work of the mid-
nineteenth century (see dates, Fig. 179), though not fully completed until
the World War of 1914-18. Italy stands to-day a great united nation, with
a large future ahead of it, but as such it is entirely a nineteenth-
century creation. From the time of its intellectual decline following the
Renaissance, to the middle of the nineteenth century, Italy remained "a
geographical expression" and split up into a number of little independent
States; up to the time of Napoleon it was a part of the German-ruled "Holy
Roman Empire."

After the great patriotic effort of the period of the Revival of Learning
(p. 264) in Italy, and the rather feeble and unsuccessful attempts at a
reform of religion which followed, the intellectual development of Italy
was checked and turned aside for centuries by the triumph of an
unprogressive and anti-intellectual attitude on the part of the dominant
Church. The persecution of Galileo (p. 388) was but a phase of the
reaction in religion which had by that time set in. Education was turned
over to the religious orders, such as the Jesuits and the Barnabites, and
instruction was turned aside from liberal culture and the promotion of
learning to the support of a religion and the stamping out of heresy.
Though a number of educational foundations were made, and some important
undertakings begun after the days when her universities were crowded and
Florence and Venice vied with one another for the intellectual supremacy
of the western world, the spirit nevertheless was gone, and both education
and government settled down to a tenacious preservation of the existing
order. Scholars ceased to frequent the schools of Italy; the universities
changed from seats of learning to degree-conferring institutions; [18] the
intellectual capitals came to be found north of the Alps; and the history
of educational progress ceased to be traced in this ancient land. In the
early part of the eighteenth century the schools there reached perhaps
their lowest intellectual level.

THE BEGINNINGS OF REFORM IN SAVOY. The first and almost the only attempt
to change this condition, before Napoleon's armies went crashing through
the valley of the Po, was made in the seventeenth century by two Dukes of
Savoy. By decrees of 1729 and 1772 they took the control of the secondary
(Latin) schools in their little duchy from the religious orders, and
established a Council of Public Instruction to reform the university
examinations, see that teachers were prepared for the Latin schools, and
take over in the name of the authorities of the duchy the control of
education. Though inspired by a political interest, the two dukes brought
into their little kingdom the much-needed ideas of honest work, effective
administration, and public spirit, and laid the foundations for the
control of education by the public authorities later on. The only other
attempt to improve conditions came in Lombardy, in 1774, which then was a
part of the Austrian dominions and felt the short-lived reforms of Maria
Theresa (p. 562; R. 276). Elsewhere in Italy conditions remained unchanged
until the time of Napoleon.

NAPOLEON REVIVES THE NATIONAL SPIRIT. In 1796 Napoleon's armies invaded
Sardinia, Lombardy, and the valley of the Po, and he soon extended his
control to almost all the Italian peninsula. For nearly two decades
thereafter this collection of little States felt the unifying,
regenerating influence of the organizing French. Monasteries and convents
and religious schools were transformed into modern teaching institutions,
brigandage was put down, and efficient and honest government was
established. The ideas of the French Law of 1802 as to education were
applied. Every town was ordered to establish a school for boys, to teach
the reading and writing of Italian and the elements of French and Latin;
the secondary schools were modernized; and the universities were
completely reorganized. Some of the universities were reduced to _licei_
(_lycées_; secondary schools), while others were strengthened and their
revenues turned to better purposes. The universities at Naples and Turin
in particular were transformed into strong institutions, with a decided
emphasis on scientific studies. A normal school was founded at Pisa, on
the model of the one at Paris. New standards in education were set up, the
study of the sciences was introduced into the secondary schools, and the
study of medicine and law was regenerated.

With the fall of Napoleon his work was largely undone. The firm, just, and
intelligent government which he had given Italy--something the land had
not known for ages--came to an end. The little States were "handed back to
the reactionary dynasts whose rule was neither benevolent nor intelligent,
while the ever-ready Austrian army crushed out any local movement for
liberal institutions." The laws regarding education were repealed, and the
schools the French had established were closed as revolutionary and
dangerous. The normal school at Pisa ceased to exist; the university at
Naples was dismantled; the one at Turin was closed; and the Jesuits were
allowed to return and reorganize instruction. The result was that a common
discontent with ensuing conditions made Italians conscious of their racial
and historical unity, and this finally expressed itself in the revolutions
of 1848. These failed at the time, and the heel of the Austrian oppressor
came down harder than before. Liberty of the press practically ceased. The
national leaders went into exile for safety. The prisons were filled with
political offenders. The schools were closed or ceased to influence. The
Pope, fearing the end of his earthly kingship approaching, united firmly
with the Austrians to resist liberal movements. Finally, under the
leadership of the enlightened King of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel (1849-78)
and his Prime Minister, Count of Cavour, the Austrians were driven out
(1859-66) and all Italy was united (1870) under the rule of one king
interested in promoting the welfare of his people.

[Illustration: FIG. 179. THE UNIFICATION OF ITALY, SINCE 1848]

SARDINIA LEADS TO NATIONAL ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL. The movement to free
Italy was essentially a liberal movement. Many hoped to create a republic,
but chose a liberal constitutional monarchy under Victor Emmanuel as the
most feasible plan. Cavour understood the importance of public
instruction, and from the first began to build up schools [19] and put
them under state control. In 1844, a normal school was opened in Turin. In
1847, a Minister of Public Instruction was appointed and a Council of
Public Instruction created, after the plan of France, In 1848, a General
School Law was enacted, and the organization and improvement of schools
was begun with a will. In 1850, a commission was sent to study the school
systems of Europe, and in particular those of France and of the German
States. A Supreme Council of Public Instruction was now formed for
Sardinia, and the process of creating primary schools, higher-primary
schools, classical and technical secondary schools, colleges, and the
reorganization of the universities was begun. In 1859, when the growth of
Italian unity was rapidly extending the rule of Victor Emmanuel, [20] a
new law, providing a still better state organization of public
instruction, was enacted. A Minister of Public Instruction appointed by
the King, a Supreme Council of Public Instruction, and a Department of
Public Instruction as a branch of the government, were all provided for,
after the French plan.

[Illustration: FIG. 180 COUNT OF CAVOUR (1810-61)]

This Law of 1859 was later extended to cover all Italy, and has formed the
basis for all subsequent legislation. It clearly established a state
system of education, though the religious schools were allowed to remain.
It also established control after the French plan, with a high degree of
centralization and uniformity. The schools established, too, were much
after the French type, though much less extensive in scope. The primary
and superior primary at first were but two years each, though since
extended in all the larger communities to a six-year combined course. The
two-class school system was established, as in France and German lands.
The secondary-school system consisted of a five-year _ginnasio_,
established in many places (218 in Italy by 1865; 458 by 1916) with a
three-year _liceo_ following, but found in a smaller number of places.
Parallel with this a seven-year non-classical scientific and technical
secondary school was also created, and these institutions have made marked
headway (461 by 1916) in central and northern Italy. Pupils may pass to
either of these on the completion of the ordinary four-year primary
course, at the age of ten. Above the secondary schools are numerous
universities. The normal-school system created prepared for teaching in
the primary schools, while the university system followed the completion
of the _liceo_ course.  [Illustration: FIG. 181. OUTLINE OF THE MAIN
FEATURES OF THE ITALIAN STATE SCHOOL SYSTEM]

The influence of French ideas in Italian educational organization is
clearly evident. Before the French armies brought French governmental
ideas and organization to Italy almost nothing had been done. Then, during
the first six decades of the nineteenth century, the transition from the
church-school idea to the conception of education as an important function
of the State was made, and the resulting system is largely French in
organization and form.

SUBSEQUENT PROGRESS. From this point on educational progress has been
chiefly a problem of increased finances and the slow but gradual extension
of educational opportunities to more and more of the children of the
people. The church schools have been allowed to continue side by side with
the state schools, and the problem of securing satisfactory working
relations has not always been easy of solution.

In 1877 primary education was ordered made compulsory, [21] and religious
instruction was dropped from the state schools, but the slow progress of
the nation in extending literacy indicates that but little had been
accomplished in enforcing the compulsion previous to the new compulsory
law of 1904. This made more stringent provisions regarding schooling, and
provided for three thousand evening and Sunday schools for illiterate
adults. In 1906, an earnest effort was begun to extend educational
advantages in the southern provinces, where illiteracy has always been
highest. In 1911, the state aid for elementary education was materially
increased. In 1912, a new and more modern plan of studies for the
secondary schools was promulgated. Since 1912 many important advances have
been inaugurated, such as elementary schools of agriculture, vocational
schools, continuation schools, the middle-class industrial and commercial
schools. The World War directed new attention to the educational needs of
the nation. Italy, at last thoroughly awakened, seems destined to be a
great world power politically and commercially, and we may look forward to
seeing education used by the Italian State as a great constructive force
for the advancement of its national interests.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Show how the Revolution marked out the lines of future educational
evolution for France.

2. Explain why France and Italy evolved a school system so much more
centralized than did other European nations.

3. Explain Napoleon's lack of interest in primary education, in view of
the needs of France in his day.

4. Show that Napoleon was right, time and circumstances considered, in
placing the state emphasis on the types of education he favored.

5. Explain why middle-class education should have received such special
attention in Cousin's Report, and in the Law of 1833.

6. Was the course of instruction provided for the primary schools in 1833,
times and needs considered, a liberal one, or otherwise? Why?

7. Compare the 1833 and the 1850 courses.

8. Explain why all forms of education in France should have experienced
such a marked expansion and development after 1875.

9. Explain why great military disasters, for the past 150 years, have
nearly always resulted in national educational reorganization.

10. Appraise the work and the permanent influence of Napoleon.

11. Explain Napoleon's interest in establishing schools and universities,
when the Austrian and Church authorities were so interested in abolishing
what he had created.

12. What did the dropping of religious instruction from the primary
schools of both France and Italy, both strong Catholic countries, indicate
as to national development?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections are
reproduced:

  282. Le Brun: Founding of the School of Arts and Trades.
  283. Jourdain: Refounding of the Superior Normal School.
  284. Cousin: Recommendations for Education in France.
  285. Guizot: Address on the Law of 1833.
  286. Guizot: Principles underlying the Law of 1833.
  287. Guizot: Letter to the Primary Teachers of France.
  288. Arnold: Guizot's Work as Minister of Public Instruction.
  289. Quinet: A Lay School for a Lay Society.
  290. Ferry: Moral and Civic Instruction replaces the Religious.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Just what attitude toward education did the action of Napoleon in
changing the character of the school at Compiègne (282) express?

2. What type of school (283) was the re-created Superior Normal?

3. Just what did Victor Cousin recommend (284) as to (_a_) schools to be
created; (_b_) control and administration; (_c_) compulsory attendance;
(_d_) schools for the middle classes; and (_e_) education and control of
teachers?

4. Was Guizot's Law of 1833 (285) in harmony with the recommendations of
Cousin (284)?

5. Why have public opinion and legislative action, in France and
elsewhere, so completely reversed the positions taken by Guizot and his
advisers (286) in framing the Law of 1833? 6. From Guizot's letter to the
teachers of France (287), and Arnold's description of his work (288), just
what do you infer to have been the nature of his interest in advancing
primary education in France?

7. Contrast the reasoning of Guizot (286) and Quinet (289) on lay
instruction. Of the reasoning of the two men, which is now accepted in
France and the United States?

8. Contrast the letters of Guizot (287) and Ferry (290) to the primary
teachers of France.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Arnold, Matthew. _Popular Education in France_.
* Arnold, Matthew. _Schools and Universities on the Continent_.
* Barnard, Henry. _National Education in Europe_.
  Barnard, Henry. _American Journal of Education_, vol. XX.
  Compayré, G. _History of Pedagogy_, chapter XXI.
* Farrington, Fr. E. _The Public Primary School System of France_.
* Farrington, Fr. E. _French Secondary Schools_.
  Guizot, F. P. G. _Mémoires_, Extracts from, covering work as
    Minister of Public Instruction, 1832-37, in Barnard's _American
    Journal of Education_, vol. XI, pp. 254-81, 357-99.




CHAPTER XXIV

THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL ORGANIZATION IN ENGLAND


I. THE CHARITABLE VOLUNTARY BEGINNINGS

ENGLISH PROGRESS A SLOW BUT PEACEFUL EVOLUTION. The beginnings of national
educational organization in England were neither so simple nor so easy as
in the other lands we have described. So far this was in part due to the
long-established idea, on the part of the small ruling class, that
education was no business of the State; in part to the deeply ingrained
conception as to the religious purpose of all instruction; in part to the
fact that the controlling upper classes had for long been in possession of
an educational system which rendered satisfactory service in preparing
leaders for both Church and State; and in part--probably in large part--to
the fact that national evolution in England, since the time of the Civil
War (1642-49) has been a slow and peaceful growth, though accompanied by
much hard thinking and vigorous parliamentary fighting. Since the
Reformation (1534-39) and the Puritan uprising led by Cromwell (1642-49),
no civil strife has convulsed the land, destroyed old institutions, and
forced rapid changes in old established practices. Neither has the country
been in danger from foreign invasion since that memorable week in July,
1588, when Drake destroyed the Spanish Armada and made the future of
England as a world power secure.

English educational evolution has in consequence been slow, and changes
and progress have come only in response to much pressure, and usually as a
reluctant concession to avoid more serious trouble. A strong English
characteristic has been the ability to argue rather than fight out
questions of national policy; to exhibit marked tolerance of the opinions
of others during the discussion; and finally to recognize enough of the
proponents' point of view to be willing to make concessions sufficient to
arrive at an agreement. This has resulted in a slow but a peaceful
evolution, and this slow and peaceful evolution has for long been the
dominant characteristic of the political, social, and educational progress
of the English people. The whole history of the two centuries of evolution
toward a national system of education is a splendid illustration of this
essentially English characteristic.

EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY EDUCATIONAL EFFORTS. England, it will be remembered
(chapter XIX, Section III), had early made marked progress in both
political and religious liberty. Ahead of any other people we find there
the beginnings of democratic liberty, popular enlightenment, freedom of
the press, religious toleration, [1] social reform, and scientific and
industrial progress. All these influences awakened in England, earlier
than in any other European nation, a rather general desire to be able to
read (R. 170), and by the opening of the eighteenth century we find the
beginnings of a charitable and philanthropic movement on the part of the
churches and the upper classes to extend a knowledge of the elements of
learning to the poorer classes of the population.

As a result, as we have seen (chapter XVIII), the eighteenth century in
England, educationally, was characterized by a new attitude toward the
educational problem and a marked extension of educational opportunity.
Even before the beginning of the century the courts had taken a new
attitude toward church control of teaching, [2] and in 1700 had freed the
teacher of the elementary school from control by the bishops through
license. [3] In 1714 an Act of Parliament (13 Anne, c. 7) exempted
elementary schools from the penalties of conformity legislation, and they
were thereafter free to multiply and their teachers to teach. [4] The dame
school (R. 235) now became an established English institution (p. 447).
Private-adventure schools of a number of types arose (p. 451). The
churches here and there began to provide elementary parish-schools for the
children of their poorer members (p. 449), or training-schools for other
children who were to go out to service (R. 241). Workhouse schools and
"schools of industry" also were used to provide for orphans and the
children of paupers (p. 453).

THE CHARITY-SCHOOL SYSTEM. Most important of all was the organization, by
groups of individuals (R. 237) and by Societies (S.P.C.K.; p. 449) formed
for the purpose, and maintained by subscription (R. 240), collections (R.
291), and foundation incomes, of an extensive and well-organized system of
Charity-Schools (p. 449). The "Society for the Promotion of Christian
Knowledge" dates from the year 1699, and the "Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel in Foreign Parts" from 1701. The first worked at home, and
the second in the overseas colonies. [5] Both did much to provide schools
for poor boys and girls, furnishing them with clothing and instruction (R.
292), and training them in reading, writing, spelling, counting,
cleanliness, proper behavior, sewing and knitting (girls), and in "the
Rules and Principles of the Christian Religion as professed and taught in
the Church of England" (R. 238 b). The Charity-School idea was in a sense
an application of the joint-stock-company principle to the organization
and maintenance of an extensive system of schools for the education of the
children of the poor, the stock being subscribed for by humanitarian-
minded people. The upper classes had for long been well provided, through
tutors in the home and grammar schools and colleges, with those means for
education which have for centuries produced an able succession of
gentlemen, statesmen, governors, and scholars for England, and many of the
commercial middle-class had, by the eighteenth century, become able to
purchase similar advantages for their sons. These now united to provide,
as part of a great organized charity and under carefully selected teachers
(R. 238 a), for the more promising children of their poorer neighbors, the
elements of that education which they themselves had enjoyed.

The movement spread rapidly over England (p. 451), and soon developed into
a great national effort to raise the level of intelligence of the masses
of the English people. Thousands of persons gave their services as
directors, organizers, and teachers. Traveling superintendents were
employed. A rudimentary form of teacher-training was begun. The preaching
of a Charity Sermon each year [6] with a special collection, became a
general English practice.

THE VOLUNTARY SYSTEM. The rise of the Methodist movement, [7] after 1730
(p. 489); the earthquake shocks of 1750; the rise of the popular novel and
newspaper; the printing of political news, and cheap scientific pamphlets
(p. 492); and the growing tendency to debate questions and to apply reason
to their solution--all tended to give emphasis in England to these
eighteenth-century charitable means for extending education to the
children of those who could not afford to pay for it. Unlike the German
States, where the State and the Church and the school had all worked
together from the days of the Reformation on, the English had never known
such a conception. The efforts, though, of the educated few, in the
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, to extend the elements of
learning, order, piety, cleanliness, and proper behavior to the children
of the masses, formed an important substitute for the action by the
Church-State which was so characteristic a feature of Teutonic lands.

We see in these eighteenth-century efforts the origin of what became known
in England as "the voluntary system" and upon this voluntary support of
education--private, parochial, charitable--the English people for long
relied. Of action by the State there was none during the eighteenth
century, aside from an Act of 1767 (7 Geo. III, c. 39) relating to the
education of pauper children. This established the important principle--
unfortunately not followed up--of providing that poor parish children of
London might be maintained and educated "at the cost of the rates."

THE SUNDAY-SCHOOL MOVEMENT. One other voluntary eighteenth-century
movement of importance in the history of English educational development
should be mentioned here, as it formed the connecting link between the
parochial-charity-school movement of the eighteenth century and the
philanthropic period of the educational reformers of the early nineteenth.
This was the Sunday-School movement, first tried by John Wesley in
Savannah, in 1737, but not introduced into England until 1763. The idea
amounted to little, though, until practically worked out anew (1780) by
Robert Raikes, a printer of Gloucester, and described by him (1783) in his
_Gloucester Journal_ (R. 293), after he had experimented with it for three
years. [8] His printed description of the Sunday-School idea gave a
national impulse to the movement, and Sunday Schools were soon established
all over England to take children off the streets on Sunday and provide
them with some form of secular and religious instruction. [9]

The movement coincided with new religious, social, and economic forces
which were at work, and which awakened an interest not only in the
education of the children of the poorer working-classes, but caused the
upper and middle classes in society to feel a new sense of responsibility
for social and educational reform. The cold and unemotional religion of
the English Church in the early eighteenth century had created an
indifference to the simple truths and duties of the Gospels. The great
religious revival under Wesley and Whitefield had challenged such an
attitude, and had done much to infuse a new spirit into religion and
awaken a new sense of responsibility for social welfare. The rapid growth
of population in the towns, following the beginnings of factory life (p.
493), had created new social and economic problems, and the neglect of
children in the manufacturing towns had shocked many thinking persons. The
way in which parents and children, freed from hard labor in the factories
on Sundays, abandoned themselves to vice, drunkenness, and profanity
caused many, among them Raikes himself (R. 293), to inquire if "something
could not be done" to turn into respectable men and women "the little
heathen of the neighborhood." The Sunday School was his answer, and the
answer of many all over England. [10]

In 1785 "The Society for the Support and Encouragement of Sunday Schools
in the different Counties of England" was formed with a view to
establishing a Sunday School in every parish in the kingdom, and the Queen
headed a subscription list, following a general appeal for funds. By 1787
it was estimated that 234,000 children in England and Wales were attending
a Sunday School, and by 1792 the number had increased to half a million.
The Parliamentary return for 1818 showed 5463 Sunday Schools in existence,
and 477,225 scholars; in 1835 the returns showed 1,548,890 scholars, half
of whom attended no other school, and approximately 160,000 voluntary
teachers. [11] In Manchester, then a city scourged with almost universal
child-labor, the schools (1834) were in session five and a half hours on
Sunday and two evenings a week. The moral and religious influence of these
schools was important, and the instruction in reading and writing, meager
as it was, filled a real need of the time.

OTHER VOLUNTARY SCHOOLS; "RAGGED SCHOOLS." The Charity Schools and the
Sunday Schools were the two most conspicuous of the voluntary-organization
type of undertakings for providing the poor children of England with the
elements of secular and religious education. Many other organizations of
an educational and charitable nature, aided also by many individual
efforts, too numerous to mention, were formed with the same charitable and
humanitarian end in view. Others, similar in type, charged a small fee,
and hence were of the private-adventure type. Sunday Schools, day schools,
evening schools, children's churches, bands of hope, clothing clubs,
messenger brigades, shoeblack brigades, orphans' schools, reformatory
schools, industrial schools, ragged schools--these were some of the types
that arose. Only one of these--"Ragged Schools"--will be described.

[Illustration: FIG. 182. A RAGGED SCHOOL PUPIL
(From a photograph of a boy on entering the school; later changed into a
respectable tradesman. From Guthrie)]

[Illustration: PLATE 15. JOHN POUNDS'S RAGGED SCHOOL AT PORTSMOUTH]

[Illustration: PLATE 16. AN ENGLISH VILLAGE VOLUNTARY SCHOOL
(Reproduced from an early nineteenth-century engraving, through the
courtesy of William G. Bruce)]

The originator of the "Ragged Schools"--schools for the education of
destitute children, waifs and strays not reached by other agencies--was a
large-hearted cobbler of Portsmouth, by the name of John Pounds (1766-
1839), who divided his time between cobbling and rescue work among the
poorest and most degraded children of his neighborhood. His school is
shown in the picture facing this page. (Plate 15.) In his shoeshop he
taught such children, free of charge, to read, write, count, cook their
food, and mend their shoes. He was a schoolmaster, doctor, nurse, and
playfellow to them all in one. His workshop was a room of only six by
eighteen feet, yet in it he often had forty children under his
instruction. His work set an example, and "Ragged Schools," or "Schools
for the Destitute," began to be formed in many places by humanitarians.
These took the form of day schools, night schools, Sunday Schools, and the
so-called industrial schools (R. 294). The instruction in most of them was
entirely free, [12] but some charged a small fee, in a few cases as high
as a shilling a month. It was one of these schools that Crabbe described
when he wrote: [13]

  Poor Reuben Dixon has the noisiest school
  Of ragged lads, who ever bowed to rule;
  Low in his price--the men who heave our coals,
  And clean our causeways, send him boys in shoals.
  To see poor Reuben, with his fry beside-
  Their half-check'd rudeness and his half-scorned pride-
  Their room, the sty in which th' assembly meet,
  In the close lane behind the Northgate street;
  T' observe his vain attempts to keep the peace,
  Till tolls the bell, and strife and trouble cease,
  Calls for our praise; his labours praise deserves,
  But not our pity; Reuben has no nerves.
  'Mid noise and dirt, and stench, and play, and prate,
  He calmly cuts the pen or views the slate.

In 1844 "The Ragged School Union" was formed in London, and maintained
there many of the types of schools mentioned above. The "Constitution and
Rules of the Association for the Establishment of Ragged Industrial
Schools for Destitute Children in Edinburgh" (R. 294) gives a good idea as
to the nature, support, and instruction in such schools. As late as 1870,
when national education was first begun in England, there were about two
hundred of these Ragged Schools in London alone, with about 23,000
children in them. Upon many such forms of irregular schools England
depended before the days of national organization.

OTHER EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY INFLUENCES. During the latter half of the
eighteenth century French Revolutionary thought [14] and American
political action began to exert some influence on public opinion in
England. The small upper ruling class, alarmed at the developments in
France, became confirmed in its opposition to any general popular
education aside from a little reading, writing, counting, and careful
religious training, while on the other hand men of more liberal outlook
felt that popular enlightenment was a necessity to prevent the masses from
becoming stirred by inflammatory writings and speeches. The increasing
distress in the agricultural regions, due to the rapid change of England
from an agricultural to a manufacturing nation; the crowding of great
numbers of working people into the manufacturing towns; and the social
misery and political unrest following the Napoleonic wars all alike
contributed to a feeling of need for any form of philanthropic effort that
gave promise of alleviating the ills of society. There now grew up a small
but influential body of thinkers who favored the maintenance of a system
of general and compulsory education by the State, and the separation of
the school from the Church. The most notable proponents of this new theory
were Adam Smith, the Reverend T. R. Malthus, and the Anglo-American Thomas
Paine. The first approached the question from an economic point of view,
the second from an economic and biologic, and the third from the
political.  In 1776 Adam Smith's _Wealth of Nations_ appeared. This was
one of the great books of all time. Among other matters he dealt with the
question of education. He pointed out that English society was now
becoming highly organized; that the new manufacturing life had completely
changed the simple conditions of an earlier agricultural society; that in
the narrow round of manufacturing duties and town life people tended to
lose their inventiveness and to stagnate; and that the individual
degeneracy which set in in a more highly organized type of society became
a social danger of large magnitude. Hence, he argued (R. 295), it was a
matter of state interest that "the inferior ranks of the people" be
instructed to make them socially useful and to render them "less apt to be
misled into any wanton or unnecessary opposition to measures of
government." Accordingly, he held, the State had every right, not only to
take over elementary education as a state function and a public charge,
but also to make it free and compulsory.

[Illustration: FIG. 183. ADAM SMITH (1723-90)]

In 1798 the Reverend T. R. Malthus's _Essay on Population_ appeared. This
was a precursor of the work of Darwin, and another of the great books of
all time. He pointed out that population everywhere tended to outrun the
means of subsistence, and that it was only prevented from doing so by
preventive checks which involved much misery and vice and pauperism. To
prevent pauperism each individual must exercise moral restraint and
foresight, and to enable all to do this a widespread system of public
instruction was a necessity (R. 296). The money England had spent in poor-
relief he regarded as largely wasted, because it afforded no cure. In the
general education of a people the real solution lay. He said:

    We have lavished immense sums on the poor, which we have every reason
    to think have constantly tended to aggravate their misery,... It is
    surely a great national disgrace that the education of the lowest
    classes in England should be left to a few Sunday Schools, supported
    by a subscription from individuals, who can give to the course of
    instruction in them any kind of bias which they may please. (R 296.)

[Illustration: FIG. 184 REV. T. R. MALTHUS (1766-1834)]

Agreeing thoroughly with Adam Smith that a general diffusion of knowledge
was a safeguard to society, he urged the teaching of the elements of
political economy in the common schools to enable people to live better in
the new type of competitive society. [15]

In 1791-92 Thomas Paine published his widely read _Rights of Man_. He
expressed the French Revolutionary political theory, holding that
government, while capable of great good were its powers only properly
exercised, was, as organized, an evil. In a well-governed nation none
would be permitted to go uninstructed, he held, and he would cut off poor-
relief and make a state grant of £4 a year for every child under fourteen
for its education, and would compel parents to send all children to school
to learn reading, writing, and arithmetic.

Each of these three books had a long and a slowly cumulative influence,
and a small number of young and powerful champions of the idea of popular
education as a public charge began, early in the nineteenth century, to
urge action and to influence public opinion.


II. THE PERIOD OF PHILANTHROPIC EFFORT (1800-33)

CONDITIONS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. This second period
in the history of the organization of English education begins with the
publication, in 1797, of Dr. Andrew Bell's _An Experiment in Education_,
describing his work in educating large numbers of children by means of the
so-called mutual system, at the Male Asylum at Madras, India. The period
properly ends with the first Parliamentary grant for education, in 1833.
In its main characteristics it belongs to the eighteenth rather than to
the nineteenth century, as the prominent educational movements of the
eighteenth (charity-schools, Sunday Schools, schools of industry) continue
strong throughout the period, and many new undertakings of a similar
charitable nature ("Ragged Schools"; associations for the improvement of
the condition of the poor, etc.) were begun.

The period--during and after the Napoleonic wars--was one of marked social
and political unrest, and of corresponding emphasis on social and
philanthropic service. The masses were discontented with their lot, and
were beginning to be with their lack of political privileges. Numerous
plans to quiet the unrest and improve conditions were proposed, of which
schemes to increase employment (industrial schools; evening schools), to
encourage thrift (savings banks; children's brigades), and to spread an
elementary and religious education (mutual schools; infant schools) that
would train the poor in self-help were the most prominent. "The Society
for Bettering the Condition and Increasing the Comforts of the Poor."
founded in 1796, became a very important early-nineteenth-century
institution. Branches were established all over England. Soup-kitchens,
clothing-stations, savings banks, and schools were among the chief lines
of activity. In particular it extended and improved Sunday Schools,
encouraged the formation of charity-schools and schools of industry, and
later gave much aid in establishing the new monitorial schools.
Educational interest steadily strengthened during the period, though as
yet along lines that were deemed relatively harmless, were inexpensive,
and were largely religious in character.

The eighteenth-century conception of education as a charity, designed
where given to train the poor to "an honest, upright, grateful, and
industrious poverty," still prevailed; there was as yet little thought of
education as designed to train the poor to think for and help themselves.
The eighteenth-century conception of the educational process, too, which
regarded education as something external and determined by adult standards
and needs, and to be imposed on the child from without, also continued.
The purpose of the school was to manufacture the standard man, and the
business of the teacher was to so organize and methodize instruction that
the necessary knowledge could be acquired as economically, from a
financial point of view, as possible. The Pestalozzian conception of
education as a development of the individual, according to the law of his
own nature, found but slow acceptance in England. Mental development,
scientific instruction, the habit of thinking, the exercise of judgment,
and free and enlightened opinion were ideas that found little favor there,
and hence had to be handled carefully by those who had caught the new
conception of the educational process.

In the political reaction following the end of Napoleon's rule the upper
and ruling classes of England, in common with those of continental lands,
became exceedingly suspicious of much education for the masses. To secure
contributions for schools it became necessary "to avow and plead how
little it was that the schools pretended or presumed to teach." [16]
England now experienced a great development of manufacturing and commerce,
a great material prosperity ensued, and the growing demand for education
was met by a counter-demand that the education provided should be
systematized, economical, and should not teach too much. Such a system of
training was now discovered and applied, in the form of mutual or
monitorial instruction, and was hailed as "a new expedient, parallel and
rival to the modern inventions in the mechanical departments."

[Illustration: FIG. 185. THE CREATORS OF THE MONITORIAL SYSTEM
REV. ANDREW BELL (1753-1832)
JOSEPH LANCASTER (1778-1838)]

ORIGIN OF MUTUAL OR MONITORIAL INSTRUCTION. In 1797 Dr. Andrew Bell, a
clergyman in the Established Church, published the results of his
experiment in the use of monitors in India. [17] The idea attracted
attention, and the plan was successfully introduced into a number of
charity-schools. About the same time (1798) a young Quaker schoolmaster,
Joseph Lancaster by name, was led independently to a similar discovery of
the advantages of using monitors, by reason of his needing assistance in
his school and being too poor to pay for additional teachers. In 1803 he
published an account of his plan. [18] The two plans were quite similar,
attracted attention from the first, and schools formed after one or the
other of the plans were soon organized all over England.

Increased attention was attracted to the new plans by a bitter church
quarrel which broke out as to who was the real originator of the idea,
[19] Bell being upheld by Church-of-England supporters, and Lancaster by
the Dissenters. In 1808 "The Royal Lancastrian Institution" was formed,
which in 1814 became "The British and Foreign School Society," to promote
Lancastrian schools. This society had the close support of King George
III, the Whigs, and the _Edinburgh Review_, while such liberals as
Brougham, Whitbread, and James Mill were on its board of directors. This
Society sent out Lancaster to expound his "truly British" system, and by
1810 as many as ninety-five Lancastrian schools had been established in
England. His model school in Borough Road, Southwark, which became a
training-school for teachers, is shown on the following page. Lancaster
was a poor manager; became involved in financial difficulties; and in 1818
left for the United States, where he spent the remainder of his life in
organizing such schools and expounding his system. For a time this
attracted wide attention, as we shall point out in the following chapter.

Lancaster's work stimulated the Church of England into activity, and in
1811 "The National Society for Promoting the Education of the Poor in the
Principles of the Established Church throughout England and Wales" was
formed by prominent S.P.C.K. (p. 449) members and Churchmen, with the
Archbishop of Canterbury as president. This Society was supported by the
Tories, the Established Church, and the _Quarterly Review_, and was formed
to promote the Bell system, [20] "which made religious instruction an
essential and necessary part of the plan." Within a month £15,000 had been
subscribed to establish schools. Among many other contributions were £500
each from the universities of Oxford and Cambridge. A training-school for
teachers was organized; district societies were formed over England to
establish schools; and a system of organized aid was extended for both
buildings and maintenance. By 1831 there were 900,412 children receiving
instruction in the monitorial schools of the National Society alone.

[Illustration: Fig. 186. THE LANCASTRIAN MODEL SCHOOL IN BOROUGH ROAD,
SOUTHWARK, LONDON
This shows 365 pupils, seated for writing.  The room was 40 x 90 feet in
size and contained 20 desks, each 25 feet long. The boys of each row were
divided into two "drafts" of from eight to ten, each in charge of a
monitor. Around the wall were 31 "stations," indicated by the semicircles
on the floor.]

The mutual-instruction idea spread to other lands--France, Belgium,
Holland, Denmark--and seems to have been tried even in German lands. In
France and Belgium it was experimented with for a time because of its
cheapness, but was soon discarded because of its defects. In Teutonic
lands, where the much better Pestalozzian ideas had become established,
the monitorial system made practically no headway. It was in the United
States, of all countries outside of England, that the idea met with most
ready acceptance.

[Illustration: FIG. 187. MONITORS TEACHING READING AT "STATIONS"
Three "drafts" of ten each, with their toes to the semicircles painted on
the floor, are being taught by monitors from lessons suspended on the
wall.]

THE SYSTEM OF MUTUAL OR MONITORIAL INSTRUCTION. The great merit, aside
from being cheap, of the mutual or monitorial system of instruction lay in
that it represented a marked advance in school organization over the older
individual method of instruction, with its accompanying waste of time and
schoolroom disorder. Under the individual method only a small number of
pupils could be placed under the control of one teacher, and the expense
for such instruction made general education almost prohibitive.
Pestalozzi, to be sure, had worked out in Switzerland the modern class-
system of instruction, and following developmental lines in teaching, but
of this the English were not only ignorant, but it called for a degree of
pedagogical skill which their teachers did not then possess. Bell and
Lancaster now evolved a plan whereby one teacher, assisted by a number of
the brighter pupils whom they designated as monitors, could teach from two
hundred to a thousand pupils in one school (R. 297). The picture of
Lancaster's London school (Figure 186) shows 365 pupils seated. [21] The
pupils were sorted into rows, and to each row was assigned a clever boy
(monitor) to act as an assistant teacher. A common number for each monitor
to look after was ten. The teacher first taught these monitors a lesson
from a printed card, and then each monitor took his row to a "station"
about the wall and proceeded to teach the other boys what he had just
learned. At first used only for teaching reading and the Catechism, the
plan was soon extended to the teaching of writing, arithmetic, and
spelling, and later on to instruction in higher branches. The system was
very popular from about 1810 to 1830, but by 1840 its popularity had
waned.

[Illustration: FIG. 188. PROPER MONITORIAL-SCHOOL POSITIONS
(From an engraved plate of 30 positions, in a Manual of the British and
Foreign School Society, London, 1831)]

Such schools were naturally highly organized, the organization being
largely mechanical (R. 298). Lancaster, in particular, was an organizing
genius. The _Manuals of Instruction_ gave complete directions for the
organization and management of monitorial schools, the details of
recitation work, use of apparatus, order, position of pupils at their
work, and classification being minutely laid down. By carefully studying
and following these directions any reasonably intelligent person could
soon learn to become a successful teacher in a monitorial school.

The schools, mechanical as they now seem, marked a great improvement over
the individual method upon which schoolmasters for centuries had wasted so
much of their own and their pupils' time. In place of earlier idleness,
inattention, and disorder, Bell and Lancaster introduced activity,
emulation, order, and a kind of military discipline which was of much
value to the type of children attending these schools. Lancaster's
biographer, Salmon, has written of the system that so thoroughly was the
instruction worked out that the teacher had only to organize, oversee,
reward, punish, and inspire:

When a child was admitted a monitor assigned him his class; while he
remained, a monitor taught him (with nine other pupils); when he was
absent, one monitor ascertained the fact, and another found out the
reason; a monitor examined him periodically, and, when he made progress, a
monitor promoted him; a monitor ruled the writing paper; a monitor had
charge of slates and books; and a monitor-general looked after all the
other monitors. Every monitor wore a leather ticket, gilded and lettered,
"Monitor of the First Class," "Reading Monitor of the Second Class," etc.

VALUE OF THE SYSTEM IN AWAKENING INTEREST. The monitorial system of
instruction, coming at the time it did, exerted a very important influence
in awakening interest in and a sentiment for schools. It increased the
number of people who possessed the elements of an education; made schools
much more talked about; and aroused thought and provoked discussion on the
question of education. It did much toward making people see the advantages
of a certain amount of schooling, and be willing to contribute to its
support. Under the plans previously in use education had been a slow and
an expensive process, because it had to be carried on by the individual
method of instruction, and in quite small groups. Under this new plan it
was now possible for one teacher to instruct 300, 400, 500, or more pupils
in a single room, and to do it with much better results in both learning
and discipline than the old type of schoolmaster had achieved.

All at once, comparatively, a new system had been introduced which not
only improved and popularized, but tremendously cheapened education. [22]
Lancaster, in his _Improvements in Education_, gave the annual cost of
schooling under his system as only seven shillings sixpence ($1.80) per
pupil, and this was later decreased to four shillings fivepence ($1.06) as
the school was increased to accommodate a thousand pupils. Under the Bell
system the yearly cost per pupil, in a school of five hundred, was only
four shillings twopence ($1.00), in 1814. In the United States,
Lancastrian schools cost from $1.22 per pupil in New York, in 1822, up to
$3.00 and $4.00 later on. At first begun as free schools, [23] the
expansion of effort was more rapid than the income from contributions, and
a small tuition fee was in time charged. Pupils were admitted at about the
age of seven, and might remain until thirteen or fourteen, though an
attendance of two years was considered "abundantly sufficient for any
boy." To prepare skilled masters and mistresses for the schools, girls
were provided for in many places--training or model schools were organized
by both the national societies, and these represent the beginnings of
normal-school training in England.

INFANT SCHOOLS. Another type of school which became of much importance in
England, and spread to other lands, was the Infant School. This owed its
origin to Robert Owen, proprietor of the cotton mills at New Lanark,
Scotland. Being of a philanthropic turn of mind, and believing that man
was entirely the product of circumstance and environment, he held that it
was not possible to begin too early in implanting right habits and forming
character. Poverty and crime, he believed, were results of errors in the
various systems of education and government. So plastic was child nature,
that society would be able to mould itself "into the very image of
rational wishes and desires." That "the infants of any one class in the
world may be readily formed into men of any other class," was a
fundamental belief of his.

[Illustration: FIG. 189 ROBERT OWEN (1771-1858)]

When he took charge of the mills at New Lanark (1799) he found the usual
wretched social conditions of the time. Children of five, six, and seven
years were bound out to the factory as apprentices (R. 242) for a period
of nine years. They worked as apprentices and helpers in the factories
twelve to thirteen hours a day, and at early manhood were turned free to
join the ignorant mass of the population. Owen sought to remedy this
condition. He accordingly opened schools which children might enter at
three years of age, receiving them into the schools almost as soon as they
were able to walk, and caring for them while their parents were at work.
Children under ten he forbade to work in the mills, and for these he
provided schools. The instruction for the children younger than six was to
be "whatever might be supposed useful that they could understand," and
much was made of singing, dancing, and play. Moral instruction was made a
prominent feature. By 1814 his work and his schools had become famous. In
1817 he published a plan for the organization of such industrial
communities as he conducted. In 1818 he visited Switzerland, and saw
Pestalozzi and Fellenberg.

In 1818 a number of Liberals--Brougham, James Mill, and others--combined
to establish an Infant School in London, importing a teacher from New
Lanark. The idea took root, was popularized, and the Infant School was
soon adopted as an integral part of their schools by both the British and
Foreign School Society (Lancastrians) and the National Society (Bell). In
1836 the "Home and Colonial Infant School Society" was formed to train
teachers for and to establish Infant Schools. One of the organizers of
this society was Charles Mayo who had worked with Pestalozzi at Yverdon
(R. 270), and through his influence much of the bookishness which had
crept in was removed and the better Pestalozzian procedure put in its
place.

Unlike the monitorial schools, the Infant Schools were based on the idea
of small-group work, and were usually conducted in harmony with the new
psychological conceptions of instruction which had been worked out by
Pestalozzi, and had by that time begun to be introduced into England. The
Infant-School idea came at an opportune time, as the defects of the
mechanical Lancastrian instruction were becoming evident and its
popularity was waning. It gave a new and a somewhat deeper philosophical
interpretation of the educational process, created a stronger demand than
had before been known for trained teachers, established a preference for
women teachers for primary work, and tended to give a new dignity to
teaching and school work by revealing something of a psychological basis
for the instruction of little children. It also contributed its share
toward awakening a sentiment for national action.

WORK OF THE EDUCATIONAL SOCIETIES. The work of the voluntary and
philanthropic educational societies in establishing schools and providing
teachers and instruction before the days of national schools was enormous.
[24] Though the State did nothing before 1833, and little before 1870, the
work of the educational societies was large and important. What was done
by the church societies alone may be seen from the following table:

    STATISTICS AS TO 10,595 ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS FOUNDED BY THE RELIGIOUS
    SOCIETIES (BRITISH CENSUS RETURNS, 1851)

                  The National
                   Society,
                      or    British
                    Church  and For- Indepen-                   Other
         Total num-   of     eign   dents, or Wesleyan Roman       rel-
             ber of England Schools Congrega- Method-Cathol- Bapt- gious
Date        schools schools Society tionalists  ists   ics   ists  bodies

Before 1801    766     709     16         8       7     10
  1801-1811    410     350     28         9       4     10
  1811-1821    879     756     77        12      17     14
  1821-1831  1,021     897     45        21      17     28
  1831-1841  2,417   2,002    191        95      62     69
  1841-1851  4,604   3,448    449       269     239    166
 Not stated    498     409     46        17      17     14    131    331
     Totals 10,595   8,571    852       431     363    311    131    331

After about 1820-25 the rising interest in elementary education expressed
itself in the formation of a number of additional societies, the more
important of which were:

    1824. "London Infant School Society" founded by Brougham.
    1826. "Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge" founded by
          Brougham. The _Journal of Education_ begun.
    1836. "Central Society of Education" founded.
    1836. "Home and Colonial Infant Society" founded. Beginning of a
          Pestalozzian Training College.
    1837. "Educational Committee of the Wesleyan Conference" established.
    1843. "Congregational Board of Education" formed.
    1844. "Ragged School Union" founded.
    1845. "Catholic Institute."
    1847. The "Catholic Poor-School Committee."
    1847. "Lancashire Public School Association" formed.
    1850. The "National Public School Association."
    1867. "Birmingham Education Aid Society."
    1868. The Manchester Conference.
    1869. Formation of "The League."

Some of these were formed to found and support schools, and some engaged
primarily in the work of propaganda in an effort to secure some national
action.


III. THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL EDUCATION

THE PARLIAMENTARY STRUGGLE. During the whole of the eighteenth century
Parliament had enacted no legislation relating to elementary education,
aside from the one Act of 1767 for the education of pauper children in
London, and the freeing of elementary schools, Dissenters, and Catholics,
from inhibitions as to teaching. In the nineteenth century this attitude
was to be changed, though slowly, and after three quarters of a century of
struggle the beginnings of national education were finally to be made for
England, as they had by then for every other great nation. In 1870 the
"no-business-of-the-State" attitude toward the education of the people,
which had persisted from the days of the great Elizabeth, was finally and
permanently changed. The legislative battle began with the first Factory
Act [25] of 1802, Whitbread's Parochial Schools Bill [26] of 1807, and
Brougham's first Parliamentary Committee of Inquiry of 1816 (R. 291); it
finally culminated with the reform of the old endowed Grammar Schools by
the Act of 1869, the enactment of the Elementary Education Act of 1870 (R.
304), and the Act of 1871 freeing instruction in the universities from
religious restrictions (R. 305). The first of these enactments declared
clearly the right of the State to inquire into, reorganize, and redirect
the age-old educational foundations for secondary education; the second
made the definite though tardy beginnings of a national system of
elementary education for England; and the third opened up a university
career to the whole nation. The agitation and conflict of ideas was long
drawn out, and need not be traced in detail. The following tabulated
summary will give the main outlines of the struggle, and the selection on
"The Educational Traditions of England" (R. 306) gives a good brief
history of the long conflict.

    THE PARLIAMENTARY STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL EDUCATION IN ENGLAND


    Dates      Proposals, Reports, etc., and Results

    1802    First Factory Act for regulating employment of children.
              Adopted.
    1807    Whitbread's Parochial Schools' Bill introduced.
              Rejected by the House of Lords
    1816    Brougham secured a Parliamentary Committee to enquire into the
              state of education of the lower classes in London,
              Westminster, and Southwark.
                Report--130,000 children without school accommodations
                [1818]. (R. 291.)
    1818    Brougham secured a Committee of Inquiry on Educational
              Charities.
              No report until 1837.
    1820    Bill introduced proposing a tax for schools and the granting
              of Government aid in building schoolhouses.
              Opposed by Dissenters and Catholics. Withdrawn. Brougham's
              first Educational Bill.
    1833    Government aid for building schoolhouses re-proposed.
              £20,000 a year granted. (R. 299.) Distributed through the
              two great Educational Societies
    1834    Committee of Inquiry appointed.
              No result beyond statistics.
    1835 |  Brougham introduced bills to organize a system of elementary
    1837 |    education. Bills failed of passage. Educational Inquiry
              Committee appointed [1837].
    1838    Committee report: the deplorable conditions existing Bill of
              1839. Education Department created.
    1839    Bill to increase the government grant to £30,000 and to allow
               all Societies to share. Inspectors to be appointed.
               Committee of Privy Council on Education established.
               Bitter opposition. Carried. Much discussion as to
               "undenominational education."
    1841    Annual grant to establish schools of design in manufacturing
              districts.
              Voted.
    1843    Sir Jas. Graham's Factory Bill.
              Opposed by the Dissenters and defeated.
    1843    Address to the Crown on condition of the working classes.
              No parliamentary action.
    1846    Yearly grant extended to the maintenance of schools.
              Gradual increase in the yearly grants.
    1846    Minute and Regulations on annual grants and pupil teachers.
              Foundations of a system laid.
              Pupil-teacher system definitely established. Certificates to
              teach. Annual grant extended to maintenance.
    1847    Government proposals for nationalizing education.
Carried despite violent religious opposition.
    1850    Fox's Bill to make education free and compulsory.
              Defeated.
    1853    The Government proposed a small local rate in aid of schools.
              Bill dropped after the first reading.
    1853    Department of Science and Art created, and National Art
              Training Schools established.
              Promotion of elementary education in art and science,
              particularly after 1859.
    1855    Three educational Bills introduced. Local rate proposed.
              Failure to agree. All withdrawn.
    1856    Commons asked to declare in favor of rate aid and local
              Boards. Two Educational Bills introduced.
              First bill tabled. Second bill withdrawn. Education
              Department formed.
    1858    A Royal Commission to inquire into the state of popular
              education in England asked for.
              The Duke of Newcastle's Commission created. Its Report
              published in 1861. (R. 303.)
    1861    No acceptable scheme reported. Code of 1861 proposed.
              No advance. "Payment by results" began [1862]. Code adopted.
    1864    Schools Inquiry Commission appointed on endowed schools.
              Report of the Schools Inquiry Commission in 1867.
    1866    Report of a Select Committee of the House of Commons on
              Education.
    1867    The Government introduced proposals as to education.
              Voted down.
    1868    Government Bill proposing changes in distribution and larger
              grants.
             Parliament adjourned without action.
    1869     Endowed Schools' Act passed.
    1869    Two Educational Bills introduced.
              Withdrawn at the request of the Government.
    1870    The Elementary Education Act of 1870 introduced.
              Much amended and passed. (R. 304.) Beginning of a National
              system of education.
    1871    Religious Tests at universities withdrawn (R. 305).

THE LEADERS IN THE CONFLICT. The main leader in the parliamentary struggle
to establish national education, from the death of Whitbread, in 1815, to
about 1835, was Henry, afterwards Lord Brougham. He was aided by such men
as Blackstone, and Bentham and his followers, and, after about 1837, by
such men as Dickens, Carlyle, Macaulay, and John Stuart Mill. Dickens, by
his descriptions, helped materially to create a sentiment favorable to
education, as a right of the people rather than a charity. He stood
strongly for a compulsory and non-sectarian state system of education that
would transform the children of his day into generous, self-respecting,
and intelligent men and women. Carlyle saw in education a cure for social
evils, and held that one of the first functions of government was to
impart the gift of thinking to its future citizens. Writing, in 1840, he
said:

    Who would suppose that education were a thing which had to be
    advocated on the ground of local expediency, or any ground? As if it
    stood not on the basis of everlasting duty as a prime necessity of
    man.

Brougham was untiring in his efforts for popular education, and some idea
as to the interest he awakened may be inferred from the fact that his
_Observations on the Education of the People_, published in 1825, went
through twenty editions the first year. He introduced bills, secured
committees of inquiry, made addresses, [27] and used his pen in behalf of
the education of the people. His belief in the power of education to
improve a people was very large. Warning the "Lawgivers of England" to
take heed, he once said:

    Let the soldier be abroad, if he will; he can do nothing in this age.
    There is another personage abroad, a person less imposing--in the eye
    of some insignificant. The Schoolmaster is abroad, and I trust him,
    armed with his primer, against the soldier in full uniform array.

    The conqueror stalks onward with the "pride, pomp, and circumstance of
    war," banners flying, shouts rending the air, guns thundering, and
    martial music pealing, to drown the shrieks of the wounded and the
    lamentations for the slain. Not thus the schoolmaster in his peaceful
    vocation. He meditates and prepares in secret the plans which are to
    bless mankind; he slowly gathers around him those who are to further
    their execution; he quietly, though firmly, advances in his humble
    path laboring steadily, but calmly, till he has opened to the light
    all the recesses of ignorance, and torn up by the roots the weeds of
    vice. His is a progress not to be compared with anything like a march;
    but it leads to a far more brilliant triumph, and to laurels more
    imperishable than the destroyer of his species, the scourge of the
    world, ever won.

[Illustration: FIG. 190 LORD BROUGHAM (1778-1868)]

[Illustration: FIG. 191. AN ENGLISH VILLAGE SCHOOL IN 1840
(After a drawing by Hablôt K. Browne, and printed in Charles Dickens's
"Master Humphrey's Clock")]

Parallel with the agitation for some state action for education was an
agitation for social and political reform. The basis for the election of
members to the House of Commons was still mediaeval. Boroughs no longer
inhabited still returned members, and sparsely settled regions returned
members out of all proportion to the newly created city populations. Few,
too, could vote. Only about 160,000 persons in a population of 10,000,000
had, early in the century, the right of the franchise. The city
populations were practically disfranchised in favor of rural landlords,
the nobility, and the clergy. In 1828 Protestant Non-Conformists were
relieved of their political disability, and in 1829 a similar
enfranchisement was extended to Catholics. In 1832 came the first real
voting reform in the passage of the so-called _Third Reform Bill_ [28]
after a most bitter parliamentary struggle. This reapportioned the
membership of the House on a more equitable basis, and enfranchised those
who owned or leased lands or buildings of a value of £10 a year. The
result of this was to enfranchise the middle class of the population;
increase the number of voters (1836) from about 175,000 to about 839,500
out of 6,023,000 adult males; and effectively break the power of the House
of Lords to elect the House of Commons. Progressive legislation now became
much easier to secure, and in 1833 a Bill making a grant of £20,000 a year
to aid in building schoolhouses for elementary schools--the first
government aid for elementary education ever voted in England--became a
law (R. 299). During the few years following the passage of the Reform
Bill many progressive measures were enacted, among which should be
mentioned the abolition of slavery in the colonies; the beginnings of
legislation looking to a scientific treatment of poverty and non-
employment; the Municipal Reform Act (1835); the institution of the penny
post (1839); and the abolition of the Corn Laws (1846); while after 1837
education began to take a prominent place in the programs of the new
working-class movement.

PROGRESS AFTER 1833. The Law of 1833, though, made but the merest
beginnings, and up to 1840 the money granted was given to the two great
national school societies, and without regulation. Beginning in 1840, and
continuing up to the beginnings of national education, in 1870, the grants
were state-controlled and distributed through the different educational
societies. The total of these grants, by years, and the proportional share
of the different educational societies are well shown in the chart (Fig.
192.) In 1846 the grants were extended to maintenance as well, and in 1847
Catholic and Wesleyan societies were admitted to share in the grants. Soon
thereafter we note a sharp upward turn of the curve, though the Church-of-
England schools obtained the greater proportion of the increased funds.
Proposals to add local taxation, in 1853 and 1856, were dropped almost as
soon as made. The commercial and manufacturing interests, though, secured
separate aid for art and science instruction (1841, 1853), and the
creation of national art training-schools (1853). Training-schools for
teachers also were begun, and aided by grants. In 1845 the English "pupil-
teacher" system [29] also was begun in an effort to supply teachers of
some little training. A State Department of Education was created, in
1856, though without much power, and the various "Minutes" which were now
adopted were organized into a system and presented to Parliament as a
_School Code_, in 1861, and finally approved.

New Educational Commissions were created to inquire into educational
conditions and needs in 1858 and 1864, and these reported in 1861 and
1867, but without important results. The most notable of these was the
Duke of Newcastle's Commission, appointed in 1858 to review conditions,
progress, and needs, and to make recommendations for the future. This
Commission reported in 1861. It stated that one in every eight of the
population was then in some kind of school; gave statistics as to
conditions (R. 303 a); and held that the plan of leaving popular education
to the voluntary initiative of communities had been justified by the
results. The report presented no plan for national organization, but
recommended a number of minor changes in conditions. In particular it
recommended the introduction of the system of "payment by results"--that
is, of making money grants to schools on the basis of the number of pupils
passing set examinations in reading, writing, and arithmetic (R. 303 b).
This plan was begun in 1862, and the consequent drop in money grants for a
few years thereafter is shown in the curves of the chart. The other
Commission, appointed, known as the Taunton Schools Inquiry Commission
(1864-67), dealt with the old endowed schools, and in particular called
attention to the lack of secondary-school facilities, especially in the
cities, and recommended an extension of secondary-school facilities and a
democratization of the whole system of secondary education. The important
legislation of this period was the freeing of the old universities from
Church-of-England control (R. 305) and making them national in spirit.

[Illustration: FIG. 192. EXPENDITURE FROM THE EDUCATION GRANTS, 1839-70
Between 1833 and 1839 no Government regulation of grants. The above
figures do not include administration expenses, or grants made to Scotland
(about the same in amount as the Br. & F. S. Soc.) or to the Parochial
Schools Union (very small). The drop in the curve between 1862 and 1867
was due to the introduction of the "payment by results" plan.]

[Illustration: FIG. 193 LORD MACAULAY (1800-59)]

DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED. In the meantime liberal leaders, Schools Inquiry
Commissions, official reports, and educational propagandists continued to
pile up evidence as to the inadequacy of the old voluntary system. A few
examples, out of hundreds that might be cited, will be mentioned here.
Lord Macaulay, in an address made in Parliament, in 1847 (R. 300),
defending a "Minute" of the "Committee of Privy Council on Education"
(created in 1839) proposing the nationalization of education, held it to
be "the right and duty of the State to provide for the education of the
common people," as an exercise of self-protection, and warned the Commons
of dangers to come if the progressive tendencies of the time were not
listened to. The Census Returns of 1851, as well as the abundance of data
published by the Schools Inquiry Commissions, were effectively used to
reveal the inadequate provisions for the education of the masses. The
Reports of the school inspectors, too, revealed conditions in need of
being remedied in all phases of educational effort. The Report on the
Apprenticing of Pauper Children (R. 301) is selected as typical of many
similar reports.

    FACTS REVEALED BY THE CENSUS OF 1851

    Items                                           1833         1851

(1) Population of England and Wales          14,400,000   17,927,609
(2) Middle and upper classes population       2,000,000    2,489,945
(3) Laboring class populations               12,400,000   15,437,664
(4) Population 3-12 years of age of (2)         420,000      522,888
(5) Population 3-12 years of age of (3)       2,604,000    3,241,919
(6) Number of schools for children of (2)        14,807       16,324
(7) Number of schools for children of (3)        24,074       29,718
(8) Pupils of class (2) in schools              481,728      546,396
(9) Pupils of class (3) in schools              705,219    1,597,982
(10) Percentage of children of class (2) at school 114.6         104.4
(11) Percentage of children of class (3) at school  30.5          49.2

So deeply ingrained, though, was the English conception of education as a
private and voluntary and religious affair and no business of the State;
so self-contained were the English as a people; and so little did they
know or heed the progress made in other lands, that the arguments for
national action encountered tremendous opposition from the Conservative
elements, and often were opposed even by Liberals. The reasoning of Sir
James Kay-Shuttleworth (R. 302), Secretary of the Committee of Council on
Education and one of the clearest heads in England in his day, who held
that a fee for instruction had a moral value and vindicated personal
freedom, and who resented the interference of the State in the matter of a
parent's relation to his child, was typical of thousands of others. Edward
Baines (1774-1848), proprietor of the _Leeds Mercury_, the chief Liberal
organ in northern England, bitterly opposed any action looking toward
nationalizing education. He expressed the feeling of many when he wrote:

    Civil government is no fit agency for the training of families or of
    souls.... Throw the people on their own resources in education, as you
    did in industry; and be assured, that, in a nation so full of
    intelligence and spirit, Freedom and Competition will give the same
    stimulus to improvement in our schools, as they have done in our
    manufactures, our husbandry, our shipping, and our commerce.

THE BEGINNINGS OF NATIONAL ORGANIZATION. By 1865 it had become evident to
a majority that the voluntary system, whatever its merits, would never
succeed in educating the nation, and from this time forth the demand for
some acceptable scheme for the organization of national education became a
part of a still more general movement for political and social reform.
Once more, as in 1832-33, an education law was enacted following the
passage of a bill for electoral reform and the extension of the suffrage.

Though the Liberal Party was in power, it was well satisfied with the
Reform Act of 1832 because through it the middle classes of the
population, which the Liberal Party represented, had gained control of the
government. The country, though, was not--the working-classes in
particular demanding a share in the government. Finally the demand became
too strong to be resisted, and the Second Reform Act, of 1867, became a
law. This abolished a number of the remaining smaller boroughs, and
greatly extended the right to vote. In the country the amount of property
to be owned to vote was reduced from £10 to £5, and the leasehold value
from £50 to £12. In the cities and towns the vote was now given to all
householders, and to all lodgers who paid a yearly rental of £10. This
legislation gave the vote to a vastly increased number of people,
particularly city workers, [30] and was a political revolution for England
of great magnitude.

From the passage of this new Reform Act to 1870, the organization of
national education only awaited the formulation of some acceptable scheme.
"We must educate our new masters," now became a common expression. The
main question was how to create schools to do what the voluntary schools
had shown themselves able to do for a part, but were unable to do for all,
without at the same time destroying the vast denominational system [31]
that, in spite of its defects, had "done the great service of rearing a
race of teachers, spreading schools, setting up a standard of education,
and generally making the introduction of a national system possible." The
way in which these "vested interests" were cared for was typically
English, and characteristic of the strong sense of obligation of the
English people. In 1870 a compromise law was proposed and carried. Mr.
Gladstone, then Prime Minister, stated the attitude of the Government in
framing the new law, when he said: [32]

    It was with us an absolute necessity--a necessity of honour and a
    necessity of policy--to respect and to favour the educational
    establishments and machinery we found existing in the country. It was
    impossible for us to join in the language or to adopt the tone which
    was conscientiously and consistently taken up by some members of the
    House, who look upon these voluntary schools, having generally a
    denominational character, as admirable passing expedients, fit,
    indeed, to be tolerated for a time, deserving all credit on account of
    the motives which led to their foundation, but wholly unsatisfactory
    as to their main purpose, and therefore to be supplanted by something
    they think better.... That has never been the theory of the
    Government.... When we are approaching this great work, which we
    desire to make complete, we ought to have a sentiment of thankfulness
    that so much has been done for us.

[Illustration: FIG. 194. WORK OF THE SCHOOL BOARDS IN PROVIDING SCHOOL
ACCOMMODATIONS
London taken as a type. Note the deficiency in school accommodation in
1838, that the voluntary schools made no appreciable gain on this
deficiency up to 1870, the attempt to cope with the situation between 1871
and 1874, and the long pull of the new Board schools necessary to provide
sufficient schools and seats.]

Accordingly the Elementary Education Bill of 1870 (R. 304) preserved the
existing Voluntary Schools; divided the country up into school districts;
gave the denominations a short period in which to provide schools, with
aid for buildings; [33] and thereafter, in any place where a deficiency in
school accommodations could be shown to exist; School Boards were to be
elected, and they should have power to levy taxes and maintain elementary
schools. Existing Voluntary Schools might be transferred to the School
Boards, whose schools were to be known as Board Schools. The schools were
not ordered made free, but the fees of necessitous children were to be
provided for by the School Boards, and they might compel the attendance of
all children between the ages of five and twelve. Inspection and grants
were limited to secular subjects, though religious teaching was not
forbidden. The central government was to be secular and neutral; the local
boards might decide as they saw fit. Such were the beginnings of national
education in England. That the new Board Schools met a real need,
especially in the cities, is shown by the chart on the preceding page,
giving the results in London.


IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A NATIONAL SYSTEM

PROGRESS UNDER THE LAW OF 1870. Beginning in 1871 the Board Schools had,
by 1893, come to enroll 41 per cent of the pupils in elementary schools in
England, as against 44 per cent in Voluntary Schools, and by 1903 the
proportions were 49 per cent to 39 per cent. By 1902 the government grants
for maintenance had reached, for all schools, £8,000,000 a year, and the
Board Schools were rapidly outrunning the Voluntary Schools both in
numbers and in per-capita expenditures. The Board Schools had made their
greatest headway in the cities. In 1895 there were still some 11,000 small
parishes which had no Board Schools, and in consequence paid no direct
taxes for schools. Of these, 8000 had only Church-of-England Voluntary
Schools.

In 1880 elementary education had been made fully compulsory, and in 1891
largely free. In 1893 the age for exemption from attendance was fixed at
eleven, and in 1899 this was raised to twelve. In 1888 county and borough
councils had been created, better to enforce the Act and to extend
supervision. The _Annual Codes_, from 1870 to 1902, gradually extended
governmental control through more and more detailed instructions as to
inspection, the addition of new subjects, and better compulsion to attend.
In 1899 a Central Board of Education, under a President and a
Parliamentary Secretary, was created, to consolidate in one body the work
formerly done by:

    a. The Committee of Council on Education (established 1839), which
       administered the grants for elementary education.

    b. The Department of Science and Art (established 1853), which
       administered the grants for special and evening instruction in
       science and art.

    c. The Charity Commissioners, to which had been given (1874)
       supervision of the old educational trusts and endowments for
       education.

    d. The educational functions of the Board of Agriculture.

This new Board unified the administration of elementary and secondary
education for the first time in English history.

By about 1895 the strain on the Voluntary Schools had become hard to bear.
The Church resented the encroachments of the State on its ancient
privilege of training the young, and the larger resources which the Board
Schools could command. In 1895 the Conservative party won the
parliamentary elections, and remained in power for some years. This was
the opportunity of the Voluntary Schools, and in 1897 a special national-
aid grant of five shillings per pupil in average daily attendance was made
to the Voluntary Schools. This simply increased the general
dissatisfaction, and there was soon a general demand for new legislation
that would reconcile the whole question of national education. The Law of
1902 was the ultimate result.

THE ANNEXATION LAW OF 1902. The Balfour Education Act of 1902 marks the
beginning of a new period in English education. For the first time in
English history education of all grades--elementary, secondary, and
higher; voluntary and state--was brought under the control of one single
local authority, and Voluntary Schools were taken over and made a charge
on the "rates" equally with the Board Schools. New local Educational
Committees and Councils replaced the old School Boards, and all secular
instruction in state-aided schools of all types was now placed under their
control. Religious instruction could continue where desired. In addition,
one third of the property of England, which had heretofore escaped all
direct taxation for education, was now compelled to pay its proper share.
The foundation principle that "the wealth of the. State must educate the
children of the State" was now applied, for the first time.

The State now abandoned the old policy of merely supervising and assisting
voluntary associations to maintain schools, in competition with state-
provided schools, and assumed the whole responsibility for the secular
instruction of the people. Though the law awakened intense opposition from
those who felt that it "riveted the hand of the cleric on the schools of
the land," it nevertheless equalized and unified educational provisions;
paved the way for much future progress; made the general provision of
secondary education possible; and represented an important new step in the
process of creating a national system of education for the people. Under
this Law much has been done by the new Central Board of Education, and
subsequent supplementary legislation, to increase materially the
efficiency of the education provided.

Since 1902 the cost for education per pupil has been increased more than
one half. The local authorities, to whom were given large powers of
control, have levied taxes liberally, and the State has also increased its
grants. Since 1902 also there has been a continual agitation for a
resettlement of the educational question along broad national lines. Bills
have been introduced, and important committees have considered the matter,
but no affirmative action was taken. By the time of the opening of the
World War it may be said that English opinion had about agreed upon the
principle of public control of all schools, absolute religious freedom for
teachers, local option as to religious instruction, large local liberty in
management and control, well-trained and well-paid teachers, and the
fusing of all types of schools into a democratic and truly national school
system, strong in its unity and national elements, but free from
centralized bureaucratic control. It was left for the World War to give
emphasis to this national need and to permit the final creation of such an
educational organization.

THE INCORPORATION OF SECONDARY EDUCATION INTO THE NATIONAL SYSTEM. For
centuries the education of the small ruling class has been conducted by
the private tutor and the endowed secondary school, and had been completed
by a few years at Oxford or Cambridge. The Reform Bill of 1832 had raised
the middle commercial and industrial classes to power, and had created new
demands for secondary and higher education for the sons of this class. The
old endowed schools were now no longer sufficient in numbers, and the
result was the founding of many private and joint-stock-company secondary
schools to minister to the new educational needs. The Second Reform Bill
of 1867 enfranchised a very much greater number of citizens, and the
increasing wealth and the increasing demands for educational advantages
led to an insistence for a further extension along secondary and higher
lines. The result was seen in the investigation of the nine "Great Public
Schools" of England, [34] by the Lord Clarendon Commission (1861-64); and
the appointment of the British Schools Inquiry Commission of 1864-67, to
inquire into the 820 other endowed schools and the 122 proprietary or
joint-stock-company schools of the land. The Report of the first led to
the Public Schools Act of 1868, reforming abuses and regulating the use of
their old endowments. The second pointed out the great deficiency then
existing in secondary education, [35] and led to the enactment of the
Endowed Schools Act of 1869, placing all endowed schools under centralized
supervision. We see here the beginnings of state supervision and control
of the age-old endowments for Latin grammar schools and other types of
schools for secondary training. The repeal of the old Religious-Tests-for-
Degrees legislation, at the old universities (R. 305), in 1871,
transformed these from Church-of-England into national institutions, and
opened up the whole range of education to all who could meet the standards
and pay the fees.

Under the Act of 1870 many local school boards, especially in the
manufacturing cities, began to satisfy the new needs by the organization
of Higher Grade Schools, or High Schools, to supplement the work of the
elementary schools and to extend upward, in a truly democratic fashion,
the educational ladder. In this movement the manufacturing cities of
Sheffield, Birmingham, and Manchester were the leaders. In these three
cities also, as well as in four others (Bristol, Leeds, Liverpool, and
London) [36] new modern-type universities were created. The Department of
Science and Art (created in 1853) also began, in 1872, to give large
grants to the cities for the establishment of a three-years' course in
science, for the encouragement of scientific training. These new
secondary-type schools, providing for the direct passage of children from
the elementary to the secondary schools, with many free places for capable
students, served to increase the friction between rate-aided schools on
the one hand, and voluntary and endowed and proprietary schools on the
other. Carrying out, as they did, Huxley's idea of a broad educational
ladder, [37] they also represented a very democratic innovation in English
educational procedure.

In 1894 a Commission--a favorite English method for considering vexatious
questions--was appointed, under the chairmanship of Mr. James (afterwards
Lord) Bryce, "to consider the best methods of establishing a well-
organized system of secondary education in England." The Report was
important and influential. It recommended the creation of a general Board
of Education under a responsible government Minister, with a permanent
Secretary and a Consultative Educational Council (as was done in 1899);
the establishment of local county and borough boards to provide adequate
secondary-school accommodations, with aid from the "rates"; the inspection
of secondary schools by the Central Board of Education; the professional
training of secondary-school teachers; and a great extension of the free-
scholarship plan to children from the elementary schools. On this last
point the Report said: [38]

    We have to consider the means whereby the children of the less well-
    to-do classes of our population may be enabled to obtain such
    secondary education as may be suitable and needful for them. As we
    have not recommended that secondary education shall be provided free
    of cost to the whole community, we deem it all the more needful that
    ample provision be made by every local authority for enabling selected
    children of poorer parents to climb the educational ladder.... The
    assistance we have contemplated should be given by means of a
    carefully graduated system of scholarships, varying in value in the
    age at which they are awarded and the class of school or institution
    at which they are tenable.

The Act of 1902 unified control of both elementary and secondary
education. Any private or endowed secondary school was left free to accept
or reject government aid and inspection, but, if the aid were accepted,
inspection and the following of government plans were required. Secondary
education must provide for scholars up to or beyond the age of sixteen. No
attempt was made to unify the work and character of the secondary schools,
it being clearly recognized that, in England at least, these must be
suited to the different requirements of the scholars, the means of the
parents, the age at which schooling will stop, and the probable place in
the social organism of England which the pupils will occupy. By 1910, out
of 841 secondary schools in England receiving grants of state aid, 325
were supported by local authorities and were the creations of the
preceding four decades. Most of the others represented old Latin grammar-
school foundations, thus incorporated into the national system, and
without that violence and destruction of endowments which characterized
the transformations in France and Italy.

[Illustration: FIG. 195. THE ENGLISH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM AS FINALLY EVOLVED
The years, for the divisions of English education, are only approximate,
as English education is more flexible than that found in most other
lands.]

A NATIONAL SYSTEM AT LAST EVOLVED. It is a little more than two centuries
from the founding of the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge
(1699) to the very important Fisher Education Act [39] of August, 1918.
The first marked the beginnings of the voluntary system; the second "the
first real attempt in England to lay broad and deep the foundations of a
scheme of education which would be truly national." This Act, passed by
Parliament in the midst of a war which called upon the English people for
heavy sacrifices, completed the evolution of two centuries and organized
the educational resources--elementary, secondary, evening, adult,
technical, and higher--into one national system, animated by a national
purpose, and aimed at the accomplishment for the nation of twentieth-
century ends on the most democratic basis of any school system in Europe.
In so doing Huxley's educational ladder has not only been changed into a
broad highway, but the educational traditions of England (R. 306) have
been preserved and moulded anew.

The central national supervisory authority has been still further
strengthened; the compulsion to attend greatly extended; and the voice of
the State has been uttered in a firmer tone than ever before in English
educational history. Taxes have been increased; the scope of the school
system extended; all elements of the system better integrated; laggard
local educational authorities subjected to firmer control; the training of
teachers looked after more carefully than ever before; and the foundations
for unlimited improvement and progress in education laid down. Still, in
doing all this, the deep English devotion to local liberties has been
clearly revealed. The dangers of a centralized French-type educational
bureaucracy have been avoided; necessary, and relatively high, minimum
standards have been set up, but without sacrificing that variety which has
always been one of the strong points of English educational effort; and
the legitimate claims of the State have been satisfied without destroying
local initiative and independence. In this story of two centuries and more
of struggle to create a really national system of education for the people
we see strongly revealed those prominent characteristics of English
national progress--careful consideration of new ideas, keen sensitiveness
to vested rights, strong sense of local liberties and responsibilities,
large dependence on local effort and good sense, progress by compromise,
and a slow grafting-on of the best elements of what is new without
sacrificing the best elements of what is old.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Show that the English method of slow progress and after long discussion
would naturally result in a plan bearing evidence of many compromises.

2. What does the extensive Charity-School movement in eighteenth-century
England indicate as to the comparative general interest in learning in
England and the other lands we have previously studied?

3. Show how the Sunday-School instruction, meager as it was, was very
important in England in paving the way for further educational progress.

4. What do all the different late eighteenth-century voluntary educational
movements indicate as to comparative popular interest in education in
England and Prussia? England and France?

5. Can you explain the much greater percentage of city poor in England in
the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries than in French or
German lands?

6. Can you explain why periods of prolonged warfare are usually followed
by periods of social and political unrest?

7. Can you explain why Pestalozzian ideas found such slow acceptance in
England?

8. Explain, on the basis of the English adult manufacturing conception of
education, why monitorial instruction was hailed as "a new expedient,
parallel and rival to the modern inventions in the mechanical
departments."

9. To what extent do we now accept Robert Owen's conception of the
influence of education on children?

10. Show how the many philanthropic societies for the education of the
children of the poor came in as a natural transition from church to state
education.

11. Show the importance of the School Societies in accustoming people to
the idea of free and general education.

12. Show how the Lancastrian system formed a natural bridge between
private philanthropy in education and tax-supported state schools.

13. Why were the highly mechanical features of the Lancastrian
organization so advantageous in its day, whereas we of to-day would regard
them as such a disadvantage?

14. Explain how the Lancastrian schools dignified the work of the teacher
by revealing the need for teacher-training.

15. Assuming that there may be some validity to the arguments of Kay-
Shuttleworth, what are the limitations to such reasoning?

16. What theory as to education would naturally lie behind a "payment-by-
results" plan of distributing state aid?

17. Show how English educational development during the nineteenth century
has been deeply modified by the progress of democracy.

18. Show how the English have attained to minimum standards without
imposing uniform requirements that destroy individuality and initiative.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative
selections are reproduced:

  291. Parliamentary Report: Charity-School Education described.
  292. S.P.C.K.: Cost and Support of Charity-Schools.
  293. Raikes: Description of the Gloucester Sunday Schools.
  294. Guthrie: Organization, Support, and Work of a Ragged School.
  295. Smith, A.: On the Education of the Common People.
  296. Malthus: On National Education.
  297. Smith, S.: The School of Lancaster described.
  298. Philanthropist: Automatic Character of the Monitorial Schools.
  299. Montmorency, de: The First Parliamentary Grant for Education.
  300. Macaulay: On the Duty of the State to Provide Education.
  301. Mosely: Evils of Apprenticing the Children of Paupers.
  302. Kay-Shuttleworth: Typical Reasoning in Opposition to Free Schools.
  303. Macnamera: The Duke of Newcastle Commission Report.
  304. Statute: Elementary Education Act of 1870.
  305. Statute: Abolition of Religious Tests at the Universities.
  306. Times: The Educational Traditions of England.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Characterize the type of education described by the witness (291).

2. Considering equipment provided and comparative money values, then and
now, about how much of an effort did support (292) involve?

3. What class of children did Raikes (293) make provision for?

4. Characterize the type of education provided (294) in the Ragged
Schools.

5. Would Adam Smith's reasoning (295) still hold true?

6. Would that of Malthus (296)?

7. Indicate the improvements Lancaster had made (297, 298) in organization
and teaching efficiency.

8. Was the first English parliamentary grant (299) expressive of deep
national interest?

9. Would Macaulay's reasoning (300) still be true?

10. Is it probable that the apprenticing of paupers had always given such
(301) results?

11. How sound was Kay-Shuttleworth's reasoning (302)?

12. What merit was there to the "payment-by-results" recommendation of the
Duke of Newcastle Commission (303)?

13. Just what kind of schools did the Act of 1870 (304) make provision
for?

14. Have we ever had such religious requirements as those so long
maintained (305) at the English universities?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Allen, W. O. B. and McClure, E. _Two Hundred Years; History of
    S.P.C.K. 1698-1898_.
  Adams, Francis. _History of the Elementary School Contest in
    England_.
* Binns, H. B. _A Century of Education, 1808-1908, History of the
    British and Foreign School Society_.
* Birchenough, C. _History of Elementary Education in England and Wales
    since 1800_.
  Escott, T. H. S. _Social Transformations of the Victorian Era_.
  Harris, J. H. _Robert Raikes; the Man and his Work_.
* Holman, H. _English National Education_.
* Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _The Progress of Education in England_.
* Montmorency, J. E. G. de. _State Intervention in English Education to
    1833_.
* Salmon, David. _Joseph Lancaster_.




CHAPTER XXV

AWAKENING AN EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS IN THE UNITED STATES


I. EARLY NATIONAL ATTITUDES AND INTERESTS

THE AMERICAN PROBLEM. The beginnings of state educational organization in
the United States present quite a different history from that traced for
Prussia, France, Italy, or England. While the parochial school existed in
the Central Colonies, and in time had to be subordinated to state ends;
and while the idea of education as a charity had been introduced into all
the Anglican Colonies, and later had to be stamped out; the problem of
educational organization in America was not, as in Europe, one of bringing
church schools and old educational foundations into harmonious working
relations with the new state school systems set up. Instead the old
educational foundations were easily transformed to adapt them to the new
conditions, while only in the Central Colonies did the religious-charity
conception of education give any particular trouble. The American
educational problem was essentially that of first awakening, in a new
land, a consciousness of need for general education; and second, that of
developing a willingness to pay for what it finally came to be deemed
desirable to provide.

By the middle of the eighteenth century, as we have pointed out (p. 438),
the earlier religious interests in America had clearly begun to wane. In
the New England Colonies the school of the civil town had largely replaced
the earlier religious school. In the Middle Colonies many of the parochial
schools had died out. In the Southern Colonies, where the classes in
society and negro slavery made common schools impossible, and the lack of
city life and manufacturing made them seem largely unnecessary, the common
school had tended to disappear. Even in New England, where the Calvinistic
conception of the importance of education had most firmly established the
idea of school support, the eighteenth century witnessed a constant
struggle to prevent the dying-out of that which an earlier generation had
deemed it important to create.

EFFECT OF THE WAR ON EDUCATION. The effect of the American War for
Independence, on all types of schools, was disastrous. The growing
troubles with the mother country had, for more than a decade previous to
the opening of hostilities, tended to concentrate attention on other
matters than schooling. Political discussion and agitation had largely
monopolized the thinking of the time.

With the outbreak of the war education everywhere suffered seriously. Most
of the rural and parochial schools closed, or continued a more or less
intermittent existence. In New York City, then the second largest city in
the country, practically all schools closed with British occupancy and
remained closed until after the end of the war. The Latin grammar schools
and academies often closed from lack of pupils, while the colleges were
almost deserted. Harvard and Kings, in particular, suffered grievously,
and sacrificed much for the cause of liberty. The war engrossed the
energies and the resources of the peoples of the different Colonies, and
schools, never very securely placed in the affections of the people,
outside of New England, were allowed to fall into decay or entirely
disappear. The period of the Revolution and the period of reorganization
which followed, up to the beginning of the national government (1775-89),
were together a time of rapid decline in educational advantages and
increasing illiteracy among the people. Meager as had been the
opportunities for schooling before 1775, the opportunities by 1790, except
in a few cities and in the New England districts, had shrunk almost to the
vanishing point. For Boston (R. 307), Providence (Rs. 309, 310), and a
number of other places we have good pictures preserved of the schools
which actually did exist.

The close of the war found the country both impoverished and exhausted.
All the Colonies had made heavy sacrifices, many had been overrun by
hostile armies, and the debt of the Union and of the States was so great
that many thought it could never be paid. The thirteen States,
individually and collectively, with only 3,380,000 people, had incurred an
indebtedness of $75,000,000 for the prosecution of the conflict. Commerce
was dead, the Government of the Confederation was impotent, petty
insurrections were common, the States were quarreling continually with one
another over all kinds of trivial matters, England still remained more or
less hostile, and foreign complications began to appear. That during such
a crucial period, and for some years following, but little or no attention
was anywhere given to the question of education was only natural.

NO REAL EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS BEFORE ABOUT 1820. Regardless of the
national land grants for education made to the new States (p. 523), the
provisions of the different state constitutions (R. 259), the beginnings
made here and there in the few cities of the time, and the early state
laws (R. 262), it can hardly be said that the American people had
developed an educational consciousness, outside of New England and New
York, before about 1820, and in some of the States, especially in the
South, a state educational consciousness was not awakened until very much
later. Even in New England there was a steady decline in education during
the first fifty years of the national history.

There were many reasons in the national life for this lack of interest in
education among the masses of the people. The simple agricultural life of
the time, the homogeneity of the people, the absence of cities, the
isolation and independence of the villages, the lack of full manhood
suffrage in a number of the States, the want of any economic demand for
education, and the fact that no important political question calling for
settlement at the polls had as yet arisen, made the need for schools and
learning seem a relatively minor one. The country, too, was still very
poor. The Revolutionary War debt still hung in part over the Nation, and
the demand for money and labor for all kinds of internal improvements was
very large. The country had few industries, and its foreign trade was
badly hampered by European nations. Ways and means of strengthening the
existing Government and holding the Union together, [1] rather than plans
which could bear fruit only in the future, occupied the attention of the
leaders of the time.

When the people had finally settled their political and commercial future
by the War of 1812-14, and had built up a national consciousness on a
democratic basis in the years immediately following, and the Nation at
last possessed the energy, the money, and the interest for doing so, they
finally turned their energies toward the creation of a democratic system
of public schools. In the meantime, education, outside of New England, and
in part even there, was left largely to private individuals, churches,
incorporated school societies, and such state schools for the children of
the poor as might have been provided by private or state funds, or the two
combined.

THE REAL INTEREST IN ADVANCED EDUCATION. In so far as the American people
may be said to have possessed a real interest in education during the
first half-century of the national existence, it was manifested in the
establishment and endowment of academies and colleges rather than in the
creation of schools for the people. The colonial Latin grammar school had
been almost entirely an English institution, and never well suited to
American needs. As democratic consciousness began to arise, the demand
came for a more practical institution, less exclusive and less
aristocratic in character, and better adapted in its instruction to the
needs of a frontier society. Arising about the middle of the eighteenth
century, a number of so-called Academies had been founded before the new
National Government took shape. While essentially private institutions,
arising from a church foundation, or more commonly a local subscription or
endowment, it became customary for towns, counties, and States to assist
in their maintenance, thus making them semi-public institutions. Their
management, though, usually remained in private hands, or under boards or
associations. [2]

Beside offering a fair type of higher training [3] before the days of high
schools, the academies also became training-schools for teachers, and
before the rise of the normal schools were the chief source of supply for
the better grade of elementary teachers. These institutions rendered an
important service during the first half of the nineteenth century, but
were in time displaced by the publicly supported and publicly controlled
American high school, the first of which dates from 1821. This evolution
we shall describe more in detail a little later on.

THE COLLEGES OF THE TIME. Some interest also was taken in college
education during this early national period. College attendance, however,
was small, as the country was still new and the people were poor. As late
as 1815, Harvard graduated a class of but 66; Yale of 69; Princeton of 40;
Williams of 40; Pennsylvania of 15; and the University of South Carolina
of 37. After the organization of the Union the nine old colonial colleges
were reorganized, and an attempt was made to bring them into closer
harmony with the ideas and needs of the people and the governments of the
States. Dartmouth, Kings (now rechristened Columbia), and Pennsylvania
were for a time changed into state institutions, and an unsuccessful
attempt was made to make a state university for Virginia out of William
and Mary. Fifteen additional colleges were organized by 1800, and fourteen
more by 1820. Between 1790 and 1825 there was much discussion as to the
desirability of founding a national university at the seat of government,
and Washington in his will (1799) left, for that time, a considerable sum
to the Nation to inaugurate the new undertaking. Nothing ever came of it,
however. Before 1825 six States--Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Georgia, Indiana, and Michigan--had laid the foundations of future state
universities. The National Government had also granted to each new Western
State two entire townships of land to help endow a university in each--a
stimulus which eventually led to the establishment of a state university
in every Western State.

A HALF-CENTURY OF TRANSITION. The first half-century of the national life
may be regarded as a period of transition from the church-control idea of
education over to the idea of education under the control of and supported
by the State. Though many of the early States had provided for state
school systems in their constitutions (R. 259), the schools had not been
set up, or set up only here and there. It required time to make this
change in thinking. Up to the period of the beginnings of our national
development education had almost everywhere been regarded as an affair of
the Church, somewhat akin to baptism, marriage, the administration of the
sacraments, and the burial of the dead. Even in New England, which formed
an exception, the evolution of the civic school from the church school was
not yet complete.

The church charity-school had become, as we have seen (p. 449), a familiar
institution before the Revolution. The English "Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts" (p. 449), which maintained
schools in connection with the Anglican churches in the Anglican Colonies
and provided an excellent grade of charity-school master, withdrew at the
close of the Revolutionary War from work in this country. The different
churches after the war continued their efforts to maintain their church
charity-schools, though there was for a time a decrease in both their
numbers and their effectiveness.

In the meantime the demand for education grew rather rapidly, and the task
soon became too big for the churches to handle. For long the churches made
an effort to keep up, as they were loath to relinquish in any way their
former hold on the training of the young. The churches, however, were not
interested in the problem except in the old way, and this was not what the
new democracy wanted. The result was that, with the coming of nationality
and the slow but gradual growth of a national consciousness, national
pride, national needs, and the gradual development of national resources
in the shape of taxable property--all alike combined to make secular
instead of religious schools seem both desirable and possible to a
constantly increasing number of citizens.


II. AWAKENING AN EDUCATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS

Between about 1810 and 1830 a number of new forces--philanthropic,
political, social, economic--combined to change the earlier attitude by
producing conditions which made state rather than church control and
support of education seem both desirable and feasible. The change, too,
was markedly facilitated by the work of a number of semi-private
philanthropic agencies which now began the work of founding schools and
building up an interest in education, the most important of which were:
(1) the Sunday-School movement; (2) the City School Societies; (3) the
Lancastrian movement; and (4) the Infant-School Societies. These will be
described briefly, and their influence in awakening an educational
consciousness pointed out.

THE SUNDAY-SCHOOL MOVEMENT. The Sunday School, as a means of providing the
merest rudiments of secular and religious learning, had been made, through
the initiative of Raikes of Gloucester (p. 617), a very important English
institution for providing the beginnings of instruction for the children
of the city poor. Raikes's idea was soon carried to the United States. In
1786 a Sunday School after the Raikes plan was organized in Hanover
County, Virginia. In 1787 a Sunday School for African children was
organized at Charleston, South Carolina. In 1791 "The First Day, or Sunday
School Society," was organized at Philadelphia, for the establishment of
Sunday Schools in that city. In 1793 Katy Ferguson's "School for the Poor"
was opened in New York, and this was followed by an organization of New
York women for the extension of secular instruction among the poor. In
1797 Samuel Slater's Factory School was opened at Pawtucket, Rhode Island.

Though there had been some Sunday instruction earlier at a few places in
New England, the introduction of the Sunday School from England, in 1786,
marked the real beginning of the religious Sunday School in America. After
the churches had once caught the idea of a common religious school on
Sundays for the instruction of any one, a number of societies were formed
to carry on and extend the work. The most important of these were:

    1808. The Evangelical Society of Philadelphia.
    1816. The Female Union for the Promotion of Sabbath Schools (New
          York).
    1816. The New York Sunday School Union.
    1816. The Boston Society for the Moral and Religious Instruction of
          the Poor.
    1817. The Philadelphia Sunday and Adult School Union.
    1824. The American Sunday School Union.

These different types of American Sunday Schools, being open to all
instead of only to the poor and lowly, had a small but an increasing
influence in leveling class distinctions and in making a common day school
seem possible. The movement for secular instruction on Sundays, though,
soon met in America with the opposition of the churches, and before long
they took over the idea, superseded private initiative and control, and
changed the character of the instruction from a day of secular work to an
hour or so of religious teaching. The Sunday School, in consequence, never
exercised the influence in educational development in America that it did
in England.

THE CITY SCHOOL SOCIETIES. These were patterned after the English charity-
school subscription societies, and were formed in a number of American
cities during the first quarter of the nineteenth century for the purpose
of providing the rudiments of an education to those too poor to pay for
schooling. These Societies were usually organized by philanthropic
citizens, willing to contribute something yearly to provide some little
education for a few of the many children in the city having no
opportunities for any instruction. A number of these Societies were able
to effect some financial connection with the city or the State.

One of the first of these School Societies was "The Manumission Society,"
organized in New York, in 1785, for the purpose of "mitigating the evils
of slavery, to defend the rights of the blacks, and especially to give
them the elements of an education." Alexander Hamilton and John Jay were
among its organizers. A free school for colored pupils was opened, in
1787. This grew and prospered and was aided from time to time by the city,
and in 1801 by the State. Finally, in 1834, all its schools were merged
with those of the "Public School Society" of the city. In 1801 the first
free school for poor white children "whose parents belong to no religious
society, and who, from some cause or other, cannot be admitted into any of
the charity schools of the city," was opened. This was provided by the
"Association of Women Friends for the Relief of the Poor," which engaged
"a widow woman of good education and morals as instructor" at £30 per
year. This Association also prospered, and received some city or state aid
up to 1824. By 1823 it was providing free elementary education for 750
children. Its schools also were later merged with those of the "Public
School Society."

"THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SOCIETY." Perhaps the most famous of all the early
subscription societies for the maintenance of schools for the poor was the
"New York Free School Society," which later changed its name to that of
"The Public School Society of New York."  This was organized, in 1805,
under the leadership of De Witt Clinton, then mayor of the city, he
heading the subscription list with a promise of $200 a year for support.
On May 14, 1806, the following advertisement appeared in the daily papers:

    FREE SCHOOL

    The Trustees of the Society for establishing a Free School in the city
    of New York, for the education of such poor children as do not belong
    to, or are not provided for by any religious Society, having engaged a
    Teacher, and procured a School House for the accommodation of a
    School, have now the pleasure of announcing that it is proposed to
    receive scholars of the descriptions alluded to without delay;
    applications may be made to, &c.

Four days later the officers of the Society issued a general appeal to the
public (R. 311), setting forth the purposes of the Society and soliciting
funds.

[Illustration: FIG. 196. THE FIRST SCHOOLHOUSE BUILT BY THE FREE SCHOOL
SOCIETY IN NEW YORK CITY
Built in 1809, in Tryon Row. Cost, without site, $13,000.]

This Society was chartered by the legislature "to provide schooling for
all children who are the proper objects of a gratuitous education." It
organized free public education in the city, secured funds, built
schoolhouses, provided and trained teachers, and ably supplemented the
work of the private and church schools. By its energy and its persistence
it secured for itself a large share of public confidence, and aroused a
constantly increasing interest in the cause of popular education. In 1853,
after it had educated over 600,000 children and trained over 1200
teachers, this Society, its work done, surrendered its charter and turned
over its buildings and equipment to the public-school department of the
city, which had been created by the legislature in 1842.

SCHOOL SOCIETIES ELSEWHERE. The "Benevolent Society of the City of
Baltimore for the Education of the Female Poor," founded in 1799, and the
"Male Free Society of Baltimore," organized a little later, were other of
these early school societies, though neither became so famous as the
Public School Society of New York. The schools of the city of Washington
were started by subscription, in 1804, and for some time were in part
supported by subscriptions from public-spirited citizens. [4] This society
did an important work in accustoming the people of the capital city to the
provision of some form of free education.

In 1800 "The Philadelphia Society [5] for the Free Instruction of Indigent
Boys" was formed, which a little later changed to "The Philadelphia
Society for the Establishment and Support of Charity Schools." In 1814
"The Society for the Promotion of a Rational System of Education" was
organized in Philadelphia, and four years later the public sentiment
awakened by a combination of the work of this Society and the coming of
the Lancastrian system of instruction enabled the city to secure a special
law permitting Philadelphia to organize a system of city schools for the
education of the children of its poor. Other societies which rendered
useful educational service include the "Mechanics and Manufacturers
Association," of Providence, Rhode Island, organized in 1789 (Rs. 308,
310); "The Albany Lancastrian School Society," organized in 1826, for the
education of the poor of the city in monitorial schools; and the school
societies organized in Savannah in 1818, and Augusta, in 1821, "to afford
education to the children of indigent parents." Both these Georgia
societies received some support from state funds.

The formation of these school societies, the subscriptions made by the
leading men of the cities, the bequests for education, and the grants of
some city and state aid to these societies, all of which in time became
somewhat common, indicate a slowly rising interest in providing schools
for the education of all. This rising interest in education was greatly
stimulated by the introduction from England, about this time, of a new and
what for the time seemed a wonderful system for the organization of
education, the Lancastrian monitorial plan.

THE LANCASTRIAN MONITORIAL SCHOOLS. Church-of-England ideas were not in
much favor in the United States for some time after the close of the
Revolutionary War, and in consequence it was the Lancastrian plan which
was brought over and popularized. In 1806 the first monitorial school was
opened in New York City, and, once introduced, the system quickly spread
from Massachusetts to Georgia, and as far west as Cincinnati, Louisville,
and Detroit. In 1826 Maryland instituted a state system of Lancastrian
schools, with a Superintendent of Public Instruction, but in 1828
abandoned the idea and discontinued the office. A state Lancastrian system
for North Carolina was proposed in 1832, but failed of adoption by the
legislature. In 1829 Mexico organized higher Lancastrian schools for the
Mexican State of Texas. In 1818 Lancaster himself went to America, and was
received with much distinction. Most of the remaining twenty years of his
life were spent in organizing and directing schools in various parts of
the United States.

In many of the rising cities of the eastern part of the country the first
free schools established were Lancastrian schools. The system provided
education at so low a cost (p. 629) that it made the education of all for
the first time seem possible. [6] The first free schools in Philadelphia
(1818) were an outgrowth of Lancastrian influence, as was also the case in
many other Pennsylvania cities. Baltimore began a Lancastrian school six
years before the organization of public schools was permitted by law. A
number of monitorial high schools were organized in different parts of the
United States, and it was even proposed that the plan should be adopted in
the colleges. A number of New England cities, that already had other type
schools, investigated the new monitorial plan and were impressed with its
many important points of superiority over methods then in use. The Report
of the Investigating Committee (1828) for Boston (R. 312), forms a good
example of such. As in England, the system was very popular from about
1810 to 1830, but by 1840 its popularity was over.

THE INTEREST THE NEW PLAN AWAKENED. It is not strange that the new plan
aroused widespread enthusiasm in many discerning men, and for almost a
quarter of a century was advocated as the best system of education then
known. Two quotations will illustrate what leading men of the time thought
of it. De Witt Clinton, for twenty-one years president of the New York
"Free School Society," and later governor of the State, wrote, in 1809:

    When I perceive that many boys in our school have been taught to read
    and write in two months, who did not before know the alphabet, and
    that even one has accomplished it in three weeks--when I view all the
    bearings and tendencies of this system--when I contemplate the habits
    of order which it forms, the spirit of emulation which it excites, the
    rapid improvement which it produces, the purity of morals which it
    inculcates--when I behold the extraordinary union of celerity in
    instruction and economy of expense--and when I perceive one great
    assembly of a thousand children, under the eye of a single teacher,
    marching with unexampled rapidity and with perfect discipline to the
    goal of knowledge, I confess that I recognize in Lancaster the
    benefactor of the human race. I consider his system as creating a new
    era in education, as a blessing sent down from heaven to redeem the
    poor and distressed of this world from the power and dominion of
    ignorance.

In a message to the legislature of Connecticut, a State then fairly well
supplied with schools of the Massachusetts district type, Governor Wolcott
said, in 1825:

    If funds can be obtained to defray the expenses of the necessary
    preparations, I have no doubt that schools on the Lancastrian model
    ought, as soon as possible, to be established in several parts of this
    state. Wherever from 200 to 1000 children can be convened within a
    suitable distance, this mode of instruction in every branch of
    reading, speaking, penmanship, arithmetic, and bookkeeping, will be
    found much more efficient, direct, and economical than the practices
    now generally pursued in our primary schools.

The Lancastrian schools materially hastened the adoption of the free
school system in all the Northern States by gradually accustoming people
to bearing the necessary taxation which free schools entail. They also
made the common school common and much talked of, and awakened thought and
provoked discussion on the question of public education. They likewise
dignified the work of the teacher by showing the necessity for teacher-
training. The Lancastrian Model Schools, first established in the United
States in 1818, were the precursors of the American normal schools.

COMING OF THE INFANT SCHOOL. A curious early condition in America was
that, in some of the cities where public schools had been established, by
one agency or another, no provision had been made for beginners. These
were supposed to obtain the elements of reading at home, or in the Dame
Schools. In Boston, for example, where public schools were maintained by
the city, no children could be received into the schools who had not
learned to read and write (R. 314 a). This made the common age of
admission somewhere near eight years. The same was in part true of
Hartford, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and other cities. When the
monitorial schools were established they tended to restrict their
membership in a similar manner, though not always able to do so.

In 1816 there came to America, also from England, a valuable supplement to
education as then known in the form of the so-called Infant Schools (p.
630). First introduced at Boston (R. 313), the Infant Schools proved
popular, and in 1818 the city appropriated $5000 for the purpose of
organizing such schools to supplement the public-school system. These were
to admit children at four years of age, were to be known as primary
schools, were to be taught by women, were to be open all the year round,
and were to prepare the children for admission to the city schools, which
by that time had come to be known as English grammar schools. Providence,
similarly, established primary (Infant) schools in 1828 for children
between the ages of four and eight, to supplement the work of the public
schools, there called writing schools.

THE DAME SCHOOL ABSORBED. For New England the establishment of primary
schools virtually took over the Dame School instruction as a public
function, and added the primary grades to the previously existing school.
We have here the origin of the division, often still retained at least in
name in the Eastern States, of the "primary grades" and the "grammar
grades" of the elementary school.

[Illustration: FIG. 197 "MODEL" SCHOOL BUILDING OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOL
SOCIETY
Erected in 1843. Cost (with site), $17,000. A typical New York school
building, after 1830. The infant or primary school was on the first floor,
the second floor contains the girls' school, and the third floor the boys'
school. Each floor had one large room seating 252 children; the primary
schoolroom could be divided into two rooms by folding doors, so as to
segregate the infant class. This building was for long regarded as the
perfection of the builder's art, and its picture was printed for years on
the cover of the Society's Annual Reports.]

An "Infant-School Society" was organized in New York, in 1827. The first
Infant School was established under the direction of the Public School
Society as the "Junior Department" of School No. 8, with a woman teacher
in charge, and using monitorial methods. A second school was established
the next year. In 1830 the name was changed from Infant School to Primary
Department, and where possible these departments were combined with the
existing schools. In 1832 it was decided to organize ten primary schools,
under women teachers, for children from four to ten years of age, and
after the Boston plan of instruction. This abandoned the monitorial plan
of instruction for the new Pestalozzian form, which was deemed better
suited to the needs of the smaller children. By 1844 fifty-six Primary
Departments had been organized in connection with the upper schools of the
city.

In Philadelphia three Infant-School Societies were founded in 1827-28, and
such schools were at once established there. By 1830 the directors of the
school system had been permitted by the legislature of the State to expend
public money for such schools, and thirty such, under women teachers, were
in operation in the city by 1837.

[Illustration: FIG. 198. EVOLUTION OF THE ESSENTIAL FEATURES OF THE
AMERICAN PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM]

PRIMARY EDUCATION ORGANIZED. The Infant-School idea was soon somewhat
generally adopted by the Eastern cities, and changed somewhat to make of
it an American primary school. Where children had not been previously
admitted to the schools without knowing how to read, as in Boston, they
supplemented the work of the public schools by adding a new school
beneath. Where the reverse had been the case, as in New York City, the
organization of Infant Schools as Junior Departments enabled the existing
schools to advance their work. Everywhere it resulted, eventually, in the
organization of primary and grammar school departments, often with
intermediate departments in between, and, with the somewhat
contemporaneous evolution of the first high schools, the main outlines of
the American free public-school system were now complete.

These four important educational movements--the secular Sunday School, the
semi-public city School Societies, the Lancastrian plan for instruction,
and the Infant-School idea--all arising in philanthropy, came as
successive educational ideas to America during the first half of the
nineteenth century, supplemented one another, and together accustomed a
new generation to the idea of a common school for all.


III. SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND ECONOMIC INFLUENCES

It is hardly probable, however, that these philanthropic efforts alone,
valuable as they were, could have resulted in the great American battle
for tax-supported schools, at as early a date as this took place, had they
not been supplemented by a number of other movements of a social,
political, and economic character which in themselves materially changed
the nature and direction of our national life. The more important of these
were: (1) The rise of cities and of manufacturing, (2) the extension of
the suffrage, and (3) the rise of new class-demands for schools.

GROWTH OF CITY POPULATION AND MANUFACTURING. At the time of the
inauguration of the National Government nearly every one in America lived
on the farm or in some little village. The first forty years of the
national life were essentially an agricultural and a pioneer period. Even
as late as 1820 there were but thirteen cities of 8000 inhabitants or over
in the whole of the twenty-three States at that time comprising the Union,
and these thirteen cities contained but 4.9 per cent of the total
population of the Nation.

After about 1825 these conditions began to change. By 1820 many little
villages were springing up, and these frequently proved the nuclei for
future cities. In New England many of these places were in the vicinity of
some waterfall, where cheap power made manufacturing on a large scale
possible. Lowell, Massachusetts, which in 1820 did not exist and in 1840
had a population of over twenty thousand people, collected there largely
to work in the mills, is a good illustration. Other cities, such as
Cincinnati and Detroit, grew because of their advantageous situation as
exchange and wholesale centers. With the revival of trade and commerce
after the second war with Great Britain the cities grew rapidly both in
number and size.

The rise of the new cities and the rapid growth of the older ones
materially changed the nature of the educational problem, by producing an
entirely new set of social and educational conditions for the people of
the Central and Northern States to solve. The South, with its plantation
life, negro slavery, and absence of manufacturing was largely unaffected
by these changed conditions until well after the close of the Civil War.
In consequence the educational awakening there did not come for nearly
half a century after it came in the North. In the cities in the coast
States north of Maryland, but particularly in those of New York and New
England, manufacturing developed very rapidly. Cotton-spinning in
particular became a New England industry, as did also the weaving of wool,
while Pennsylvania became the center of the iron manufacturing industries.
[7]

The development of this new type of factory work meant the beginnings of
the breakdown of the old home and village industries, the eventual
abandonment of the age-old apprenticeship system (Rs. 200, 201), the start
of the cityward movement of the rural population, and the concentration of
manufacturing in large establishments, employing many hands to perform
continuously certain limited phases of the manufacturing process. This in
time was certain to mean a change in educational methods. It also called
for the concentration of both capital and labor. The rise of the factory
system, business on a large scale, and cheap and rapid transportation, all
combined to diminish the importance of agriculture and to change the city
from an unimportant to a very important position in our national life. The
13 cities of 1820 increased to 44 by 1840, and to 141 by 1860. There were
four times as many cities in the North, too, where manufacturing had found
a home, as in the South, which remained essentially agricultural.

NEW SOCIAL PROBLEMS IN THE CITIES. The many changes in the nature of
industry and of village and home life, effected by the development of the
factory system and the concentration of manufacturing and population in
the cities, also contributed materially in changing the character of the
old educational problem. When the cities were as yet but little villages
in size and character, homogeneous in their populations, and the many
social and moral problems incident to the congestion of peoples of mixed
character had not as yet arisen, the church and charity and private school
solution of the educational problem was reasonably satisfactory. As the
cities now increased rapidly in size, became more city-like in character,
drew to them diverse elements previously largely unknown, and were
required by state laws to extend the right of suffrage to all their
citizens, the need for a new type of educational organization began slowly
but clearly to manifest itself to an increasing number of citizens. The
church, charity, and private school system completely broke down under the
new strain. School Societies and Educational Associations, organized for
propaganda, now arose in the cities; grants of city or state funds for the
partial support of both church and society schools were demanded and
obtained; and numbers of charity organizations began to be established in
the different cities to enable them to handle better the new problems of
pauperism, intemperance, and juvenile delinquency which arose.

THE EXTENSION OF THE SUFFRAGE. The Constitution of the United States,
though framed by the ablest men of the time, was framed by men who
represented the old aristocratic conception of education and government.
The same was true of the conventions which framed practically all the
early state constitutions. The early period of the national life was thus
characterized by the rule of a class--a very well-educated and a very
capable class, to be sure--but a class elected by a ballot based on
property qualifications and belonging to the older type of political and
social thinking.

Notwithstanding the statements of the Declaration of Independence, the
change came but slowly. Up to 1815 but four States had granted the right
to vote to all male citizens, regardless of property holdings or other
somewhat similar restrictions. After 1815 a democratic movement, which
sought to abolish all class rule and all political inequalities, arose and
rapidly gained strength. In this the new States to the westward, with
their absence of old estates or large fortunes, and where men were judged
more on their merits than in an older society, were the leaders. As will
be seen from the map, every new State admitted east of the Mississippi
River, except Ohio (admitted in 1802), where the New England element
predominated, and Louisiana (1812), provided for full manhood suffrage at
the time of its admission to statehood. Seven additional Eastern States
had extended the same full voting privileges to their citizens by 1845,
while the old requirements had been materially modified in most of the
other Northern States. This democratic movement for the leveling of all
class distinctions between white men became very marked, after 1820; came
to a head in the election of Andrew Jackson as President, in 1828; and the
final result was full manhood suffrage in all the States. This gave the
farmer in the West and the new manufacturing classes in the cities a
preponderating influence in the affairs of government.

[Illustration: FIG. 199. DATES OF THE GRANTING OF FULL MANHOOD SUFFRAGE
Some of the older States granted almost full manhood suffrage at an
earlier date, retaining a few minor restrictions until the date given on
the map. States shaded granted full suffrage at the time of admission to
the Union.]

EDUCATIONAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE. The educational
significance of the extension of full manhood suffrage to all was enormous
and far-reaching.

There now took place in the United States, after about 1825, what took
place in England after the passage of the Second Reform Act (p. 642) of
1867. With the extension of the suffrage to all classes of the population,
poor as well as rich, laborer, as well as employer, there came to thinking
men, often for the first time, a realization that general education had
become a fundamental necessity for the State, and that the general
education of all in the elements of knowledge and civic virtue must now
assume that importance in the minds of the leaders of the State that the
education of a few for the service of the Church and of the many for
simple church membership had once held in the minds of ecclesiastics.

This new conception is well expressed in the preamble to the first
(optional) school law enacted in Illinois (1825), which declares:

    To enjoy our rights and liberties, we must understand them; their
    security and protection ought to be the first object of a free people;
    and it is a well-established fact that no nation has ever continued
    long in the enjoyment of civil and political freedom, which was not
    both virtuous and enlightened; and believing that the advancement of
    literature always has been, and ever will be the means of developing
    more fully the rights of man, that the mind of every citizen in a
    republic is the common property of society, and constitutes the basis
    of its strength and happiness; it is therefore considered the peculiar
    duty of a free government, like ours, to encourage and extend the
    improvement and cultivation of the intellectual energies of the whole.

UTTERANCES OF PUBLIC MEN AND WORKINGMEN. Governors now began to recommend
to their legislatures the establishment of tax-supported schools, and
public men began to urge state action and state control. An utterance by
De Witt Clinton, for nine years governor of New York, may be taken as an
example of many. In a message to the legislature, in 1826, defending the
schools established, he said:

    The first duty of government, and the surest evidence of good
    government, is the encouragement of education. A general diffusion of
    knowledge is a precursor and protector of republican institutions, and
    in it we must confide as the conservative power that will watch over
    our liberties and guard them against fraud, intrigue, corruption, and
    violence. I consider the system of our common schools as the palladium
    of our freedom, for no reasonable apprehension can be entertained of
    its subversion as long as the great body of the people are enlightened
    by education.

After about 1825 many labor unions were formed, and the representatives of
these new organizations joined in the demands for schools and education,
urging the free education of their children as a natural right. In 1829
the workingmen of Philadelphia asked each candidate for the legislature
for a formal declaration of the attitude he would assume toward the
provision of "an equal and a general system of education" for the State.
In 1830 the Workingmen's Committee of Philadelphia submitted a detailed
report (R. 315), after five months spent in investigating educational
conditions in Pennsylvania, vigorously condemning the lack of provision
for education in the State, and the utterly inadequate provision where any
was made. Seth Luther, in an address on "The Education of Workingmen,"
delivered in 1832, declared that "a large body of human beings are ruined
by a neglect of education, rendered miserable in the extreme, and
incapable of self-government." Stephen Simpson, in his _A Manual for
Workingmen_, published in 1831, declared that "it is to education,
therefore, that we must mainly look for redress of that perverted system
of society, which dooms the producer to ignorance, to toil, and to penury,
to moral degradation, physical want, and social barbarism." Many
resolutions were adopted by these organizations demanding free state-
supported schools. [8]


IV. ALIGNMENT OF INTERESTS, AND PROPAGANDA

THE ALIGNMENT OF INTERESTS. The second quarter of the nineteenth century
may be said to have witnessed the battle for tax-supported, publicly
controlled and directed, and non-sectarian common schools. In 1825 such
schools were still the distant hope of statesmen and reformers; in 1850
they had become an actuality in almost every Northern State. The twenty-
five years intervening marked a period of public agitation and educational
propaganda; of many hard legislative fights; of a struggle to secure
desired legislation, and then to hold what had been secured; of many
bitter contests with church and private-school interests, which felt that
their "vested rights" were being taken from them; and of occasional
referenda in which the people were asked, at the next election, to advise
the legislature as to what to do. Excepting the battle for the abolition
of slavery, perhaps no question has ever been before the American people
for settlement which caused so much feeling or aroused such bitter
antagonisms. The friends of free schools were at first commonly regarded
as fanatics, dangerous to the State, and the opponents of free schools
were considered by them as old-time conservatives or as selfish members of
society.

Naturally such a bitter discussion of a public question forced an
alignment of the people for or against publicly supported and controlled
schools, and this alignment of interests may be roughly stated to have
been about as follows:

    _I. For Public Schools._
    Men considered as:
    1. "Citizens of the Republic."
    2. Philanthropists and humanitarians.
    3. Public men of large vision.
    4. City residents.
    5. The intelligent workingmen in the cities.
    6. Non-taxpayers.
    7. Calvinists.
    8. "New England men."

    _II. Lukewarm, or against Public Schools._
    Men considered as:
    1. Belonging to the old aristocratic class.
    2. The conservatives of society.
    3. Politicians of small vision.
    4. Residents of rural districts.
    5. The ignorant, narrow-minded, and penurious.
    6. Taxpayers.
    7. Lutherans, Reformed-Church, Mennonites, and Quakers.
    8. Southern men.
    9. Proprietors of private schools.
    10. The non-English-speaking classes.

THE WORK OF PROPAGANDA. To meet the arguments of the objectors, to change
the opinions of a thinking few into the common opinion of the many, to
overcome prejudice, and to awaken the public conscience to the public need
for free and common schools in such a democratic society, was the work of
a generation. To convince the masses of the people that the scheme of
state schools was not only practicable, but also the best and most
economical means for giving their children the benefits of an education;
to convince propertied citizens that taxation for education was in the
interests of both public and private welfare; to convince legislators that
it was safe to vote for free-school bills; and to overcome the opposition
due to apathy, religious jealousies, and private interests, was the work
of years. In time, though, the desirability of common, free, tax-
supported, non-sectarian, state-controlled schools became evident to a
majority of the citizens in the different American States, and as it did
the American State School, free and equally open to all, was finally
evolved and took its place as the most important institution in the
national life working for the perpetuation of a free democracy and the
advancement of the public welfare.

For this work of propaganda hundreds of School Societies and Educational
Associations were organized; many conventions were held, and many
resolutions favoring state schools were adopted; many "Letters" and
"Addresses to the Public" were written and published; public-spirited
citizens traveled over the country, making addresses to the people
explaining the advantages of free state schools; many public-spirited men
gave the best years of their lives to the state-school propaganda; and
many governors sent communications on the subject to legislatures not yet
convinced as to the desirability of state action. At each meeting of the
legislatures for years a deluge of resolutions, memorials, and petitions
for and against free schools met the members.

The invention of the steam printing press came at about this time, and the
first modern newspapers at a cheap price now appeared. These usually
espoused progressive measures, and tremendously influenced public
sentiment. Those not closely connected with church or private-school
interests usually favored public tax-supported schools.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Explain why the development of a national consciousness was practically
necessary before an educational consciousness could be awakened.

2. Show why it was natural, suffrage conditions considered, that the early
interest should have been in advanced education.

3. Why did the Sunday-School movement prove of so much less usefulness in
America than in England?

4. Show the analogy between the earlier school societies for educational
work and other forms of modern associative effort.

5. Explain the great popularity of the Lancastrian schools over those
previously common in America.

6. What were two of the important contributions of the Infant-School idea
to American education?

7. Why are schools and education much more needed in a country
experiencing a city and manufacturing development than in a country
experiencing an agricultural development?

8. Show how the development of cities caused the old forms of education to
break down, and made evident the need for a new type of education.

9. Show how each extension of the suffrage necessitates an extension of
educational opportunities and advantages.

10. Explain the alignment of each class, for or against tax-supported
schools, on historical and on economic grounds.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative
selections are reproduced:

  307. Fowle: The Schools of Boston about 1790-1815.
  308. Rhode Island: Petition for Free Schools, 1799.
  309. Providence: Rules and Regulations for the Schools in 1820.
  310. Providence: A Memorial for Better Schools, 1837.
  311. Bourne: Beginnings of Public Education in New York City.
  312. Boston Report: Advantages of the Monitorial System.
  313. Wightman: Establishment of Primary Schools in Boston.
  314. Boston: The Elementary-School System in 1823.
  315. Philadelphia: Report of Workingmen's Committee on Schools.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Just what advantages for boys and for girls existed in Boston (307 a,
b) before the creation of the reading schools?

2. What improvements and additions did the reading schools (307 c)
introduce?

3. State the main features of the Rhode Island petition (308) of 1799.

4. Just what kind of schools do the Providence regulations (309) of 1820
provide for and describe?

5. Despite the many advances made in public schools since the date of the
Providence Memorial (310), have relative public and private school
expenditures materially changed?

6. Compare the New York Public School Society Address (311) with the
English charity-school organization (237, 238) as to purpose and
instruction.

7. Show that a report on modern classroom organization would present
advantages over the monitorial plan, comparable with those outlined by the
Boston Report (312) comparing the monitorial and individual plans.

8. Just what does the Boston Report on Primary Schools (313) reveal as to
the character of education then provided?

9. Just what kind of elementary schools did Boston have (314) in 1823?

10. Just what kind of schools existed in the cities of Pennsylvania in
1830, judging from the Report (315) of the Workingmen's Committee? Was the
Report correct with reference to "a monopoly of talent"?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Binns, H. B. _A Century of Education, 1808-1908_.
  Boese, Thos, _Public Education in the City of New York_.
  Cubberley, E. P. _Public Education in the United States_.
* Fitzpatrick, E. A. _The Educational Views and Influences of De Witt
    Clinton_.
  McManis, J. T. "The Public School Society of New York City," in
    _Educational Review_, vol. 29, pp. 303-11. (March, 1905.)
* Palmer, A. E. _The New York Public School System_.
* Reigart, J. F. _The Lancastrian System of Instruction in the Schools
    of New York City_.
* Salmon, David. _Joseph Lancaster_.
* Simcoe, A. M. _Social Forces in American History_.




CHAPTER XXVI

THE AMERICAN BATTLE FOR FREE STATE SCHOOLS


The problem which confronted those interested in establishing state-
controlled schools was not exactly the same in any two States, though the
battle in many States possessed common elements, and hence was somewhat
similar in character. Instead of tracing the struggle in detail in each of
the different States, it will be much more profitable for our purposes to
pick out the main strategic points in the contest, and then illustrate the
conflict for these by describing conditions in one or two States where the
controversy was most severe or most typical. The seven strategic points in
the struggle for free, tax-supported, non-sectarian, state-controlled
schools in the United States were:

    1. The battle for tax support.
    2. The battle to eliminate the pauper-school idea.
    3. The battle to make the schools entirely free.
    4. The battle to establish state supervision.
    5. The battle to eliminate sectarianism.
    6. The battle to extend the system upward.
    7. Addition of the state university to crown the system.

We shall consider each of these, briefly, in order.


I. THE BATTLE FOR TAX SUPPORT

EARLY SUPPORT AND ENDOWMENT FUNDS. In New England, land endowments, local
taxes, direct local appropriations, license taxes, and rate-bills had long
been common. Land endowments began early in the New England Colonies,
while rate-bills date back to the earliest times and long remained a
favorite means of raising money for school support. These means were
adopted in the different States after the beginning of our national
period, and to them were added a variety of license taxes, while
occupational taxes, lotteries, and bank taxes also were employed to raise
money for schools. A few examples of these may be cited:

Connecticut, in 1774, turned over all proceeds of liquor licenses to the
towns where collected, to be used for schools. New Orleans, in 1826,
licensed two theaters on condition that they each pay $3000 annually for
the support of schools in the city. New York, in 1799, authorized four
state lotteries to raise $100,000 for schools, a similar amount again in
1801, and numerous other lotteries before 1810. New Jersey (R. 246) and
most of the other States did the same. Congress passed fourteen joint
resolutions, between 1812 and 1836, authorizing lotteries to help support
the schools of the city of Washington. Bank taxes were a favorite source
of income for schools, between about 1825 and 1860, banks being chartered
on condition that they would pay over each year for schools a certain sum
or percentage of their earnings. These all represent what is known as
indirect taxation, and were valuable in accustoming the people to the idea
of public schools without appearing to tax them for their support.

The National Land Grants, begun in the case of Ohio in 1802, soon
stimulated a new interest in schools. Each State admitted after Ohio also
received the sixteenth section for the support of common schools, and two
townships of land for the endowment of a state university. The new Western
States, following the lead of Ohio (R. 260) and Indiana (R. 261),
dedicated these section lands and funds to free common schools. The
sixteen older States, however, did not share in these grants, so most of
them now set about building up a permanent school fund of their own,
though at first without any very clear idea as to how the income from the
fund was to be used. [1]

THE BEGINNINGS OF SCHOOL TAXATION. The early idea, which seems for a time
to have been generally entertained, that the income from land grants,
license fees, and these permanent endowment funds would in time entirely
support the necessary schools, was gradually abandoned as it was seen how
little in yearly income these funds and lands really produced, and how
rapidly the population of the States was increasing. By 1825 it may be
said to have been clearly recognized by thinking men that the only safe
reliance of a system of state schools lay in the general and direct
taxation of all property for their support. "The wealth of the State must
educate the children of the State" became a watchword, and the battle for
direct, local, county, and state taxation for education was clearly on by
1825 to 1830 in all the Northern States, except the four in New England
where the principle of taxation for education had for long been
established. [2] Even in these States the struggle to increase taxation
and provide better schools called for much argument and popular education
(R. 316), and occasional backward movements (Rs. 317, 318) were
encountered.

[Illustration: FIG. 200. THE FIRST FREE PUBLIC SCHOOL IN DETROIT
A one-room school, opened in the Second Ward, in 1838. No action was taken
in any other ward until 1842.]

The struggle to secure the first legislation, weak and ineffective as it
seems to us to-day, was often hard and long. "Campaigns of education" had
to be prepared for and carried through. Many thought that tax-supported
schools would be dangerous for the State, harmful to individual good, and
thoroughly undemocratic. Many did not see the need for schools at all.
Portions of a town or a city would provide a free school, while other
portions would not. Often those in favor of taxation were bitterly
assailed, and even at times threatened with personal violence. Often those
in favor of improving the school had to wait patiently for the opposition
slowly to wear itself out (R. 319) before any real progress could be made.

STATE SUPPORT FIXED THE STATE SYSTEM. With the beginnings of state aid in
any substantial sums, either from the income from permanent endowment
funds, state appropriations, or direct state taxation, the State became,
for the first time, in a position to enforce quite definite requirements
in many matters. Communities which would not meet the State's requirements
would receive no state funds.

One of the first requirements to be thus enforced was that communities or
districts receiving state aid must also levy a local tax for schools.
Commonly the requirement was a duplication of state aid. Generally
speaking, and recognizing exceptions in a few States, this represents the
beginnings of compulsory local taxation for education. As early as 1797
Vermont had required the towns to support their schools on penalty of
forfeiting their share of state aid. New York in 1812, Delaware in 1829,
and New Jersey in 1846 required a duplication of all state aid received.
Wisconsin, in its first constitution of 1848, required a local tax for
schools equal to one half the state aid received. The next step in state
control was to add still other requirements, as a prerequisite to
receiving state aid. One of the first of such was that a certain length of
school term, commonly three months, must be provided in each school
district. Another was the provision of free heat, and later on free
schoolbooks and supplies.

When the duplication-of-state-aid-received stage had been reached,
compulsory local taxation for education had been established, and the
great central battle for the creation of a state school system had been
won. The right to tax for support, and to compel local taxation, was the
key to the whole state system of education. From this point on the process
of evolving an adequate system of school support in any State has been
merely the further education of public opinion to see new educational
needs.


II. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA

THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA. The pauper-school idea was a direct inheritance
from England, and its home in America was in the old Central and Southern
Colonies, where the old Anglican Church had been in control. New Jersey,
Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia were the chief
representatives, though the idea had friends among certain classes of the
population in other of the older States. The new and democratic West would
not tolerate it. The pauper-school conception was a direct inheritance
from English rule, belonged to a society based on classes, and was wholly
out of place in a Republic founded on the doctrine that "all men are
created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable
rights." Still more, it was a very dangerous conception of education for a
democratic form of government to tolerate or to foster. Its friends were
found among the old aristocratic or conservative classes, the heavy
taxpayers, the supporters of church schools, and the proprietors of
private schools. Citizens who had caught the spirit of the new Republic,
public men of large vision, intelligent workingmen, and men of the New
England type of thinking were opposed on principle to a plan which drew
such invidious distinctions between the future citizens of the State. To
educate part of the children in church or private pay schools, they said,
and to segregate those too poor to pay tuition and educate them at public
expense in pauper schools, often with the brand of pauper made very
evident to them, was certain to create classes in society which in time
would prove a serious danger to our democratic institutions.

Large numbers of those for whom the pauper schools were intended would not
brand themselves as paupers by sending their children to the schools, and
others who accepted the advantages offered, for the sake of their
children, despised the system. [3]

The battle for the elimination of the pauper-school idea was fought out in
the North in the States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and the struggle
in these two States we shall now briefly describe.

THE PENNSYLVANIA LEGISLATION. In Pennsylvania we find the pauper-school
idea fully developed. The constitution of 1790 (R. 259) had provided for a
state system of pauper schools, but nothing was done to carry even this
constitutional direction into effect until 1802. A pauper-school law was
then enacted, directing the overseers of the poor to notify such parents
as they deemed sufficiently indigent that, if they would declare
themselves to be paupers, their children might be sent to some specified
private or pay school and be given free education (R. 315). The expense
for this was assessed against the education poor-fund, which was levied
and collected in the same manner as were road taxes or taxes for poor
relief. No provision was made for the establishment of public schools,
even for the children of the poor, nor was any standard set for the
education to be provided in the schools to which they were sent. No other
general provision for elementary education was made in the State until
1834.

With the growth of the cities, and the rise of their special problems,
something more than this very inadequate provision for schooling became
necessary. "The Philadelphia Society for the Establishment and Support of
Charity Schools" had long been urging a better system, and in 1814 "'The
Society for the Promotion of a Rational System of Education" was organized
in Philadelphia for the purpose of educational propaganda. Bills were
prepared and pushed, and in 1818 Philadelphia was permitted, by special
law, to organize as "the first school district" in the State of
Pennsylvania, and to provide, with its own funds, a system of Lancastrian
schools for the education of the children of its poor. [4]

THE LAW OF 1834. In 1827 "The Pennsylvania Society for the Promotion of
Public Schools" began an educational propaganda which did much to bring
about the Free-School Act of 1834. In an "Address to the Public" it
declared its object to be the promotion of public education throughout the
State of Pennsylvania, and the "Address" closed with these words:

This Society is at present composed of about 250 members, and a
correspondence has been commenced with 125 members, who reside in every
district in the State. It is intended to direct the continued attention of
the public to the importance of the subject; to collect and diffuse all
information which may be deemed valuable; and to persevere in their labors
until they shall be crowned with success.

Memorials were presented to the legislature year after year, governors
were interested, "Addresses to the Public" were prepared, and a vigorous
propaganda was kept up until the Free-School Law of 1834 was the result.

This law, though, was optional. It created every ward, township, and
borough in the State a school district, a total of 987 being created for
the State. Each school district was ordered to vote that autumn on the
acceptance or rejection of the law. Those accepting the law were to
organize under its provisions, while those rejecting the law were to
continue under the educational provisions of the old Pauper-School Act.

[Illustration: FIG. 201. THE PENNSYLVANIA SCHOOL ELECTIONS OF 1835
Showing the percentage of school districts in each county organizing under
and accepting the School Law of 1834. Percentage of districts accepting
indicated on the map for a few of the counties.]

The results of the school elections of 1834 are shown, by counties, on the
below map. Of the total of 987 districts created, 502, in 46 of the then
52 counties (Philadelphia County not voting), or 52 per cent of the whole
number, voted to accept the new law and organize under it; 264 districts,
in 31 counties, or 27 per cent of the whole, voted definitely to reject
the law; and 221 districts, in 46 counties, or 21 per cent of the whole,
refused to take any action either way. In 3 counties, indicated on the
map, every district accepted the law, and in 5 counties, also indicated
every district rejected or refused to act on the law. It was the
predominantly German counties, located in the east-central portion of the
State, which were strongest in their opposition to the new law. One reason
for this was that the new law provided for English schools; another was
the objection of the thrifty Germans to taxation; and another was the fear
that the new state schools might injure their German parochial schools.

The real fight for free _versus_ pauper schools, though, was yet to come.
Legislators who had voted for the law were bitterly assailed, and, though
it was but an optional law, the question of its repeal and the
reinstatement of the old Pauper-School Law became the burning issue of the
campaign in the autumn of 1834. Many legislators who had favored the law
were defeated for reelection. Others, seeing defeat, refused to run.
Petitions for the repeal of the law, [5] and remonstrances against its
repeal, flooded the legislature when it met. The Senate at once repealed
the law, but the House, largely under the leadership of a Vermonter by the
name of Thaddeus Stevens, [6] refused to reconsider, and finally forced
the Senate to accept an amended and a still stronger bill. This defeat
finally settled, in principle at least, the pauper-school question in
Pennsylvania, [7] though it was not until 1873 that the last district in
the State accepted the new system.

ELIMINATING THE PAUPER-SCHOOL IDEA IN NEW JERSEY. No constitutional
mention of education was made in New Jersey until 1844, and no educational
legislation was passed until 1816. In that year a permanent state school
fund was begun, and in 1820 the first permission to levy taxes "for the
education of such poor children as are paupers" was granted. In 1828 an
extensive investigation showed that one third of the children of the State
were without educational opportunities, and as a result of this
investigation the first general school law for the State was enacted, in
1829. This provided for district schools, school trustees and visitation,
licensed teachers, local taxation, and made a state appropriation of
$20,000 a year to help establish the system. The next year, however, this
law was repealed and the old pauper-school plan reëstablished, largely due
to the pressure of church and private-school interests. In 1830 and 1831
the state appropriation was made divisible among private and parochial
schools, as well as the public pauper schools, and the use of all public
money was limited "to the education of the children of the poor."

Between 1828 and 1838 a number of conventions of friends of free public
schools were held in the State, and much work in the nature of propaganda
was done. At a convention in 1838 a committee was appointed to prepare an
"Address to the People of New Jersey" on the educational needs of the
State (R. 320), and speakers were sent over the State to talk to the
people on the subject. The campaign against the pauper school had just
been fought to a conclusion in Pennsylvania, and the result of the appeal
in New Jersey was such a popular manifestation in favor of free schools
that the legislature of 1838 instituted a partial state school system. The
pauper-school laws were repealed, and the best features of the short-lived
Law of 1829 were reënacted. In 1844 a new state constitution limited the
income of the permanent state school fund exclusively to the support of
public schools.

With the pauper-school idea eliminated from Pennsylvania and New Jersey,
the North was through with it. The wisdom of its elimination soon became
evident, and we hear little more of it among Northern people. The
democratic West never tolerated it. It continued some time longer in
Maryland, Virginia, and Georgia, and at places for a time in other
Southern States, but finally disappeared in the South as well in the
educational reorganizations which took place following the close of the
Civil War.


III. THE BATTLE TO MAKE THE SCHOOLS ENTIRELY FREE

THE SCHOOLS NOT YET FREE. The rate-bill, as we have previously stated, was
an old institution, also brought over from England, as the term "rate"
signifies. It was a charge levied upon the parent to supplement the school
revenues and prolong the school term, and was assessed in proportion to
the number of children sent by each parent to the school. In some States,
as for example Massachusetts and Connecticut, its use went back to
colonial times; in others it was added as the cost for education
increased, and it was seen that the income from permanent funds and
authorized taxation was not sufficient to maintain the school the
necessary length of time. The deficiency in revenue was charged against
the parents sending children to school, _pro rata_, and collected as
ordinary tax-bills (R. 321). The charge was small, but it was sufficient
to keep many poor children away from the schools.

The rising cities, with their new social problems, could not and would not
tolerate the rate-bill system, and one by one they secured special laws
from legislatures which enabled them to organize a city school system,
separate from city-council control, and under a local "board of
education." One of the provisions of these special laws nearly always was
the right to levy a city tax for schools sufficient to provide free
education for the children of the city.

[Illustration: FIG. 202. THE NEW YORK REFERENDUM OF 1850
Total vote: For free schools, 17 counties and 209,346 voters; against free
schools, 42 counties and 184,308 voters.]

THE FIGHT AGAINST THE RATE-BILL IN NEW YORK. The attempt to abolish the
rate-bill and make the schools wholly free was most vigorously contested
in New York State, and the contest there is most easily described. From
1828 to 1868, this tax on the parents produced an average annual sum of
$410,685.66, or about one half of the sum paid all the teachers of the
State for salary. While the wealthy districts were securing special
legislation and taxing themselves to provide free schools for their
children, the poorer and less populous districts were left to struggle to
maintain their schools the four months each year necessary to secure state
aid. Finally, after much agitation, and a number of appeals to the
legislature to assume the rate-bill charges in the form of general state
taxation, and thus make the schools entirely free, the legislature, in
1849, referred the matter back to the people to be voted on at the
elections that autumn. The legislature was to be thus advised by the
people as to what action it should take. The result was a state-wide
campaign for free, public, tax-supported schools, as against partially
free, rate-bill schools.

The result of the 1849 election was a vote of 249,872 in favor of making
"the property of the State educate the children of the State," and 91,952
against it. This only seemed to stir the opponents of free schools to
renewed action, and they induced the next legislature to resubmit the
question for another vote, in the autumn of 1850.

The result of the referendum of 1850 is shown on the map on page 685. The
opponents of tax-supported schools now mustered their full strength,
doubling their vote in 1849, while the majority for free schools was
materially cut down. The interesting thing shown on this map was the clear
and unmistakable voice of the cities. They would not tolerate the rate-
bill, and, despite their larger property interests, they favored tax-
supported free schools. The rural districts, on the other hand, opposed
the idea.

THE RATE-BILL IN OTHER STATES. These two referenda virtually settled the
question in New York, though for a time a compromise was adopted. The
state appropriation for schools was very materially increased, the rate-
bill was retained, and the organization of "union districts" to provide
free schools by local taxation where people desired them was authorized.
Many of these "union free districts" now arose in the more progressive
communities of the State, and finally, in 1867, after rural and other
forms of opposition had largely subsided, and after almost all the older
States had abandoned the plan, the New York legislature finally abolished
the rate-bill and made the schools of New York entirely free.

The dates for the abolition of the rate-bill in the other older Northern
States were:

    1834. Pennsylvania.    1867. New York.
    1852. Indiana.         1868. Connecticut.
    1853. Ohio.            1868. Rhode Island.
    1855. Illinois.        1869. Michigan.
    1864. Vermont.         1871. New Jersey.

The New York fight of 1849 and 1850 was the pivotal fight; in the other
States it was abandoned by legislative act, and without a serious contest.
In the Southern States free education came with the educational
reorganizations following the close of the Civil War.


IV. THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH SCHOOL SUPERVISION

BEGINNINGS OF STATE CONTROL. The great battle for state schools was not
only for taxation to stimulate their development where none existed, but
was also indirectly a battle for some form of state control of the local
systems which had already grown up. The establishment of permanent state
school funds by the older States, to supplement any other aid which might
be granted, also tended toward the establishment of some form of state
supervision and control of the local school systems. The first step was
the establishment of some form of state aid; the next was the imposing of
conditions necessary to secure this state aid.

State oversight and control, however, does not exercise itself, and it
soon became evident that the States must elect or appoint some officer to
represent the State and enforce the observance of its demands. It would be
primarily his duty to see that the laws relating to schools were carried
out, that statistics as to existing conditions were collected and printed,
and that communities were properly advised as to their duties and the
legislature as to the needs of the State. We find now the creation of a
series of school officers to represent the State, the enactment of new
laws extending control, and a struggle to integrate, subordinate, and
reduce to some semblance of a state school system the hundreds of little
community school systems which had grown up.

THE FIRST STATE SCHOOL OFFICERS. The first American State to create a
state officer to exercise supervision over its schools was New York, in
1812. In enacting the new law [8] providing for state aid for schools the
first State Superintendent of Common Schools in the United States was
created. So far as is known this was a distinctively American creation,
uninfluenced by the practice in any other land. It was to be the duty of
this officer to look after the establishment and maintenance of the
schools throughout the State. [9] Maryland created the office in 1826, but
two years later abolished it and did not re-create it until 1864. Illinois
directed its Secretary of State to act, _ex officio_, as Superintendent of
Schools in 1825, as did also Vermont in 1827, Louisiana in 1833,
Pennsylvania in 1834, and Tennessee in 1835. Illinois did not create a
real State Superintendent of Schools, though, until 1854, Vermont until
1845, Louisiana until 1847, Pennsylvania until 1857, or Tennessee until
1867. The first States to create separate school officials who have been
continued to the present time were Michigan and Kentucky, both in 1837.
Often quite a legislative struggle took place to secure the establishment
of the office, and later on to prevent its abolition.

[Illustration: FIG. 203. STATUS OF SCHOOL SUPERVISION IN THE UNITED STATES
BY 1861
For a list of the 28 City Superintendencies established up to 1870, see
Cubberley's _Public School Administration_, p. 58. For the history of the
state educational office in each State see Cubberley and Elliott, _State
and County School Administration, Source Book_, pp. 283-87.]

By 1850 there were _ex-officio_ state school officers in nine and regular
school officers in seven of the then thirty-one States, and by 1861 there
were _ex-officio_ officers in nine and regular officers in nineteen of the
then thirty-four States, as well as one of each in two of the organized
Territories. The above map shows the growth of supervisory oversight by
1861--forty-nine years from the time the first American state school
officer was created. The map also shows the ten of the thirty-four States
which had, by 1861, also created the office of County Superintendent of
Schools, as well as the twenty-five cities which had, by 1861, created the
office of City Superintendent of Schools. Only three more cities--Albany,
Washington, and Kansas City--were added before 1870, making a total of
twenty-eight, but since that date the number of city superintendents has
increased to something like fourteen hundred to-day.

THE FIRST STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION. Another important form for state
control which was created a little later was the State Board of Education,
with an appointed Secretary, who exercised about the same functions as a
State Superintendent of Schools. This form of organization first arose in
Massachusetts, in 1837, in an effort to subordinate the district schools
and reduce them to a semblance of an organized system. In 1826 each town
(township) had been required to appoint a School Committee (School Board)
to exercise general supervision over its schools, in 1834 the state
permanent school fund was created, and in 1837 the reform movement reached
its culmination in the creation of the first real State Board of Education
in the United States. Instead of following the usual American practice of
the time, and providing for an elected State School Superintendent,
Massachusetts provided for a small appointed State Board of Education
which in turn was to select a Secretary, who was to act in the capacity of
a state school officer and report to the Board, and through it to the
legislature and the people. Neither the Board nor the Secretary were given
any powers of compulsion, their work being to investigate conditions,
report facts, expose defects, and make recommendations as to action to the
legislature. The permanence and influence of the Board thus depended very
largely on the character of the Secretary it selected.

HORACE MANN THE FIRST SECRETARY. A prominent Brown University graduate and
lawyer in the State Senate, by the name of Horace Mann (1796-1859), who as
president of the Senate had been of much assistance in securing passage of
the bill creating the State Board of Education, was finally induced by the
Governor and the Board to accept the position of Secretary. Mr. Mann now
began a most memorable work of educating public opinion, and soon became
the acknowledged leader in school organization in the United States. State
after State called upon him for advice and counsel, while his twelve
annual Reports to the State Board of Education will always remain
memorable documents. Public men of all classes--lawyers, clergymen,
college professors, literary men, teachers--were laid under tribute and
sent forth over the State explaining to the people the need for a
reawakening of educational interest in Massachusetts. Every year Mr. Mann
organized a "campaign," to explain to the people the meaning and
importance of general education. So successful was he, and so ripe was the
time for such a movement, that he not only started a great common school
revival in Massachusetts which led to the regeneration of the schools
there, but one which was felt and which influenced development in every
Northern State.

His twelve carefully written _Reports_ on the condition of education in
Massachusetts and elsewhere, with his intelligent discussion of the aims
and purposes of public education, occupy a commanding place in the history
of American education, while he will always be regarded as perhaps the
greatest of the "founders" of our American system of free public schools.
No one did more than he to establish in the minds of the American people
the conception that education should be universal, non-sectarian, and
free, and that its aim should be social efficiency, civic virtue, and
character, rather than mere learning or the advancement of sectarian ends.
Under his practical leadership an unorganized and heterogeneous series of
community school systems was reduced to organization and welded together
into a state school system, and the people of Massachusetts were
effectively recalled to their ancient belief in and duty toward the
education of the people.

HENRY BARNARD IN CONNECTICUT AND RHODE ISLAND. Almost equally important,
though of a somewhat different character, was the work of Henry Barnard
(1811-1900) in Connecticut and Rhode Island. A graduate of Yale, and also
educated for the law, he turned aside to teach and became deeply
interested in education. The years 1835-37 he spent in Europe studying
schools, particularly the work of Pestalozzi's disciples. On his return to
America he was elected a member of the Connecticut legislature, and at
once formulated and secured passage of the Connecticut law (1839)
providing for a State Board of Commissioners for Common Schools, with a
Secretary, after the Massachusetts plan. Mr. Barnard was then elected as
its first Secretary, and reluctantly gave up the law and accepted the
position at the munificent salary of $3 a day and expenses. Until the
legislature abolished both the Board and the position, in 1842, he
rendered for Connecticut a service scarcely less important than the
better-known reforms which Horace Mann was at that time carrying on in
Massachusetts.

[Illustration: PLATE 17. TWO LEADERS IN THE EDUCATIONAL AWAKENING IN THE
UNITED STATES.

HORACE MANN (1796-1859)
(From the painting at the Westfield, Massachusetts, Normal School)

HENRY BARNARD (1811-1900)]

In 1843 he was called to Rhode Island to examine and report upon the
existing schools, and from 1845 to 1849 acted as State Commissioner of
Public Schools there, where he rendered a service similar to that
previously rendered in Connecticut. In addition he organized a series of
town libraries throughout the State. For his teachers' institutes he
devised a traveling model school, to give demonstration lessons in the art
of teaching. From 1851 to 1855 he was again in Connecticut, as principal
of the newly established state normal school and _ex-officio_ Secretary of
the Connecticut State Board of Education. He now rewrote the school laws,
increased taxation for schools, checked the power of the districts, there
known as "school societies," and laid the foundations of a state system of
schools. The work of Mann and Barnard had its influence throughout all the
Northern States, and encouraged the friends of education everywhere.
Almost contemporaneous with them were leaders in other States who helped
fight through the battles of state establishment and state organization
and control, and the period of their labors has since been termed the
period of the "great awakening."


V. THE BATTLE TO ELIMINATE SECTARIANISM

THE SECULARIZATION OF AMERICAN EDUCATION. The Church, it will be
remembered, was from the earliest colonial times in possession of the
education of the young. Not only were the earliest schools controlled by
the Church and dominated by the religious motive, but the right of the
Church to dictate the teaching in the schools was clearly recognized by
the State. Still more, the State looked to the Church to provide the
necessary education, and assisted it in doing so by donations of land and
money. The minister, as a town official, naturally examined the teachers
and the instruction in the schools. After the establishment of the
National Government this relationship for a time continued. [10] New York
and the New England States specifically set aside lands to help both
church and school. After about 1800 these land endowments for religion
ceased, but grants of state aid for religious schools continued for nearly
a half-century longer. Then it became common for a town or city to build a
schoolhouse from city taxation, and let it out rent-free to any
responsible person who would conduct a tuition school in it, with a few
free places for selected poor children. Still later, with the rise of the
state schools, it became quite common to take over church and private
schools and aid them on the same basis as the new state schools.

In colonial times, too, and for some decades into our national period, the
warmest advocates of the establishment of schools were those who had in
view the needs of the Church. Then gradually the emphasis shifted to the
needs of the State, and a new class of advocates of public education now
arose. Still later the emphasis has been shifted to industrial and civic
and national needs, and the religious aim has been almost completely
eliminated. This change is known as the secularization of American
education. It also required many a bitter struggle, and was accomplished
in the different States but slowly. The two great factors which served to
produce this change were:

    1. The conviction that the life of the Republic demanded an educated
    and intelligent citizenship, and hence the general education of all in
    common schools controlled by the State; and

    2. The great diversity of religious beliefs among the people, which
    forced tolerance and religious freedom through a consideration of the
    rights of minorities.

The secularization of education must not be regarded either as a
deliberate or a wanton violation of the rights of the Church, but rather
as an unavoidable incident connected with the coming to self-consciousness
and self-government of a great people.

THE FIGHT IN MASSACHUSETTS. The educational awakening in Massachusetts,
brought on largely by the work of Horace Mann, was to many a rude
awakening. Among other things, it revealed that the old school of the
Puritans had gradually been replaced by a new and purely American type of
school, with instruction adapted to democratic and national rather than
religious ends. Mr. Mann stood strongly for such a conception of public
education, and being a Unitarian, and the new State Board of Education
being almost entirely liberal in religion, an attack was launched against
them, and for the first time in our history the cry was raised that "The
public schools are Godless schools." Those who believed in the old system
of religious instruction, those who bore the Board or its Secretary
personal ill-will, and those who desired to break down the Board's
authority and stop the development of the public schools, united their
forces in this first big attack against secular education. Horace Mann was
the first prominent educator in America to meet and answer the religious
onslaught.

A violent attack was opened in both the pulpit and the press. It was
claimed that the Board was trying to eliminate the Bible from the schools,
to abolish correction, and to "make the schools a counterpoise to
religious instruction at home and in Sabbath schools." The local right to
demand religious instruction was insisted upon.

Mr. Mann felt that a great public issue had been raised which should be
answered carefully and fully. In three public statements he answered the
criticisms and pointed out the errors in the argument (R. 322). The Bible,
he said, was an invaluable book for forming the character of children, and
should be read without comment in the schools, but it was not necessary to
teach it there. He showed that most of the towns had given up the teaching
of the Catechism before the establishment of the Board of Education. He
contended that any attempt to decide what creed or doctrine should be
taught would mean the ruin of the schools. The attack culminated in the
attempts of the religious forces to abolish the State Board of Education,
in the legislatures of 1840 and 1841, which failed dismally. Most of the
orthodox people of the State took Mr. Mann's side, and Governor Briggs, in
one of his messages, commended his stand by inserting the following:

    Justice to a faithful public officer leads me to say that the
    indefatigable and accomplished Secretary of the Board of Education has
    performed services in the cause of common schools which will earn him
    the lasting gratitude of the generation to which he belongs.

THE ATTEMPT TO DIVIDE THE SCHOOL FUNDS. As was stated earlier, in the
beginning it was common to aid church schools on the same basis as the
state schools, and sometimes, in the beginnings of state aid, the money
was distributed among existing schools without at first establishing any
public schools. In many Eastern cities church schools at first shared in
the public funds. In Pennsylvania church and private schools were aided
from poor-law funds up to 1834. In New Jersey the first general school law
of 1829 had been repealed a year later through the united efforts of
church and private-school interests, who unitedly fought the development
of state schools, and in 1830 and 1831 new laws had permitted all private
and parochial schools to share in the small state appropriation for
education.

After the beginning of the forties, when the Roman Catholic influence came
in strongly with the increase in Irish immigration to the United States, a
new factor was introduced and the problem, which had previously been a
Protestant problem, took on a somewhat different aspect in the form of a
demand for a division of the school funds. Between 1825 and 1842 the fight
was especially severe in New York City. In 1825 the City Council refused
to grant public money to any religious Society, [11] and in 1840 the
Catholics carried the matter to the State Legislature.

The legislature deferred action until 1842, and then did the unexpected
thing. The heated discussion of the question in the city and in the
legislature had made it evident that, while it might not be desirable to
continue to give funds to a privately organized corporation, to divide
them among the quarreling and envious religious sects would be much worse.
The result was that the legislature created for the city a City Board of
Education, to establish real public schools, and stopped the debate on the
question of aid to religious schools by enacting that no portion of the
school funds was in the future to be given to any school in which "any
religious sectarian doctrine or tenet should be taught, inculcated, or
practiced." Thus the real public-school system of New York City was
evolved out of this attempt to divide the public funds among the churches.
The Public School Society continued for a time, but its work was now done,
and, in 1853, surrendered its buildings and property to the City Board of
Education and disbanded.

THE CONTEST IN OTHER STATES. As early as 1830, Lowell, Massachusetts, had
granted aid to the Irish Catholic parochial schools in the city, and in
1835 had taken over two such schools and maintained them as public
schools. In 1853 the representatives of the Roman Catholic Church made a
demand on the state legislature for a division of the school fund of the
State. To settle the question once for all a constitutional amendment was
submitted by the legislature to the people, providing that all state and
town moneys raised or appropriated for education must be expended only on
regularly organized and conducted public schools, and that no religious
sect should ever share in such funds. This measure failed of adoption at
the election of 1853 by a vote of 65,111 for and 65,512 against, but was
re-proposed and adopted in 1855. This settled the question in
Massachusetts, as Mann had tried to settle it earlier, and as New
Hampshire had settled it in its constitution of 1792, Connecticut in its
constitution of 1818, and Rhode Island in its constitution of 1842.

Other States now faced similar demands, but no demand for a share in or a
division of the public-school funds, after 1840, was successful. The
demand everywhere met with intense opposition, and with the coming of
enormous numbers of Irish Catholics after 1846, and German Lutherans after
1848, the question of the preservation of the schools just established as
unified state school systems now became a burning one. Petitions for a
division of the funds deluged the legislatures (R. 323), and these were
met by counter-petitions (R. 324). Mass meetings on both sides of the
question were held. Candidates for office were forced to declare
themselves. Anti-Catholic riots occurred in a number of cities. The
Native-American Party was formed, in 1841, "to prevent the union of Church
and State," and to "keep the Bible in the schools." In 1841 the Whig
Party, in New York, inserted a plank in its platform against sectarian
schools. In 1855 the national council of the Know-Nothing Party, meeting
in Philadelphia, in its platform favored public schools and the use of the
Bible therein, but opposed sectarian schools. This party carried the
elections that year in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode
Island, Maryland, and Kentucky.

To settle the question in a final manner legislatures now began to propose
constitutional amendments to the people of their several States which
forbade a division or a diversion of the funds, and these were almost
uniformly adopted at the first election after being proposed. No State
admitted to the Union after 1858, except West Virginia, failed to insert
such a provision in its first state constitution. [12]

VI.
THE BATTLE TO ESTABLISH THE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL

The elementary or common schools which had been established in the
different States, by 1850, supplied an elementary or common school
education to the children of the masses of the people, and the primary
schools which were added, after about 1820, carried this education
downward to the needs of the beginners. In the rural schools the American
school of the 3 Rs provided for all the children, from the little ones up,
so long as they could advantageously partake of its instruction. Education
in advance of this common school training was in semi-private
institutions--the academies and colleges--in which a tuition fee was
charged. The next struggle came in the attempt to extend the system upward
so as to provide to pupils, free of charge, a more complete education than
the common schools afforded.

[Illustration: FIG. 204. A TYPICAL NEW ENGLAND ACADEMY
Pittsfield Academy, New Hampshire.]

THE TRANSITION ACADEMY. About the middle of the eighteenth century a
tendency manifested itself, in Europe as well as in America, to establish
higher schools offering a more practical curriculum than the old Latin
schools had provided. In America it became particularly evident, after the
coming of nationality, that the old Latin grammar-school type of
instruction, with its limited curriculum and exclusively college-
preparatory ends, was wholly inadequate for the needs of the youth of the
land. The result was the gradual dying-out of the Latin school and the
evolution of the tuition Academy, previously referred to briefly on page
463.

The academy movement spread rapidly during the first half of the
nineteenth century. By 1800 there were 17 academies in Massachusetts, 36
by 1820, and 403 by 1850. By 1830 there were, according to Hinsdale, 950
incorporated academies in the United States, and many unincorporated ones,
and by 1850, according to Inglis, there were, of all kinds, 1007 academies
in New England, 1636 in the Middle Atlantic States, 2640 in the Southern
States, 753 in the Upper Mississippi Valley States, and a total reported
for the entire United States of 6085, with 12,260 teachers employed and
263,096 pupils enrolled. [13]

The greatest period of their development was from 1820 to 1830, though
they continued to dominate secondary education until 1850, and were very
prominent until after the Civil War.

CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES. The most characteristic features of these
academies were their semi-public control (R. 325), their broadened
curriculum and religious purpose, and the extension of their instruction
to girls. The Latin Grammar School was essentially a town free school,
maintained by the towns for the higher education of certain of their male
children. It was aristocratic in type, and belonged to the early period of
class education. With the decline in zeal for education, after 1750, these
tax-supported higher schools largely died out, and in their place private
energy and benevolence came to be depended upon to supply the needed
higher education.

One of the main purposes expressed in the endowment or creation of the
academies was the establishment of courses which should cover a number of
subjects having value aside from mere preparation for college,
particularly subjects of a modern nature, useful in preparing youths for
the changed conditions of society and government and business. The study
of real things rather than words about things, and useful things rather
than subjects merely preparatory to college, became prominent features of
the new courses of study. Among the most commonly found new subjects were
algebra, astronomy, botany, chemistry, general history, United States
history, English literature, surveying, intellectual philosophy,
declamation, and debating. [14]

Not being bound up with the colleges, as the earlier Latin grammar schools
had largely been, the academies became primarily independent institutions,
taking pupils who had completed the English education of the common school
and giving them an advanced education in modern languages, the sciences,
mathematics, history, and the more useful subjects of the time, with a
view to "rounding out" their studies and preparing them for business life
and the rising professions. They thus built upon instead of running
parallel to the common school course, as the old Latin grammar school had
done (see Figure 198, p. 666) and hence clearly mark a transition from the
aristocratic and somewhat exclusive college-preparatory Latin grammar
school of colonial times to the more democratic high school of to-day. The
academies also served a very useful purpose in supplying to the lower
schools the best-educated teachers of the time.

The old Latin grammar school, too, had been maintained exclusively for
boys. Girls had been excluded as "Improper & inconsistent w'th such a
Grammar Schoole as ye law injoines, and is ye Designe of this Settlem't."
The new academies soon reversed this situation. Almost from the first they
began to be established for girls as well as boys, and in time many became
co-educational. In New York State alone 32 academies were incorporated
between 1819 and 1853 with the prefix "Female" to their title. In this
respect, also, these institutions formed a transition to the modern co-
educational high school. The higher education of women in the United
States clearly dates from the establishment of the academies. Troy (New
York) Seminary, founded by Emma Willard, in 1821, and Mt. Holyoke
(Massachusetts) Seminary, founded by Mary Lyon, in 1836, though not the
first institutions for girls, were nevertheless important pioneers in the
higher education of women.

THE DEMAND FOR HIGHER SCHOOLS. The different movements tending toward the
building-up of free public-school systems in the cities and States, which
we have described in this and the preceding chapter, and which became
clearly defined in the Northern States after 1825, came just at the time
when the Academy had reached its maximum development. The settlement of
the question of general taxation for education, the elimination of the
rate-bill by the cities and later by the States, the establishment of the
American common school as the result of a long native evolution, and the
complete establishment of public control over the entire elementary-school
system, all tended to bring the semi-private tuition academy into
question. Many asked why not extend the public-school system upward to
provide the necessary higher education for all in one common state-
supported school. [15]

The demand for an upward extension of the public school, which would
provide academy instruction for the poor as well as the rich, and in one
common public higher school, now made itself felt. As the colonial Latin
grammar school had represented the educational needs of a society based on
classes, and the academies had represented a transition period and marked
the growth of a middle class, so the rising democracy of the second
quarter of the nineteenth century now demanded and obtained the democratic
high school, supported by the public and equally open to all, to meet the
educational needs of a new society built on the basis of a new and
aggressive democracy. Where, too, the academy had represented in a way a
missionary effort--that of a few providing something for the good of the
people (Rs. 319, 325)--the high school on the other hand represented a
coöperative effort on the part of the people to provide something for
themselves.

[Illustration: FIG. 205. THE DEVELOPMENT OF SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN THE
UNITED STATES
The transitional character of the Academy is well shown in this diagram.]

THE FIRST AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL. The first high school in the United States
was established in Boston, in 1821 (R. 326). For three years it was known
as the "English Classical School"  (R. 327), but in 1824 the school
appears in the records as the "English High School." In 1826 Boston also
opened the first high school for girls, but abolished it in 1828, due to
its great popularity, and instead extended the course of study for girls
in the elementary schools.

[Illustration: FIG. 206 THE FIRST HIGH SCHOOL IN THE UNITED STATES
Established at Boston in 1821.]

THE MASSACHUSETTS LAW OF 1827. Though Portland, Maine, established a high
school in 1821, Worcester, Massachusetts, in 1824, and New Bedford,
Haverhill, and Salem, Massachusetts, in 1827, copying the Boston idea, the
real beginning of the American high school as a distinct institution dates
from the Massachusetts Law of 1827 (R. 328), enacted through the influence
of James G. Carter. This law formed the basis of all subsequent
legislation in Massachusetts, and deeply influenced development in other
States. The law is significant in that it required a high school in every
town having 500 families or over, in which should be taught United States
history, bookkeeping, algebra, geometry, and surveying, while in every
town having 4000 inhabitants or over, instruction in Greek, Latin,
history, rhetoric, and logic must be added. A heavy penalty was attached
for failure to comply with the law. In 1835 the law was amended so as to
permit any smaller town to form a high school as well.

This Boston and Massachusetts legislation clearly initiated the public
high-school movement in the United States. It was there that the new type
of higher school was founded, there that its curriculum was outlined,
there that its standards were established, and there that it developed
earliest and best.

THE STRUGGLE TO ESTABLISH AND MAINTAIN HIGH SCHOOLS. The development of
the American high school, even in its home, was slow. Up to 1840 not much
more than a dozen high schools had been established in Massachusetts, and
not more than an equal number in the other States. The Academy was the
dominant institution, the cost of maintenance was a factor, and the same
opposition to an extension of taxation to include high schools was
manifested as was earlier shown toward the establishment of common
schools. The early state legislation, as had been the case with the common
schools, was nearly always permissive and not mandatory. Massachusetts
forms a notable exception in this regard.  The support for the schools had
to come practically entirely from increased local taxation, and this made
the struggle to establish and maintain high schools in any State for a
long time a series of local struggles. Years of propaganda and patient
effort were required, and, after the establishment of a high school in a
community, constant watchfulness was necessary to prevent its abandonment
(R. 329).

[Illustration: FIG. 207. HIGH SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1860
Based on the table given in the _Report of the United States Commissioner
of Education_, 1904, vol. II, pp. 1782-1989. This table is only
approximately correct, as exact information is difficult to obtain. This
table gives 321 high schools by 1860, and all but 35 of these were in the
States shown on the above map. There were two schools in California and
three in Texas, and the remainder not shown were in the Southern States.
Of the 321 high schools reported, over half (167) were in the three States
of Massachusetts (78), New York (41), and Ohio (48).]

In many States, legislation providing for the establishment of high
schools was attacked in the courts. One of the clearest cases of this came
in Michigan, in a test case appealed from the city of Kalamazoo, and
commonly known as the Kalamazoo case. The opinion of the Supreme Court of
the State (R. 330) was so favorable and so positive that this decision
deeply influenced development in almost all of the Upper Mississippi
Valley States. The struggle to establish and maintain high schools in
Massachusetts and New York preceded the development in most other States,
because there the common school had been established earlier. In
consequence, the struggle to extend and complete the public-school system
came there earlier also. The development was likewise more peaceful there,
and came more rapidly. In Massachusetts this was in large part a result of
the educational awakening started by James G. Carter and Horace Mann. In
New York it was due to the early support of Governor De Witt Clinton, and
the later encouragement and state aid which came from the Regents of the
University of the State of New York. Maine, Vermont, and New Hampshire
were like Massachusetts in spirit, and followed closely its example. In
Rhode Island and New Jersey, due to old conditions, and in Connecticut,
due to the great decline in education there after 1800, the high school
developed much more slowly, and it was not until after 1865 that any
marked development took place in these States. The democratic West soon
adopted the idea, and established high schools as soon as cities developed
and the needs of the population warranted. In the South the main high-
school development dates from relatively recent times.

Gradually the high school has been accepted as a part of the state common-
school system by all the American States, and the funds and taxation
originally provided for the common schools have been extended to cover the
high school as well. The new States of the West have based their
legislation largely on what the Eastern and Central States earlier fought
out.


VII. THE STATE UNIVERSITY CROWNS THE SYSTEM

THE COLONIAL COLLEGES. The earlier colleges--Harvard, William and Mary,
Yale--had been created by the religious-state governments of the earlier
colonial period, and continued to retain some state connections for a time
after the coming of nationality. As it early became evident that a
democracy demands intelligence on the part of its citizens, that the
leaders of democracy are not likely to be too highly educated, and that
the character of collegiate instruction must ultimately influence national
development, efforts were accordingly made to change the old colleges or
create new ones, the final outcome of which was the creation of state
universities in all the new and in most of the older States. The evolution
of the state university, as the crowning head of the free public school
system of the State, represents the last phase which we shall trace of the
struggle of democracy to create a system of schools suited to its peculiar
needs.

The close of the colonial period found the Colonies possessed of nine
colleges. These, with the dates of their foundation, the Colony founding
them, and the religious denomination they chiefly represented were:

    1636.     Harvard College           Massachusetts   Puritan
    1693.     William and Mary          Virginia        Anglican
    1701.     Yale College              Connecticut     Congregational
    1746.     Princeton                 New Jersey      Presbyterian
    1753-55   Academy and College       Pennsylvania    Non-denominational
    1754.     King's College (Columbia) New York        Anglican
    1764.     Brown                     Rhode Island    Baptist
    1765.     Rutgers                   New Jersey      Reformed Dutch
    1769.     Dartmouth                 New Hampshire   Congregational

The religious purpose had been dominant in the founding of each
institution, though there was a gradual shading-off in strict
denominational control and insistence upon religious conformity in the
foundations after 1750. Still the prime purpose in the founding of each
was to train up a learned and godly body of ministers, the earlier
congregations at least "dreading to leave an illiterate ministry to the
churches when our present ministers shall lie in the dust." In a pamphlet,
published in 1754, President Clap of Yale declared that "Colleges are
_Societies of Ministers_, for training up Persons for the Work of the
_Ministry_" and that "The great design of founding this School (Yale), was
to Educate Ministers in our _own Way_." In the advertisement published in
the New York papers announcing the opening of King's College, in 1754, it
was stated that:

    IV. The chief Thing that is aimed at in this College, is, to teach and
    engage the Children _to know God in Jesus Christ_, and to love
    and serve him in all _Sobriety, Godliness_, and _Richness of
    Life_, with a perfect Heart and a Willing Mind: and to train them
    up in all Virtuous Habits, and all such useful Knowledge as may render
    them creditable to their Families and Friends, Ornaments to their
    Country, and useful to the Public Weal in their generation.

These colonial institutions were all small. For the first fifty years of
Harvard's history the attendance at the college seldom exceeded twenty,
and the President did all the teaching. The first assistant teacher
(tutor) was not appointed until 1699, and the first professor not until
1721, when a professorship of divinity was endowed. By 1800 the
instruction was conducted by the President and three professors--divinity,
mathematics, and "Oriental languages"--assisted by a few tutors who
received only class fees, and the graduating classes seldom exceeded
forty. The course was four years in length, and all students studied the
same subjects. The first three years were given largely to the so-called
"Oriental languages"  Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. In addition, Freshmen
studied arithmetic; Sophomores, algebra, geometry, and trigonometry; and
Juniors, natural (book) science; and all were given much training in
oratory, and some general history was added. The Senior year was given
mainly to ethics, philosophy, and Christian evidences. [16] The
instruction in the eight other older colleges, before 1800, was not
materially different.

[Illustration: FIG. 208. COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES ESTABLISHED BY 1860
Compiled from data given in the _Reports of the United States Commissioner
of Education_. Of the 246 colleges shown on the map, but 17 were state
institutions, and but two or three others had any state connections.]

GROWTH OF COLLEGES BY 1860. Fifteen additional colleges were founded
before 1800, and it has been estimated that by that date the two dozen
American colleges then existing did not have all told over one hundred
professors and instructors, not less than one thousand nor more than two
thousand students, or property worth over one million dollars. Their
graduating classes were small.  No one of the twenty-four admitted women
in any way to its privileges.  After 1820, with the firmer establishment
of the Nation, the awakening of a new national consciousness, the
development of larger national wealth, and a court decision which
safeguarded the endowments, interest in the founding of new colleges
perceptibly quickened, as may be seen from the adjoining table, and
between 1820 and 1880 came the great period of denominational effort. The
map shows the colleges established by 1860, from which it will be seen how
large a part the denominational colleges played in the early history of
higher education in the United States. Up to about 1870 the provision of
higher education, as had been the case earlier with the provision of
secondary education by the academies, had been left largely to private
effort. There were, to be sure, a few state universities before 1870,
though usually these were not better than the denominational colleges
around them, and often they maintained a non-denominational character only
by preserving a proper balance between the different denominations in the
employment of their faculties. Speaking generally, higher education in the
United States before 1870 was provided very largely in the tuitional
colleges of the different religious denominations, rather than by the
State. Of the 246 colleges founded by the close of the year 1860, as shown
on the map, but 17 were state institutions, and but two or three others
had any state connections.

    COLLEGES FOUNDED UP TO 1900

    Before 1780      10
    1780-89           7
    1790-99           7
    1800-09           9
    1810-19           5
    1820-29          22
    1830-39          38
    1840-49          42
    1850-59          92
    1860-69          73
    1870-79          61
    1880-89          74
    1890-99          54
                    ---
    Total           494

    (After a table by Dexter corrected by U.S. Comr. Educ. data. Only
    approximately correct.)

THE NEW NATIONAL ATTITUDE TOWARD THE COLLEGES. After the coming of
nationality there gradually grew up a widespread dissatisfaction with the
colleges as then conducted, because they were aristocratic in tendency,
because they devoted themselves so exclusively to the needs of a class,
and because they failed to answer the needs of the States in the matter of
higher education. Due to their religious origin, and the common
requirement that the president and trustees must be members of some
particular denomination, they were naturally regarded as representing the
interests of some one sect or faction within the State rather than the
interests of the State itself. With the rise of the new democratic spirit
after about 1820 there came a  demand, felt least in New England and most
in the South and the new States in the West, for institutions of higher
learning which should represent the State. It was argued that colleges
were important instrumentalities for moulding the future, that the kind of
education given in them must ultimately influence the welfare of the
State, and that higher education cannot be regarded as a private matter.
The type of education given in these higher institutions, it was argued,
"will appear on the bench, at the bar, in the pulpit, and in the senate,
and will unavoidably affect our civil and religious principles." For these
reasons, as well as to crown our state school system and to provide higher
educational advantages for its leaders, it was argued that the State
should exercise control over the colleges.

This new national spirit manifested itself in a number of ways. In New
York we see it in the reorganization of King's College, the rechristening
of the institution as Columbia, and the placing of it under at least the
nominal supervision of the governing educational body of the State. In
Pennsylvania an attempt was made to bring the university into closer
connection with the State, but this failed. In New Hampshire the
legislature tried, in 1816, to transform Dartmouth College into a state
institution. This act was contested in the courts, and the case was
finally carried to the Supreme Court of the United States. There it was
decided, in 1819, that the charter of a college was a contract, the
obligation of which a legislature could not impair.

EFFECT OF THE DARTMOUTH COLLEGE DECISION. The effect of this decision
manifested itself in two different ways. On the one hand it guaranteed the
perpetuity of endowments, and the great period of private and
denominational effort (see table) now followed. On the other hand, since
the States could not change charters and transform old establishments,
they began to turn to the creation of new state universities of their own.
Virginia created its state university the same year as the Dartmouth case
decision. The University of North Carolina, which had been established in
1789, and which began to give instruction in 1795, but which had never
been under direct state control, was taken over by the State in 1821. The
University of Vermont, originally chartered in 1791, was rechartered as a
state university in 1838. The University of Indiana was established in
1820. Alabama provided for a state university in its first constitution,
in 1819, and the institution opened for instruction in 1831. Michigan, in
framing its first constitution preparatory to entering the Union, in 1835,
made careful provisions for the safeguarding of the state university and
for establishing it as an integral part of its state school system, as
Indiana had done in 1816. Wisconsin provided for the creation of a state
university in 1836, and embodied the idea in its first constitution when
it entered the Union in 1848, and Missouri provided for a state university
in 1839, Mississippi in 1844, Iowa in 1847, and Florida in 1856. The state
university is today found in every "new" State and in some of the
"original" States, and practically every new Western and Southern State
followed the patterns set by Indiana, Michigan, and Wisconsin and made
careful provision for the establishment and maintenance of a state
university in its first state constitution.

There was thus quietly added another new section to the American
educational ladder, and the free public-school system was extended farther
upward. Though the great period of state university foundation came after
1860, and the great period of state university expansion after 1885, the
beginnings were clearly marked early in our national history. Of the
sixteen States having state universities by 1860 (see Figure 208), all
except Florida had established them before 1850. For a long time small,
poorly supported by the States, much like the church colleges about them
in character and often inferior in quality, one by one the state
universities have freed themselves alike from denominational restrictions
on the one hand and political control on the other, and have set about
rendering the service to the State which a state university ought to
render. Michigan, the first of our state universities to free itself, take
its proper place, and set an example for others to follow, opened in 1841
with two professors and six students. In 1844 it was a little institution
of three professors, one tutor, one assistant, and one visiting lecturer,
had but fifty-three students, and offered but a single course of study,
consisting chiefly of Greek, Latin, mathematics, and intellectual and
moral science (R. 331). As late as 1852 it had but seventy-two students,
but by 1860, when it had largely freed itself from the incubus of Baptist
Latin, Congregational Greek, Methodist intellectual philosophy,
Presbyterian astronomy, and Whig mathematics, and its remarkable growth as
a state university had begun, it enrolled five hundred and nineteen.

THE AMERICAN FREE PUBLIC-SCHOOL SYSTEM NOW ESTABLISHED. By the close of
the second quarter of the nineteenth century, certainly by 1860, we find
the American public-school system fully established, in principle at
least, in all our Northern States (R. 332). Much yet remained to be done
to carry into full effect what had been established in principle, but
everywhere democracy had won its fight, and the American public school,
supported by general taxation, freed from the pauper-school taint, free
and equally open to all, under the direction of representatives of the
people, free from sectarian control, and complete from the primary school
through the high school, and in the Western States through the university
as well, was established permanently in American public policy. It was a
real democratic educational ladder that had been created, and not the
typical two-class school system of continental European States. The
establishment of the free public high school and the state university
represent the crowning achievements of those who struggled to found a
state-supported educational system fitted to the needs of great democratic
States. Probably no other influences have done more to unify the American
People, reconcile diverse points of view, eliminate state jealousies, set
ideals for the people, and train leaders for the service of the States and
of the Nation than the academies, high schools, and colleges scattered
over the land. They have educated but a small percentage of the people, to
be sure, but they have trained most of the leaders who have guided the
American democracy since its birth.

[Illustration: FIG. 209. THE AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL LADDER
Compare this with the figure on page 577, and the democratic nature of the
American school system will be apparent.]


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Explain the theory of "vested rights" as applied to private and
parochial schools.

2. Does every great advance in provisions for human welfare require a
period of education and propaganda? Illustrate.

3. Explain just what is meant by "the wealth of the State must educate the
children of the State."

4. Show how the retention of the pauper-school idea would have been
dangerous to the life of the Republic.

5. Why were the cities more anxious to escape from the operation of the
pauper-school law than were the towns and rural districts?

6. Why were the pauper-school and the rate-bill so hard to eliminate?

7. Explain why, in America, schools naturally developed from the community
outward.

8. State your explanation for the older States beginning to establish
permanent school funds, often before they had established a state system
of schools.

9. Show the gradual transition from church control of education, through
state aid of church schools, to secularized state schools.

10. Show why secularized state schools were the only possible solution for
the United States.

11. Show that secularization would naturally take place in the textbooks
and the instruction, before manifesting itself in the laws.

12. Show how the American academy was a natural development in the
national life.

13. Show how the American high school was a natural development after the
academy.

14. Show why the high school could be opposed by men who had accepted tax-
supported elementary schools. Why has such reasoning been abandoned now?

15. Explain the difference, and illustrate from the history of American
educational development, between establishing a thing in principle and
carrying it into full effect.

16. Was the early argument as to the influence of higher education on the
State a true argument? Why?

17. What would have been the probable results had the Dartmouth College
case been decided the other way?

18. Show how the opening of collegiate instruction to women was a phase of
the new democratic movement.

19. Show how college education has been a unifying force in the national
life.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative
selections are reproduced:

  316. Mann: The Ground of the Free-School System.
  317. Governor Cleveland: Repeal of the Connecticut School Law.
  318. Mann: On the Repeal of the Connecticut School Law.
  319. Gulliver: The Struggle for Free Schools in Norwich.
  320. Address: The State and Education.
  321. Michigan: A Rate-Bill, and a Warrant for Collection.
  322. Mann: On Religious Instruction in the Schools.
  323. Michigan: Petition for a Division of the School Fund.
  324. Michigan: Counter-Petition against a Division.
  325. Connecticut: Act of Incorporation of Norwich Free Academy,
  326. Boston: Establishment of the First American High School.
  327. Boston: The Secondary-School System in 1823.
  328. Massachusetts: The High School Law of 1827.
  329. Gulliver: An Example of the Opposition to High Schools.
  330. Michigan: The Kalamazoo Decision.
  331. Michigan: Program of Studies at University, 1843.
  332. Tappan: The Michigan State System of Public Instruction.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Do Mann's three propositions (316) hold equally true to-day?

2. Of what type of person is the reasoning of Governor Cleveland (317)
typical?

3. Assuming Mann's description of Connecticut progress (318) to be
correct, how do you account for the legislature following Governor
Cleveland's recommendations so readily?

4. Did the leaders in Norwich (319) use good diplomacy?

5. Point out the essential soundness of the reasoning of the New Jersey
Report (320).

6. Explain the willingness of people seventy-five years ago to conduct the
school business on such a small basis (321) as the rate-bill indicates.

7. Show that, as Mr. Mann points out (322), sectarian schools and a State
Church are near together.

8. Point out the weakness in the argument in the Michigan petition (323).

9. State the purpose and nature of the first American high school (326),
and contrast it with the earlier academy.

10. Contrast the English Classical School (High School) of Boston of 1823,
with the older Latin School (327), as to purpose and instruction.

11. Just what did the Massachusetts Law of 1827 (328) require?

12. Has such opposition as that described in 329 completely died out even
now?

13. State the line of reasoning and the conclusions of the Court in the
Kalamazoo Case (330). Point out how this decision might influence
development elsewhere.

14. Compare the University of Michigan of 1843 (331) with a present-day
high school.

15. Show that Michigan (332) had perfected an American educational ladder.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Brown, E. E. _The Making of our Middle Schools_.
* Brown, S. W. _The Secularization of American Education_.
  Cubberley, E. P. _Public Education in the United States_.
  Dexter, E. G. _A History of Education in the United States_.
* Hinsdale, B. A. _Horace Mann, and the Common School Revival in the
    United States_.
* Inglis, A. J. _The Rise of the High School in Massachusetts_.
  Martin, George H. _The Evolution of the Massachusetts Public School
    System_.
* Mead, A. R. _The Development of Free Schools in the United States, as
    Illustrated by Connecticut and Michigan_.
  Taylor, James M. _Before Vassar Opened_.
* Thwing, Charles F. _A History of Higher Education in America_.




CHAPTER XXVII

EDUCATION BECOMES A NATIONAL TOOL


I. SPREAD OF THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA

THE FIVE TYPE NATIONS. We have now traced, in some detail, the struggles
of forward-looking men to establish national systems of education in five
great world nations. In each we have described the steps by means of which
the State gradually superseded the Church in the control of education, and
the motives and impulses which finally led the State to take over the
school as a function of the State. The steps and impelling motives and
rate of transfer were not the same in any two nations, but in each of the
five the political necessities of the State in time made the transfer seem
desirable. Time everywhere was required to effect the change. The movement
began earliest and was concluded earliest in the German States, and was
concluded last in England. In the German States, France, and Italy the
change came rapidly and as a result of legislative acts or imperial
decrees. In England and the United States the transfer took place, as we
have seen, only in response to the slow development of public opinion.

This change in control and extension of educational advantages was
essentially a nineteenth-century movement, and a resultant of the new
political philosophy and the democratic revolutions of the later
eighteenth century, combined with the industrial revolution of the
nineteenth century. A new political impulse now replaced the earlier
religious motive as the incentive for education, and education for
literacy and citizenship became, during the nineteenth century, a new
political ideal that has, in time, spread to progressive nations all over
the world.

The five great nations whose educational evolution has been described in
the preceding chapters may be regarded as having formed types which have
since been copied, in more or less detail, by the more progressive nations
in different parts of the world. The continental European two-class school
system, the American educational ladder, and the English tendency to
combine the two and use the best parts of each, have been reproduced in
the different national educational systems which have been created by the
various political governments of the world. The continental European idea
of a centralized ministry for education, with an appointed head or a
cabinet minister in control, has also been widely copied. The Prussian
two-class plan has been most influential among the Teutonic and Slavic
peoples of Europe, and has also deeply influenced educational development
among the Japanese; English ideas have been extensively copied in the
English self-governing dominions; and the American plan has been clearly
influential in Canada, the Argentine, and in China. The French centralized
plan for organization and administration has been widely copied in the
state educational organizations of the Latin nations of Europe and South
America. In a general way it may be stated that the more democratic the
government of a nation has become the greater has been the tendency to
break away from the two-class school system, to introduce more of an
educational ladder, and to bring in more of the English conception of
granting to localities a reasonable amount of local liberty in educational
affairs.

SPREAD OF THE STATE CONTROL IDEA AMONG NORTHERN NATIONS. The development
of schools under the control of the government, and the extension of state
supervision to the existing religious schools, took place in the different
cantons of Switzerland, and in Holland, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden,
somewhat contemporaneously with the development described for the five
type nations. The work of Pestalozzi and Fellenberg, and of their
disciples and followers, had given an early impetus to the establishment
of schools and teacher-training in the Swiss cantons, most being done in
the German-speaking portions.

In Holland, where the Reformation zeal for schools largely died out in the
eighteenth century, the organization of the "Society of Public Good," in
1784, by a Mennonite clergyman, did much to awaken a new interest in
schools for the people and to inaugurate a new movement for educational
organization. In 1795 a revolution took place in Holland, a republic was
established, and the extension of educational advantages followed. From
1806 to 1815 Holland was under the rule of Napoleon. A school law of 1806
forms the basis of public education in Holland. This asserted the
supremacy of the State in education, and provided for state inspection of
schools. In 1812 the French scientist, M. Cuvier, reported to Napoleon
that there were 4451 schools in little Holland, and that one tenth of the
total population was in school. In 1816 a normal school was established at
Haarlem. Both the constitutions of 1815 and 1848 provided for state
control of education, which has been steadily extended since the beginning
of the revival in 1784. Today Holland provides a good system of public
instruction for its people.

[Illustration: Fig. 210. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF DENMARK]

In Denmark and Sweden the development of state schools has been worked
out, much as in England, in coöperation with the Church, and the Church
still assists the State in the administration and supervision of the
school systems which were eventually evolved. In each of these countries,
too, the continental two-class school system has been somewhat modified by
an upward movement of the transfer point between the two and the
development of people's high schools, so as to produce a more democratic
type of school and afford better educational opportunities to all classes
of the population. The annexed diagram, showing the organization of
education in Denmark, is typical of this modification and extension.

Finland should also be classed with these northern nations in matters of
educational development. Lutheran ideas as to religion and the need for
education took deep hold there at an early date (p. 297). A knowledge of
reading and the Catechism was made necessary for confirmation as early as
1686, and democratic ideas also found an early home among this people. In
consequence the Finns have for long been a literate people. The law making
elementary education a function of the State, however, dates only from
1866, and secondary education was taken over from the ecclesiastical
authorities only in 1872.

Similarly, Scotland, another northern nation, began schools as a phase of
its Reformation fervor. During the eighteenth century the parish schools,
created by the Acts of 1646 (R. 179; p. 335) and 1696, proved
insufficient, and voluntary schools were added to supplement them.
Together these insured for Scotland a much higher degree of literacy than
was the case in England. The final state organization of education in
Scotland dates from the Scottish Education Act of 1872.

[Illustration: FIG. 211. THE PROGRESS OF LITERACY IN EUROPE BY THE CLOSE
OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY]

The map reproduced here, showing the progress of general education by the
close of the nineteenth century, as measured by the spread of the ability
to read and write, reveals at a glance the high degree of literacy of the
northern Teutonic and mixed Teutonic nations. It was among these nations
that the Protestant Reformation ideas made the deepest impression; it was
in these northern States that the Protestant elementary vernacular school,
to teach reading and religion, attained its earliest start; it was there
that the school was taken over from the Church and erected into an
effective national instrument at an early date; and it was these nations
which had been most successful, by the close of the nineteenth century, in
extending the elements of education to all and thus producing literate
populations.

THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE SOUTH AND EAST OF EUROPE. As we pass to the
south and east of Europe we pass not only to lands which remained loyal to
the Roman Church, or are adherents of the Greek Church, and hence did not
experience the Reformation fervor with its accompanying zeal for
education, but also to lands untouched by the French-Revolution movement
and where democratic ideas have only recently begun to make any progress.
Greece alone forms an exception to this statement, a constitutional
government having been established there in 1843. Removed from the main
stream of European civilization, these nations have been influenced less
by modern forces; the hold of the Church on the education of the young has
there been longest retained; and the taking-over of education by the State
has there been longest deferred. In consequence, the schools provided have
for long been inadequate both in number and scope, and the progress of
literacy and democratic ideas among the people has been slow.

Despite the beginnings made by Maria Theresa (p. 475) in the late
eighteenth century, Austria dropped backward to a low place in matters of
education during the period of reaction following the Napoleonic wars, and
the real beginnings of state elementary-schools there date from the law of
1867. The beginnings in Hungary date from 1868. The beginnings of other
state elementary school systems are: Greece, 1823; Portugal, 1844; Spain,
1857; Roumania, 1859; Bulgaria, 1881; and Serbia, 1882. In many of these
States, despite early beginnings, but little real progress has even yet
been made in developing systems of national education that will provide
gratuitous elementary-school training for all and inculcate the national
spirit. In many of these States the illiteracy of the people is still
high, [1] the people are poor, the nations are economically backward, the
military and clerical classes still dominate, and intelligent and
interested governments have not as yet been evolved.

In Russia, though Catherine II and her successors made earnest efforts to
begin a system of state education, the period following Napoleon was one
of extreme repressive reaction. The military class and the clergy of the
Greek Church joined hands in a government interested in keeping the people
submissive and devout. In consequence, at the time of the emancipation of
the serfs, in 1861, it was estimated that not one per cent of the total
population of Russia was then under instruction, and the ratio of
illiteracy by the close of the nineteenth century was the highest in
Europe outside of Spain, Portugal, and the Balkan States.

THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE ENGLISH SELF-GOVERNING DOMINIONS. The
English and French settlers in Ontario, Quebec, and the Maritime Provinces
of Canada brought the English and French parochial-school ideas from their
home-lands with them, but these home conceptions were materially modified,
at an early date, by settlers from the northern States of the American
Union. These introduced the New England idea of state control and public
responsibility for education. In part copying precedents recently
established in the new American States, as an outcome of the struggles
there to establish free, tax-supported, and state-controlled schools, both
Ontario and Quebec early began the establishment of state systems of
education for their people. A superintendent of education was appointed in
Ontario in 1844, and the Common School Act of 1846 laid the foundation of
the state school system of the Province. In the law of 1871 a system of
uniform, free, compulsory, and state-inspected schools was definitely
provided for. Quebec, in 1845, made the ecclesiastical parish the unit for
school administration; in 1852 appointed government inspectors for the
church schools; and in 1859 provided for a Council of Public Instruction
to control all schools in the Province. The Dominion Act of 1867 left
education, as in the United States, to the several Provinces to control,
and state systems of education, though with large liberty in religious
instruction, or the incorporation of the religious schools into the state
school systems, have since been erected in all the Canadian Provinces.
Following American precedents, too, a thoroughly democratic educational
ladder has almost everywhere been created, substantially like that shown
in the Figure on page 708.

In Australia and New Zealand education has similarly been left to the
different States to handle, but a state centralized control has been
provided there which is more akin to French practice than to English
ideas. In each State, primary education has been made free, compulsory,
secular, and state-supported. The laws making such provision in the
different States date from 1872, in Victoria; 1875, in Queensland; 1878,
in South Australia, West Australia, and New Zealand; and 1880, in New
South Wales. Secondary education has not as yet been made free, and many
excellent privately endowed or fee-supported secondary schools, after the
English plan, are found in the different States.

In the new Union of South Africa all university education has been taken
over by the Union, while the existing school systems of the different
States are rapidly being taken over and expanded by the state governments,
and transformed into constructive instruments of the States.

THE STATE-CONTROL IDEA IN THE SOUTH AMERICAN STATES. As we have seen in
Chapter XX, the spirit of nationality awakened by the French Revolution
spread to South America, and between 1815 and 1821 all of Spain's South
American colonies revolted, declared their independence from the mother
country, and set up constitutional republics. Brazil, in 1822, in a
similar manner severed its connections from Portugal. The United States,
through the Monroe Doctrine (1823), helped these new States to maintain
their independence. For approximately half a century these States,
isolated as they were and engaged in a long and difficult struggle to
evolve stable forms of government, left such education as was provided to
private individuals and societies and to the missionaries and teaching
orders of the Roman Church. After the middle of the nineteenth century,
the new forces stirring in the modern world began to be felt in South
America as well, and, after about 1870, a well-defined movement to
establish state school systems began to be in evidence.

The Argentine constitution of 1853 had directed the establishment of
primary schools by the State, but nothing of importance was done until
after the election of Dr. Sarmiento as President, in 1868. Under his
influence an American-type normal school was established, teachers were
imported from the United States, and liberal appropriations for education
were begun. In 1873 a general system of national aid for primary education
was established, and in 1884 a new law laid the basis of the present state
school system. Though some earlier beginnings had been made in some of the
other South American nations, Argentine is regarded as the leader in
education among them. This is largely due to the democratic nature of the
government which, in connection with the deep interest in education of
President Sarmiento, [2] found educational expression in the creation of
an American-type educational ladder, as the accompanying diagram shows.
Large emphasis has been placed on scientific and practical studies in the
secondary _colegios_. The normal school has been given large importance,
and made a parallel and connecting link in the educational ladder between
the primary schools and the universities. The Argentine school system,
probably due to American influences acting through President Sarmiento,
forms an exception to the usual South American state school system, as
nearly all the other States have followed the French model and created a
European two-class school system.

[Illustration: FIG. 212. THE SCHOOL SYSTEM OF THE ARGENTINE REPUBLIC]

In Chili, the constitution of 1833 declared education to be of supreme
importance, and a normal school was established in Santiago, as early as
1840. The basic law for the organization of a state system of primary
instruction, however, dates from 1860, and the law organizing a state
system of secondary and higher education from 1872.

In Peru, an educational reform movement was inaugurated in 1876, but the
war with Chili (1879-84) checked all progress. In 1896 an Educational
Commission was appointed to visit the United States and Europe, and the
law of 1901 marked the creation of a ministry for education and the real
beginnings of a state school system.

The Brazilian constitution of 1824 left education to the several States
(twenty and one Federal District), and a permissive law of 1827 allowed
the different States to establish schools. It was not until 1854, however,
that public schools were organized in the Federal District, and these mark
the real beginning of state education in Brazil. Since then the
establishment of state schools has gradually extended to the coast States,
and inland with the building of railway lines and the opening-up of the
interior to outside influences. The basis for state-controlled education
has now been laid in all the States, but the attendance at the schools as
yet is small. [3]

In some of the other South American States, such as Bolivia, Ecuador, and
Venezuela, but little progress in extending state-controlled schools has
as yet been made, and the training of the young is still left largely to
private effort, the Church, and the religious orders. The illiteracy in
all the South American States is still high, in part due to the large
native populations, and much remains to be done before education becomes
general there. The state-control idea, though, has been definitely
established in principle in these countries. With the establishment of
stable governments, the building of railroads and steamship lines, and the
development of an important international commerce--events which there
have characterized the first two decades of the twentieth century--early
and important progress in state educational organization and in the
extension of educational advantages may be expected.

THE STATE-SCHOOL IDEA IN EASTERN ASIA. In 1854 Admiral Perry effected the
treaty of friendship with Japan which virtually opened that nation to the
influences of western civilization, and one of the most wonderful
transformations of a people recorded in history soon began. In 1867 a new
Mikado came to the throne, and in 1868 the small military class, which had
ruled the nation for some seven hundred years, gave up their power to the
new ruler. A new era in Japan, known as the _Meiji_, dates from this
event. In 1871 the centuries-old feudal system was abolished, and all
classes in the State were declared equal before the law. This same year
the first newspaper in Japan was begun. In 1872 the first educational code
for the nation was promulgated by the Mikado. This ordered the general
establishment of schools, the compulsory education of the people (R. 334
a), and the equality of all classes in educational matters. Students were
now sent abroad, especially to Germany and the United States; foreign
teachers were imported; an American normal-school teacher was placed in
charge of the newly opened state normal school; the American class method
of instruction was introduced; schoolbooks and teaching apparatus were
prepared, after American models; middle schools were organized in the
towns; higher schools were opened in the cities; and the old Academy of
Foreign Languages was evolved (1877) into the University of Tokyo. In 1884
the study of English was introduced into the courses of the public
schools. In 1889 a form of constitution was granted to the people, and a
parliament established. [4]

[Illustration: FIG. 213. THE JAPANESE TWO-CLASS SCHOOL SYSTEM.]

Adapting the continental European idea of a two-class school system to the
peculiar needs of the nation, the Japanese have worked out, during the
past half-century, a type of state-controlled school system which has been
well adapted to their national needs. [5] Instruction in national
morality, based on the ancestral virtues, brotherly affection, and loyalty
to the constitution and the ruling class (R. 334 b-c), has been well
worked out in their schools. Though the government has remained largely
autocratic in form, the Japanese have, however, retained throughout all
their educational development the fundamental democratic principle
enunciated in the Preamble to the Educational Code of 1872 (R. 334 a),
_viz_., that every one without distinction of class or sex shall receive
primary education at least, and that the opportunity for higher education
shall be open to all children. So completely has the education of the
people been conceived of as one of the most important functions of the
State that all education has been placed under a centralized state
control, with a Cabinet Minister in charge of all administrative matters
connected with the education of the nation.

[Illustration: FIG. 214. THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL LADDER]

Since near the end of the nineteenth century what promises to be an even
more wonderful transformation of a people-political, social, scientific,
and industrial--has been taking place in China (R. 335). A much more
democratic type of national school system than that of the Japanese has
been worked out, and this the new (1912) Republic of China is rapidly
extending in the provinces, and making education a very important function
of the new democratic national life. [6] In the beginning, when displacing
the centuries-old Confucian educational system, [7] the Chinese adopted
Japanese ideas and organized their schools (1905) somewhat after the
Japanese model. Later on, responding to the influence of many American-
educated Chinese and to the more democratic impulses of the Chinese
people, the new government established by the Republic of 1912 changed the
school system at first established so as to make it in type more like the
American educational ladder. The new Chinese school system is shown in the
drawing on page 721. The university instruction is modern and excellent,
and the addition of the cultural and scientific knowledge worked out in
western Europe to the intellectual qualities of this capable people can
hardly fail to result, in time, in the production of a wonderful modern
nation, [8] probably in one of the greatest nations of the mid-twentieth
century.

In 1891 the independent Kingdom of Siam, [9] awakened from its age-long
isolation by new world influences, sent a prince to Europe to study and
report on the state systems of education maintained there. As a result of
his report a department of public education was created, which later
evolved into a ministry of public instruction, and elementary schools were
opened by the State in the thirteen thousand old Buddhist temples. These
schools offered a two-year course in Siamese, followed by a five-year
course in English, given by imported English teachers. Schools for girls
were provided, as well as for boys. Since this beginning, higher schools
of law, medicine, agriculture, engineering, and military science have been
added, taught largely by imported English and American teachers. In
consequence of the new educational organization, and the new influences
brought in, the whole life of this little kingdom has been transformed
during the past three decades.

GENERAL ACCEPTANCE OF THE STATE-FUNCTION CONCEPTION. The different
national school systems, the creation of which has so far been briefly
described, are typical and represent a great world movement which
characterized the latter half of the nineteenth century. This movement is
still under way, and increasing in strength. Other state school
organizations might be added to the list, but those so far given are
sufficient. Beginning with the nations which were earliest to the front of
the onward march of civilization, the movement for the state control of
education, itself an expression of new world forces and new national
needs, has in a century spread to every continent on the globe. To-day
progressive nations everywhere conceive of education for their people as
so closely associated with their social, political, and industrial
progress, and their national welfare and prosperity (R. 336), that the
control of education has come to be regarded as an indispensable function
of the State. State constitutions (R. 333) have accordingly required the
creation of comprehensive state school systems; legislators have turned to
education with a new interest; bulky state school codes have given force
to constitutional mandates; national literacy has become a goal; the
diffusion of political intelligence by means of the school has naturally
followed the extension of the suffrage; while the many new forces and
impulses of a modern world have served to make the old religious type of
education utterly inadequate, and to call for national action to a degree
never conceived of in the days when religious, private, and voluntary
educational effort sufficed to meet the needs of the few who felt the call
to learn. What a few of the more important of these new nineteenth-century
forces have been, which have so fundamentally modified the character and
direction of education, it may be worth while to set forth briefly, before
proceeding further.


II. NEW MODIFYING FORCES

THE ADVANCE OF SCIENTIFIC KNOWLEDGE. The first and most important of these
nineteenth-century forces, and the one which preceded and conditioned all
the others, was the great increase of accurate knowledge as to the forces
and laws of the physical world, arising from the application of scientific
method to the investigation of the phenomena of the material world (R.
337). During the nineteenth century the intellect of man was stimulated to
activity as it had not been before since the days when little Athens was
the intellectual center of the world. What the Revival of Learning was to
the classical scholars of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the
movement for scientific knowledge and its application to human affairs was
to the nineteenth. It changed the outlook of man on the problems of life,
vastly enlarged the intellectual horizon, and gave a new trend to
education and to scholarly effort. What the scholars of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries had been slowly gathering together as interesting
and classified phenomena, the scientific scholars of the nineteenth
century organized, interpreted, expanded, and applied. Since the day of
Copernicus (p. 386) and Newton (p. 388) a growing appreciation of the
permanence and scope of natural law in the universe had been slowly
developing, and this the scholars of the nineteenth century fixed as a
principle and applied in many new directions. A few of the more important
of these new directions may profitably be indicated here.

[Illustration: FIG. 215. BARON JUSTUS VON LIEBIG (1803-73)]

In the domain of the physical sciences very important advances
characterized the century. Chemistry, up to the end of the first quarter
of the nineteenth century largely a collection of unrelated facts, was
transformed by the labors of such men as Dalton (1766-1844), Faraday
(1791-1867), and Liebig into a wonderfully well-organized and vastly
important science. Liebig carried chemistry over into the study of the
processes of digestion and the functioning of the internal organs, and
reshaped much of the instruction in medicine. Liebig is also important as
having opened, at Giessen, in 1826, the first laboratory instruction in
chemistry for students provided in any university in the world. By many
subsequent workers chemistry has been so applied to the arts that it is
not too much to say that a knowledge of chemistry underlies the whole
manufacturing and industrial life of the present, and that the degree of
industrial preeminence held by a nation to-day is largely determined by
its mastery of chemical processes.

Physics has experienced an equally important development. It, too, at the
beginning of the nineteenth century was in the preliminary state of
collecting, coördinating, and trying to interpret data. In a century
physics has, by experimentation and the application of mathematics to its
problems, been organized into a number of exceedingly important sciences.
In dynamics, heat, light, and particularly in electricity, discoveries and
extension of previous knowledge of the most far-reaching significance have
been made. What at the beginning of the nineteenth century was a small
textbook study of natural philosophy has since been subdivided into the
two great sciences of physics and chemistry, and these in turn into
numerous well-organized branches. Today these are taught, not from
textbooks, but in large and costly laboratories, while manufacturing
establishments and governments now find it both necessary and profitable
to maintain large scientific institutions for chemical and physical
research.

The great triumph of physics, from the point of view of the reign of law
in the world of matter, was the experimental establishment (1849) of the
fundamental principle of the conservation of energy. This ranks in
importance in the world of the physical sciences with the theory of
evolution in the biological. The perfection of the spectroscope (1859)
revealed the rule of chemical law among the stars, and clinched the theory
of evolution as applied to the celestial universe. The atomic theory of
matter [10] was an extension of natural laws in another direction. In 1846
occurred the most spectacular proof of the reign of natural law which the
nineteenth century witnessed. Two scientists, in different lands, [11]
working independently, calculated the orbit of a new planet, Neptune, and
when the telescope was turned to the point in the heavens indicated by
their calculations the planet was there. It was a tremendous triumph for
both mathematics and astronomy. Such work as this meant the firm
establishment of scientific accuracy, and the ultimate elimination of the
old theories of witchcraft, diabolic action, and superstition as
controlling forces in the world of human affairs.

The publication by Charles Lyell (1797-1875) of his _Principles of
Geology_, in 1830, marked another important advance in the knowledge of
the operations of natural law in the physical world, and likewise a
revolution in thinking in regard to the age and past history of the earth.
Few books have ever more deeply influenced human thinking. The old
theological conception of earthly "catastrophes" [12] was overthrown, and
in its place was substituted the idea of a very long and a very orderly
evolution of the planet. Geology was created as a new science, and out of
this has come, by subsequent evolution, a number of other new sciences
[13] which have contributed much to human progress.

[Illustration: FIG. 216. CHARLES DARWIN (1809-82)]

Another of the great books of all time appeared in 1859, when Charles
Darwin (1809-1882) published the results of thirty years of careful
biological research in his _Origin of Species_. This swept away the old
theory of special and individual creation which had been cherished since
early antiquity; and substituted in its place the reign of law in the
field of biological life. This substitution of the principle of orderly
evolution for the old theory of special creation marked another forward
step in human thinking, [14] and gave an entirely new direction to the old
study of natural history. [15] In the hands of such workers as Wallace
(1823-1913), Asa Gray (1810-88), Huxley (1825-94), and Spencer (1820-1903)
it now proved a fruitful field.

In 1856 the German Virchow (1821-1902) made his far-reaching contribution
of cellular pathology to medical science; between 1859 and 1865 the French
scientist Pasteur (1822-95) established the germ theory of fermentation,
putrefaction, and disease; about the same time the English surgeon Lister
(1827-1914) began to use antiseptics in surgery; and, in 1879, the
bacillus of typhoid fever was found. Out of this work the modern sciences
of pathology, aseptic surgery, bacteriology, and immunity were created,
and the cause and mode of transmission of the great diseases [16] which
once decimated armies and cities--plague, cholera, malaria, typhoid,
typhus, yellow fever, dysentery--as well as the scourges of tuberculosis,
diphtheria, and lockjaw, have been determined. The importance of these
discoveries for the future welfare and happiness of mankind can scarcely
be overestimated. Sanitary science arose as an application of these
discoveries, and since about 1875 a sanitary and hygienic revolution has
taken place.

[Illustration: FIG. 217 LOUIS PASTEUR (1822-95)]

The above represent but a few of the more important of the many great
scientific advances of the nineteenth century. What the thinkers of the
eighteenth century had sowed broadcast through a general interest in
science, their successors in the nineteenth reaped as an abundant harvest.
The three great master keys of science--the higher mathematics, the
principle of the conservation of energy, and the principle of orderly
evolution of life according to law--so long unknown to man, had at last
been discovered, and, with these in their possession, men have since
opened up many of the long-hidden secrets of cause and growth and form and
function, both in the heavens and on the earth, and have revealed to a
wondering world the prodigious and eternal forces of an orderly universe.
The fruitfulness of the Baconian method (p. 390) in the hands of his
successors has far surpassed his most sanguine expectations.

THE APPLICATIONS OF SCIENCE AND THE RESULT. All this work, as has been
frequently pointed out (R. 338), had of necessity to precede the
applications of science to the arts and to the advancement of the comforts
and happiness of mankind. The new studies soon caught the attention of
younger scholars; special schools for their study began to be established
by the middle of the nineteenth century; [17] enthusiastic students of
science began forcefully to challenge the centuries-long supremacy of
classical studies; funds for scientific research began to be provided; the
printing-press disseminated the new ideas; and thousands of applications
of science to trade and industry and human welfare began to attract public
attention and create a new demand for schools and for a new extension of
learning. During the past century the applications of this new learning to
matters that intimately touch the life of man have been so numerous and so
far-reaching in their effects that they have produced a revolution in life
conditions unlike anything the world ever experienced before. In all the
days from the time of the Crusades to the end of the Napoleonic Wars the
changes in living effected were less, both in scope and importance, than
have taken place in the century since Napoleon was sent to Saint Helena.

THIS TRANSFORMATION WE CALL THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. This, as we pointed
out earlier (p. 492), began in England in the late eighteenth century.
France did not experience its beginnings until after the Napoleonic Wars,
though after about 1820 the transformations there were rapid and far-
reaching. In the United States it began about 1810-15, and between 1820
and 1860 the industrial methods of the people of the northeastern quarter
of the United States were revolutionized. Between 1860 and 1900 they were
revolutionized again. In the German States the transformation began about
1840, though it did not reach its great development until after the
establishment of the Empire, in 1871. Since the middle of the nineteenth
century, with the development of factories, the building of railroads, and
the extension of steamship lines, even the most remote countries have been
affected by the new forces. Nations long primitive and secluded have been
modernized and industrialized; century-old trades and skills have been
destroyed by machinery; the old home and village industries have been
replaced by the factory system; cities for manufacturing and trade have
everywhere experienced a rapid development; and even on the farm the
agricultural methods of bygone days have been replaced by the discoveries
of science and the products of invention. Almost nothing is done to-day as
it was a century ago, and only in remote places do people live as they
used to live. The nature and extent of the change which has been wrought,
and some estimate as to its effect upon educational procedure, may perhaps
be better comprehended if we first contrast living conditions before and
after this industrial transformation.

[Illustration: FIG. 218. MAN POWER BEFORE THE DAYS OF STEAM
Foot power a century ago. (From a cut by Anderson, America's first
important engraver)]

LIVING CONDITIONS A CENTURY AGO. A century ago people everywhere lived
comparatively simple lives. The steam engine, while beginning to be put to
use (p. 493), had not as yet been extensively applied and made the willing
and obedient slave of man. The lightning had not as yet been harnessed,
and the now omnipresent electric motor was then still unknown. Only in
England had manufacturing reached any large proportions, and even there
the methods were somewhat primitive. Thousands of processes which we now
perform simply and effectively by the use of steam or electric power, a
century ago were done slowly and painfully by human labor. The chief
sources of power were then man and horse power. The home was a center in
which most of the arts and trades were practiced, and in the long winter
evenings the old crafts and skills were turned to commercial account. What
every family used and wore was largely made in the home, the village, or
the neighborhood.

Travel was slow and expensive and something only the well-to-do could
afford. To go fifty miles a day by stage-coach, or one hundred by sailing
packet on the water, was extraordinarily rapid. "One could not travel
faster by sea or by land," as Huxley remarked, "than at any previous time
in the world's history, and King George could send a message from London
to York no faster than King John might have done." The steam train was not
developed until about 1825, and through railway lines not for a quarter-
century longer. It took four days by coach from London to York (188
miles); six weeks by sailing vessel from Southampton to Boston; and six
months from England to India. People moved about but little. A journey of
fifty miles was an event--for many something not experienced in a
lifetime. To travel to a foreign land made a man a marked individual.
Benjamin Franklin tells us that he was frequently pointed out on the
streets of Philadelphia, then the largest city in the United States, as a
man who had been to Europe. George Ticknor has left us an interesting
record (R. 339) of his difficulties, in finding anything in print in the
libraries of the time, about 1815, or any one who could tell him about the
work of the German universities, which he, as a result of reading Madame
de Staël's book on Germany, was desirous of attending. [18]

Everywhere it was a time of hard work and simple living. Every youngster
had to become useful at an early age. The work of life, in town or on the
farm, required hard and continual labor from all. Farm machinery had not
been perfected, and hand labor performed all the operations of ploughing
and sowing, reaping and harvesting. With the introduction of the factory
system, men, women, and children were used to operate machinery, children
being apprenticed to the mills at about eight years of age and working ten
to twelve hours a day. This soon worked the life out of human beings, and
in consequence sickness, wretchedness, juvenile delinquency, ignorance,
drunkenness, pauperism, and crime increased greatly as cities grew and the
factory system drew thousands from the farms to the towns. When Queen
Victoria came to the throne (1837) one person in twelve in England was a
pauper, and the lot of the poor was wretched in the extreme. In cities
they lived in cellars and basements and hovels. There was practically no
sanitation or drainage. Streets and alleys were filthy. Graveyards were
commonly located in the heart of a town. A pure water-supply through
water-mains was unknown. Pumps and water-carriers supplied nearly all the
needs. There was in consequence much sickness, and such diseases as
typhoid and malaria ran rampant.

[Illustration: FIG. 219. THRESHING WHEAT A CENTURY AGO
(After a woodcut by Jacque, in _L'Illustration_)]

CHANGE IN LIVING CONDITIONS TO-DAY. In a century all has been changed.
Steam and electricity and sanitary science have transformed the world; the
railway, steamship, telegraph, cable, and printing-press have made the
world one. The output of the factory system has transformed living and
labor conditions, even to the remote corners of the world; sanitary
science and sanitary legislation have changed the primitive conditions of
the home and made of it a clean and comfortable modern abode; men and
women have been freed from an almost incalculable amount of drudgery and
toil, and the human effort and time saved may now be devoted to other
types of work or to enjoyment and learning. Thousands who once were needed
for menial toil on farm or in shop and home are now freed for employment
in satisfying new wants and new pleasures that mankind has come to know,
[19] or may devote their time and energies to forms of service that
advance the welfare of mankind or minister to the needs of the human
spirit.

[Illustration: FIG. 220. A CITY WATER-SUPPLY ABOUT 1830
(After a lithograph by Bellange)]

Labor-saving devices and the applications of scientific work have touched
all phases of life and labor of men and women, and under modern methods of
transportation go everywhere. The American self-binding reaper is found in
the grain-fields of Russia and the Argentine; one may buy cans of kerosene
and tinned meats and vegetables almost anywhere in the world today; sewing
machines and phonographs add to the comfort and pleasure of the African
native and the dweller on the Yukon; "milady" in Siam uses cosmetics
manufactured for the devotees of fashion in Paris; the Sultan of Sulu
wears an elegant American wrist-watch; the Dahomeny tribesman has a safety
razor, and a mirror of French plate; the Persian dandy wears shoes and
haberdashery made in the United States; old Chinamen up the Yellow River
Valley read their Confucius by the light of an Edison Mazda; the steam
train wends its way up from Jaffa to Jerusalem; the gasoline power boat
chugs its course up the Nile the Pharaohs sailed; and modern surgical
methods and instruments are used in the hospitals of Manila and Singapore,
Cairo and Cape Town. A rupee spent for thread at Calcutta starts the
spindles going in Manchester; a new calico dress for a Mandalay belle
helps the cotton-print mills of Leeds; a new carving set for a Fiji
Islander means more labor for some cutlery works in Sheffield; a half-
dollar for a new undershirt in Panama means increased work for a cotton
mill in New England; a new blanket called for against the winter's cold of
Siberia moves the looms of some Rhode Island town; a dime spent for a box
of matches in Alaska means added labor and profit for a match factory in
California; a new bath tub in Paraguay spells increased output for a
factory at Milan or Turin; and the Christmas wishes of the children in
Brazil give work to the toy factories of Nüremberg.

Trains and huge steamers move today along the great trade routes of the
modern world, exchanging both the people and their products. The holds of
the ships are filled with coal and grain and manufactured implements and
commodities of every description, while their steerage space is crowded
with modern Marco Polos and Magellans going forth to see the world. The
Hindoo walks the streets of Cape Town, London, Sydney, New York, San
Francisco, and Valparaiso; the Russian Jew is found in all the Old and New
World cities; the Englishman and the American travel everywhere; the
Japanese are fringing the Pacific with their laboring classes; toiling
Italians and Greeks are found all over the world; peasants from the
Balkans gather the prune and orange crops of California; the moujic from
the Russian Caucasus tills the wheat-fields of the Dakotas; while the
Irish, Scandinavians, and Teutons form the political, farming, and
commercial classes in many far-distant lands. In the recent World War
Serbs from Montana and Colorado fought side by side with Serbs from
Belgrade and Nisch; Greeks from New York and San Francisco helped their
brothers from Athens drive the Bulgars back up the Vardar Valley; Italians
from New Orleans and Rio de Janeiro helped their kinsmen from the valley
of the Po hold back the Hun from the Venetian plain; Chinese from the
valleys of the Tong-long and the Yang-tse-Kiang backed up the Allied
armies by tilling the fields of France; and Algerian and Senegalese
natives helped the French hold back the Teutonic hordes from the
ravishment of Paris. So completely has the old isolation been broken down!
So completely is the world in flux! So small has the world become!

[Illustration: FIG. 221. THE GREAT TRADE ROUTES OF THE MODERN WORLD
Broken lines, on land, indicate gaps soon to be closed. Compare this with
the maps on pages 161 and 258, and note the progress in discovery and
intercommunication. Ships and trains are constantly passing over these
routes, bearing both freight and peoples.]

It was almost a century from the time instruction in Greek was revived in
Florence (1396) until Linacre first lectured on Greek at Oxford (c. 1492);
six months after the X-ray was perfected in Germany it was in use in the
hospitals of San Francisco. In the Middle Ages thousands might have died
of starvation in Persia or Egypt, a famous city in Asia Minor might have
been destroyed by an earthquake and many people killed, or war might have
raged for years in the Orient without a citizen of western Europe knowing
of it all his life. Today any important event anywhere within the range of
the telegraph or the cable would be reported in tomorrow morning's paper,
and carefully described and illustrated in the magazines at an early date.
Man is no longer a citizen of a town or a state, but of a nation and of
the world. How intelligently he can use this larger citizenship depends
today largely upon the character and the extent of the education he has
received.

[Illustration: FIG. 222. AN EXAMPLE OF THE SHIFTING OF OCCUPATIONS.
Sawing boards by hand, before the introduction of steam power.]

EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON THE LABORING-CLASSES. At first the effect of
the introduction of factory-made goods and labor-saving devices was to
upset the old established institutions. Trades practiced by the guilds
since the Middle Ages were destroyed, because factories could turn out
goods faster and cheaper than guild workmen could make them. The age-old
apprenticeship system began to break down. Everywhere people were thrown
out of employment, and a vast shifting of occupations took place. There
was much discontent, and laborers began to unite, where allowed to do so,
[20] with a view to improving their economic and political condition by
concerted action. The political revolutions of 1848 throughout Europe were
in part a manifestation of this discontent, and the right to organize was
everywhere demanded and in time generally obtained. Among the planks in
their platform were equality of all before the law; the limitation of
child and woman labor; better working conditions and wages; the provision
of schools for their children at public expense; and the extension of the
right of suffrage.

Despite certain unfortunate results following the change from age-old
working conditions, the century of transition has seen the laboring man
making gains unknown before in history, and the peasant has seen the
abolition of serfdom [21] and feudal dues. Homes have gained tremendously.
The drudgery and wasteful toil have been greatly mitigated. To-day there
is a standard of comfort and sanitation, even for those in the humblest
circumstances, beyond all previous conceptions. The poorest workman to-day
can enjoy in his home lighting undreamed of in the days of tallow candles;
warmth beyond the power of the old smoky soft-coal grate; food of a
variety and quality his ancestors never knew; kitchen conveniences and an
ease in kitchen work wholly unknown until recently; and sanitary
conveniences and conditions beyond the reach of the wealthiest half a
century ago. The caste system in industry has been broken down, and men
and their children may now choose their occupations freely, [22] and move
about at will. Wages have greatly increased, both actually and relatively
to the greatly improved standard of living. The work of women and children
is easier, and all work for shorter hours. Child labor is fast being
eliminated in all progressive nations. In consequence of all these changes
for the better, people to-day have a leisure for reading and thinking and
personal enjoyment entirely unknown before the middle of the nineteenth
century, and governments everywhere have found it both desirable and
necessary to provide means for the utilization of this leisure and the
gratification of the new desires. Along with these changes has gone the
development of the greatest single agent for spreading liberalizing ideas
--the modern newspaper--"the most inveterate enemy of absolutism and
reaction." Despite censorships, suppressions, and confiscations, the press
has by now established its freedom in all enlightened lands, and the
cylinder press, the telegraph, and the cable have become "indispensable
adjuncts to the development of that power which every absolutist has come
to dread, and with which every prime minister must daily reckon."


III. EFFECT OF THESE CHANGES ON EDUCATION

GENERAL RESULT OF THESE CHANGES. The general result of the vast and far-
reaching changes which we have just described is that the intellectual and
political horizon of the working classes has been tremendously broadened;
the home has been completely altered; children now have much leisure and
do little labor; and the common man at last is rapidly coming into his
own. Still more, the common man seems destined to be the dominant force in
government in the future. To this end he and his children must be
educated, his wife and children cared for, his home protected, and
governments must do for him the things which satisfy his needs and advance
his welfare. The days of the rule of a small intellectual class and of
government in the interests of such a class have largely passed, and the
political equality which the Athenian Greeks first in the western world
gave to the "citizens" of little Athens, the Industrial Revolution has
forced modern and enlightened governments to give to all their people. In
consequence, real democracy in government, education, justice, and social
welfare is now in process of being attained generally, for the first time
in the history of the world.

The effect of all these changes in the mode of living of peoples is
written large on the national life. The political and industrial
revolutions which have marked the ushering-in of the modern age have been
far-reaching in their consequences. The old home life and home industries
of an earlier period are passing, or have passed, never to return. Peoples
in all advanced nations are rapidly swinging into the stream of a new and
vastly more complex world civilization, which brings them into contact and
competition with the best brains of all mankind. At the same time a great
and ever-increasing specialization of human effort is taking place on all
sides, and with new and ever more difficult social, political,
educational, industrial, commercial, and human-life problems constantly
presenting themselves for solution. The world has become both larger and
smaller than it used to be, and even its remote parts are now being linked
up, to a degree that a century ago would not have been deemed possible,
with the future welfare of the nations which so long bore the brunt of the
struggle for the preservation and advancement of civilization.

THESE CHANGES AND THE SCHOOL. It is these vast and far-reaching political,
industrial, and social changes which have been the great actuating forces
behind the evolution and expansion of the state school systems which we
have so far described. The American and French political revolutions, with
their new philosophy of political equality and state control of education,
clearly inaugurated the movement for taking over the school from the
Church and the making of it an important instrument of the State. The
extension of the suffrage to new classes gave a clear political motive for
the school, and to train young people to read and write and know the
constitutional bases of liberty became a political necessity. The
industrial revolution which followed, bringing in its train such extensive
changes in labor and in the conditions surrounding home and child life,
has since completely altered the face of the earlier educational problem.
What was simple once has since become complex, and the complexity has
increased with time. Once the ability to read and write and cipher
distinguished the educated man from the uneducated; to-day the man or
woman who knows only these simple arts is an uneducated person, hardly fit
to cope with the struggle for existence in a modern world, and certainly
not fitted to participate in the complex political and industrial life of
which, in all advanced nations, he or she [23] to-day forms a part.

It is the attempt to remould the school and to make of it a more potent
instrument of the State for promoting national consciousness (R. 340) and
political, social, and industrial welfare that has been behind the many
changes and expansions and extensions of education which have marked the
past half-century in all the leading world nations, and which underlie the
most pressing problems in educational readjustment to-day. These changes
and expansions and problems we shall consider more in detail in the
chapters which follow. Suffice it here to say that from mere teaching
institutions, engaged in imparting a little religious instruction and some
knowledge of the tools of learning, the school, in all the leading
nations, has to-day been transformed into an institution for advancing
national welfare. The leading purpose now is to train for political and
social efficiency in the more democratic types of governments being
instituted among peoples, and to impart to the young those industrial and
social experiences once taught in the home, the trades, and on the farm,
but which the coming of the factory system and city life have deprived
them otherwise of knowing.

NEW PROBLEMS TO BE MET BY EDUCATION. As participation in the political
life of nations has been extended to larger and larger groups of the
people, and as the problems of government have become more and more
complex, the schools have found it necessary to add instruction in
geography, history, government, and national ideals and culture to the
earlier instruction. In the less democratic nations which have evolved
national school systems, this new instruction has often been utilized to
give strength to the type of government and social conditions which the
ruling class desired to have perpetuated. This has been the evident
purpose in Japan (R. 334), though the government of Imperial Germany
formed perhaps the best illustration of such perversion. This was seen and
pointed out long ago by Horace Mann (R. 281). There the idea of
nationality through education (R. 342) was carried to such an extreme as
made the government oppressive to subject peoples and a menace to
neighboring States. [24] On the other hand, the French have used their
schools for national ends (R. 341) in a manner that has been highly
commendable.

As the social life of nations has become broader and more complex, a
longer period of guidance has become necessary to prepare the future
citizens of the State for intelligent participation in it. As a result,
child life everywhere has and is still experiencing a new lengthening of
the period of dependence and training, and all national interests now
indicate that the period devoted to preparing for life's work will need to
be further lengthened. All recent thinking and legislation, as well as the
interests of organized labor and the public welfare, have in recent
decades set strongly against child labor. Economically unprofitable under
modern industrial conditions, and morally indefensible, it has at last
come to be accepted as a principle, by progressive nations, that it is
better for children and for society that they remain under some form of
instruction until they are at least sixteen years of age. To this end the
common primary school has been continued upward, part-time continuation
schools of various types have been organized for those who must go to
labor earlier, and people's high schools or middle schools have been added
(see Figure 210, p. 713) to give the equivalent of a high-school education
to the children of the classes not patronizing the exclusive and limited
tuition secondary school.

As large numbers of immigrants from distant lands have entered some of the
leading nations, notably England and the United States, and particularly
immigrants from less advanced nations where general education is not as
yet common, and where far different political, social, judicial, and
hygienic conditions prevail, a new duty has been thrust upon the school of
giving to such incoming peoples, and their children, some conception of
the meaning and method and purpose of the national life of the people they
have come among. The national schools have accordingly been compelled to
give attention to the needs of these new elements in the population, and
to direct their attention less exclusively to satisfying the needs of the
well-to-do classes of society. Educational systems have in consequence
tended more and more to become democratic in character, and to serve in
part as instruments for the assimilation of the stranger within the
nation's gates and for the perpetuation and improvement of the national
life.

EDUCATION A CONSTRUCTIVE NATIONAL TOOL. One result of the many political,
social, and industrial changes of a century has been to evolve education
into the great constructive tool of modern political society. For ages a
church and private affair, and of no great importance for more than a few,
it has to-day become the prime essential to good government and national
progress, and is so recognized by the leading nations of the world. As
people are freed from autocratic rule and take upon themselves the
functions of government, and as they break loose from their age-old
political, social, and industrial moorings and swing out into the current
of the stream of modern world-civilization, the need for the education of
the masses to enable them to steer safely their ship of state, and take
their places among the stable governments of a modern world, becomes
painfully evident. In the hands of an uneducated people a democratic form
of government is a dangerous instrument, while the proper development of
natural resources and the utilization of trade opportunities by backward
peoples, without being exploited, is almost impossible. In Russia, Mexico,
and the Central American "republics" we see the results of a democracy in
the hands of an uneducated people. There, too often, the revolver instead
of the ballot box is used to settle public issues, and instead of orderly
government under law we find injustice and anarchy. A general system of
education that will teach the fundamental principles of constitutional
liberty, and apply science to production in agriculture and manufacturing,
is almost the only solution for such conditions. By contrast with the
surrounding "republics" one finds in Guatemala [25] a country that has
used education intelligently as a tool to advance the interests of its
people.

[Illustration: FIG. 223. THE PHILIPPINE SCHOOL SYSTEM
A teacher-training course is given as one of the vocational courses in the
Intermediate School, and the Normal School at Manila represents one of the
secondary school courses. The University, besides the combined five-year
college course, has eight professional courses of from three to five years
in length.]

When the United States freed Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines from
Spanish rule, a general system of public education, modeled after the
American educational ladder, was created as a safeguard to the liberty
just brought to these islands, and to education the United States added
courts of justice and bureaus of sanitation as important auxiliary
agencies. As a result the peoples of these islands have made a degree of
progress in self-government and industry in three decades not made in
three centuries under Spanish rule. The good results of the work done in
these islands in establishing schools, building roads and bridges,
introducing police courts, establishing good sanitary conditions, building
hospitals and training nurses, applying science to agriculture, developing
tropical medicine, and training the people in the difficult art of self-
government, will for long be a monument to the political foresight and
intelligent conceptions of government held by the American people. In a
similar way the French have opened schools in Morocco, Algiers, Tunis,
Senegal, Madagascar, and French Indo-China, as have the English in Egypt,
India, Hong Kong, [26] the West Indies, and elsewhere. With the freeing of
Palestine from the rule of the Turk, the English at once began the
establishment of schools and a national university there, and doubtless
they will do the same in time in Persia and Mesopotamia.

Germany, too, before the World War, but with less benevolent purposes than
the Americans, the French, or the English, was also busily engaged in
extending her influence through education. Her universities were thrown
open to students from the whole world, and excellent instruction did they
offer. The "Society for the Extension of Germanism in Foreign Countries"
rendered an important service. Professors were "exchanged"; the
introduction of instruction in the German language into the schools of
other nations was promoted; and German schools were founded and encouraged
abroad. Especially were _Realschulen_ promoted to teach the wonders of
German science, pure and applied. In southern Brazil and the Argentine,
and in Roumania, Bulgaria, and Turkey, particular efforts were made to
extend German influence and pave the way for German commercial and perhaps
political expansion. Primary schools, girls' schools, and _Real_-schools
in numbers were founded and aided abroad, and their progress reported to
the colonial minister at home. All through the Near East the German was
busily building, through trade and education, a new empire for himself.
Had he been content to follow the slower paths of peaceful commercial and
intellectual conquest, with his wonderful organization he would have been
irresistible. With one gambler's throw he dashed his future to the ground,
and unmasked himself before the world!

EXPANSION OF THE EDUCATIONAL IDEA. In all lands to-day where there is an
intelligent government, the education of the people through a system of
state-controlled schools is regarded as of the first importance in
moulding and shaping the destinies of the nation and promoting the
country's welfare. Beginning with education to impart the ability to read
and write and cipher, and as an aid to the political side of government,
the education of the masses has been so expanded in scope during the
century that today it includes aims, classes, types of schools, and forms
of service scarcely dreamed of at the time the State began to take over
the school from the Church, with a view to extending elementary
educational advantages and promoting literacy and citizenship. What some
of the more important of these expansions have been we shall state in a
following chapter, but before doing so let us return to another phase of
the problem--that of the progress of educational theory--and see what have
been the main lines of this progress in the theory as to the educational
purpose since the time when Pestalozzi formulated a theory for the secular
school.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. What does the emphasis on the People's High Schools in Denmark indicate
as to the political status of the common people there?

2. Explain the educational prominence of Finland, compared with its
neighbor Russia.

3. Show the close relation between the character of the school system
developed in Japan and the character of its government. In China.

4. Show why the state-function conception of education is destined to be
the ruling plan everywhere.

5. Show the close connection between the Industrial Revolution and a
somewhat general diffusion of the fundamental principles revealed by the
study of science.

6. Show how the Industrial Revolution has created entirely new problems in
education, and what some of these are.

7. Show the connection between the Industrial Revolution and political
enfranchisement.

8. Enumerate some of the educational problems we now face that we should
not have had to deal with had the Industrial Revolution not taken place.

9. Why has the result of these changes been to extend the period of
dependence and tutelage of children?

10. Outline an educational solution of the problem of Mexico. Of Russia.
Of Persia.

11. Show how Germany found it profitable to establish _Realschulen_ in
such distant countries as Turkey, Mesopotamia, and the Argentine.

12. Describe the expansion of the educational idea since the days when
Pestalozzi formulated the theory for the secular school.

13. What is the social significance of the development of parallel
secondary schools and courses, in all lands?

14. Contrast the American and the European secondary school in purpose.
Why should the American be a free school, while those in Europe are
tuition schools?

15. Show why the essentially democratic school system maintained in the
United States would not be suited to an autocratic form of government.

16. Show that the weight of a priesthood and the force of religious
instruction in the schools would be strong supports for monarchical forms
of government.

17. Homogeneous monarchical nations look after the training of their
teachers much better than does such a cosmopolitan nation as the United
States. Why?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following illustrative
selections are reproduced:

  333. Switzerland: Constitutional Provisions as to Education and
       Religious Freedom.
  334. Japan: The Basic Documents of Japanese Education.
       (a) Preamble to the Education Code of 1872.
       (b) Imperial Rescript on Moral Education.
       (c) Instructions as to Lessons on Morals.
  335. Ping Wen Kuo: Transformation of China by Education.
  336. Mann: Education and National Prosperity.
  337. Huxley: The Recent Progress of Science.
  338. Anon.: Scientific Knowledge must precede Invention.
  339. Ticknor: Illustrating Early Lack of Communication.
  340. Monroe: The Struggle for National Realization.
  341. Buisson, F.: The French Teacher and the National Spirit.
  342. Fr. de Hovre: The German Emphasis on National Ends.
  343. Stuntz: Landing of the Pilgrims at Manila.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Compare the Swiss and American Federal organizations, and state just
what the Swiss Constitution (333) provides as to education.

2. Suppose you knew nothing about the Japanese, what type of government
would you take theirs to be from reading the Imperial Rescript (334b)?

3. In comparing the Chinese transformation and the Renaissance (335), does
Mr. Ping propose comparable events?

4. Show that Mr. Mann's argument (336) is still sound.

5. Does Huxley overdraw (337) our dependence on science?

6. From 338, show why the Middle Ages were so poor in inventions and
discoveries.

7. Are there universities anywhere to-day of which we know as little as
Ticknor was able to find out (339) a century ago?

8. Show that Monroe's statements are true that the struggle for national
realization (340) has dominated modern history from the fifteenth century
on.

9. Compare the conceptions as to the function of education in a State as
revealed in the selections as to French (341) and German (342) educational
purpose.

10. Show the entirely new character of the event (343) described by
Stuntz.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Buisson, F. and Farrington, F. E. _French Educational Ideals of To-
    day_.
  Butler, N. M. "Status of Education at the Close of the Century"; in
    _Proceedings National Education Association_, 1900, pp. 188-96.
  Davidson, Thos. "Education as World Building"; in _Educational
    Review_, vol. xx, pp. 325-45. (November, 1900.)
  Doolittle, Wm. H. _Inventions of the Century_.
  Foster, M. "A Century's Progress in Science"; in _Educational
    Review_, vol. xviii, pp. 313-31. (November, 1899.)
* Friedel, V. H. _The German School as a War Nursery_.
  Gibbons, H. de B. _Economic and Industrial Progress of the
    Century_.
  Hughes, J. L., and Klemm, L. R. _Progress of Education in the
    Nineteenth Century_.
* Huxley, Thos. "The Progress of Science"; in his _Methods and
    Results_.
* Kuo, Ping Wen. _The Chinese System of Public Education_.
  Lewis, R. E. _The Educational Conquest of the Far East_.
  Macknight, Thos. _Political Progress of the Century_.
* Ross, E. A. "The World Wide Advance of Democracy"; in his _Changing
    America_.
  Routledge, R. _A Popular History of Science_.
  Sandiford, Peter, Editor. _Comparative Education_.
* Sedgwick, W. T., and Tyler, H. W. _A Short History of Science_.
* Thwing, C. F. _Education in the Far East_.
  Webster, W. C. _General History of Commerce_.
  White, A. D. _The-Warfare of Science and Theology_.




CHAPTER XXVIII

NEW CONCEPTIONS OF THE EDUCATIONAL PROCESS


I. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION OF ELEMENTARY INSTRUCTION

THE BEGINNINGS OF NORMAL-SCHOOL TRAINING. The training of would-be
teachers for the work of instruction is an entirely modern proceeding. The
first class definitely organized for imparting training to teachers,
concerning which we have any record, was a small local training group of
teachers of reading and the Catechism, conducted by Father Démia, at
Lyons, France, in 1672. The first normal school to be established anywhere
was that founded at Rheims, in northern France, in 1685, by Abbé de la
Salle (p. 347). He had founded the Order of "The Brothers of the Christian
Schools" the preceding year, to provide free religious instruction for
children of the working classes in France (R. 182), and he conceived the
new idea of creating a special school to train his prospective teachers
for the teaching work of his Order. Shortly afterward he established two
similar institutions in Paris. Each institution he called a "Seminary for
Schoolmasters." In addition to imparting a general education of the type
of the time, and a thorough grounding in religion, his student teachers
were trained to teach in practice schools, under the direction of
experienced teachers. This was an entirely new idea.

The beginnings elsewhere, as we have previously pointed out were made in
German lands, Francke's _Seminarium Praeceptorum_, established at Halle
(p. 419), in 1697, coming next in point of time. In 1738 Johann Julius
Hecker (1707-68), one of Francke's teachers (p. 562), established the
first regular Seminary for Teachers in Prussia, and in 1748 he established
a private _Lehrerseminar_ in Berlin. In these two institutions he first
showed the German people the possibilities of special training for
teachers in the secondary school. In 1753 the Berlin institution was
adopted as a Royal Teachers' Seminary (p. 563) by Frederick the Great.
After this, and in part due to the enthusiastic support of the Berlin
institution by the King, the teacher-training idea for secondary teachers
began to find favor among the Germans. We accordingly find something like
a dozen Teachers' Seminaries had been founded in German lands before the
close of the eighteenth century. [1] A normal school was established in
Denmark, by royal decree, as early as 1789, and five additional schools
when the law organizing public instruction in Denmark was enacted, in
1814. In France the beginnings of state action came with the action of the
National Convention, which decreed the establishment of the "Superior
Normal School for France," in 1794 (p. 517). This institution, though, was
short lived, and the real beginnings of the French higher normal school
awaited the reorganizing work of Napoleon, in 1808 (p. 595; R. 283).

The schools just mentioned represent the first institutions in the history
of the world organized for the purpose of training teachers to teach. The
teachers they trained, though, were intended primarily for the secondary
schools, and the training was largely academic in character. Only in
Silesia was any effort made, before the nineteenth century, to give
training in special institutions to teachers intended for the vernacular
schools. There Frederick the Great, in his "Regulations for the Catholic
Schools of Silesia" (R. 275, a § 2) designated six cathedral and monastery
schools as model schools, where teachers could "have the opportunity for
learning all that is needed by a good teacher." In another place he
defined this as "skill in singing and playing the organ sufficient to
perform the services of the Church," and "the art of instructing the young
in the German language" (R. 275, a § 1). So long as the instruction in the
vernacular school consisted chiefly of reading and the Catechism, and of
hearing pupils recite what they had memorized, there was of course but
little need for any special training for the teachers. It was not until
after Pestalozzi had done his work and made his contribution that there
was anything worth mentioning to train teachers for.

PESTALOZZI'S CONTRIBUTION. The memorable work done by Pestalozzi in
Switzerland, during his quarter-century (1800-25) of effort at Burgdorf
and Yverdon, changed the whole face of the preparation of teachers
problem. His work was so fundamental that it completely redirected the
education of children. Taking the seed-thought of Rousseau that sense-
impression was "the only true foundation of human knowledge" (R. 267), he
enlarged this to the conception of the mental development of human beings
as being organic, and proceeding according to law. His extension of this
idea of Rousseau's led him to declare that education was an individual
development, a drawing-out and not a pouring-in; that the basis of all
education exists in the nature of man; and that the method of education is
to be sought and constructed. [2] These were his great contributions.
These ideas fitted in well with the rising tide of individualism which
marked the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries, and upon
these contributions the modern secular elementary school has been built.

These ideas led Pestalozzi to emphasize sense perception and expression;
to formulate the rule that in teaching we must proceed from the concrete
to the abstract; and to construct a "faculty psychology" which conceived
of education as "a harmonious development" of the different "faculties" of
the mind. He also tried, unsuccessfully to be sure, to so organize the
teaching process that eventually it could be so "mechanized" that there
would be a regular A, B, C, for each type of instruction, which, once
learned, would give perfection to a teacher. In his Report of 1800 (R.
267), which forms a very clear statement of his aims, he had said:

    I know what I am undertaking; but neither the difficulties in the way,
    nor my own limitations in skill and insight, shall hinder me from
    giving my mite for a purpose which Europe needs so much... The most
    essential point from which I start is this:--Sense-impression of
    Nature is the only true foundation of human knowledge. All that
    follows is the result of this sense-impression, and the process of
    abstraction from it....

    Then the problem I have to solve is this:--How to bring the elements
    of every art into harmony with the very nature of mind, by following
    the psychological mechanical laws by which mind rises from physical
    sense-impressions to clear ideas.

Largely out of these ideas and the new direction he gave to instruction
the modern normal school for training teachers for the elementary schools
arose.

ORAL AND OBJECTIVE TEACHING DEVELOPED. Up to the time of Pestalozzi, and
for years after he had done his work, in many lands and places the
instruction of children continued to be of the memorization of textbook
matter and of the recitation type. The children learned what was down in
the book, and recited the answers to the teacher. Many of the early
textbooks were constructed on the plan of the older Catechism--that is, on
a question and answer plan (R. 351 a). There was nothing for children to
do but to memorize such textbook material, or for the teacher but to see
that the pupils knew the answers to the questions. It was school-keeping,
not teaching, that teachers were engaged in.

The form of instruction worked out by Pestalozzi, based on sense-
perception, reasoning, and individual judgment, called for a complete
change in classroom procedure. What Pestalozzi tried most of all to do was
to get children to use their senses and their minds, to look carefully, to
count, to observe forms, to get, by means of their five important senses,
clear impressions and ideas as to objects and life in the world about
them, and then to think over what they had seen and be able to answer his
questions, because they had observed carefully and reasoned clearly.
Pestalozzi thus clearly subordinated the printed book to the use of the
child's senses, and the repetition of mere words to clear ideas about
things. Pestalozzi thus became one of the first real teachers.

This was an entirely new process, and for the first time in history a real
"technique of instruction" was now called for. Dependence on the words of
the text could no longer be relied upon. The oral instruction of a class
group, using real objects, called for teaching skill. The class must be
kept naturally interested and under control; the essential elements to be
taught must be kept clearly in the mind of the teacher; the teacher must
raise the right kind of questions, in the right order, to carry the class
thinking along to the right conclusions; and, since so much of this type
of instruction was not down in books, it called for a much more extended
knowledge of the subject on the part of the teacher than the old type of
school-keeping had done. The teacher must now both know and be able to
organize and direct. Class lessons must be thought out in advance, and
teacher-preparation in itself meant a great change in teaching procedure.
Emancipated from dependence on the words of a text, and able to stand
before a class full of a subject and able to question freely, teachers
became conscious of a new strength and a professional skill unknown in the
days of textbook reciting. Out of such teaching came oral language
lessons, drill in speech usage, elementary science instruction,
observational geography, mental arithmetic, music, and drawing, to add to
the old instruction in the Catechism, reading, writing, and ciphering, and
all these new subjects, taught according to Pestalozzian ideas as to
purpose, called for an individual technique of instruction.

[Illustration: FIG. 224. THE FIRST MODERN NORMAL SCHOOL
The old castle at Yverdon, where Pestalozzi's Institute was conducted and
his greatest success achieved.]

THE NORMAL SCHOOL FINDS ITS PLACE. These new ideas of Pestalozzi proved so
important that during the first five or six decades of the nineteenth
century the elementary school was made over. The new conception of the
child as a slowly developing personality, demanding subject-matter and
method suited to his stage of development, and the new conception of
teaching as that of directing mental development instead of hearing
recitations and "keeping school," now replaced the earlier knowledge-
conception of school work. Where before the ability to organize and
discipline a school had constituted the chief art of instruction, now the
ability to teach scientifically took its place as the prime professional
requisite. A "science and art" of teaching now arose; methodology soon
became a great subject; the new subject of pedagogy began to take form and
secure recognition; and psychology became the guiding science of the
school.

As these changes took place, the normal school began to come into favor in
the leading countries of Europe and in the United States, and in time has
established itself everywhere as an important educational institution.
Pestalozzi had himself conducted the first really modern teacher-training
school, and his work was soon copied in a number of the Swiss cantons.
Other cantons, on the contrary, for a time would have nothing to do with
the new idea.

1. _The German States._ The first nation, though, to take up the teacher-
training idea and establish it as an important part of its state school
system was Prussia. Beginning in 1809 with the work of Zeller (p. 569), by
1840 there were thirty-eight Teachers' Seminaries, as the normal schools
in German lands have been called, in Prussia alone. The idea was also
quickly taken up by the other German States, and from the first decade of
the nineteenth century on no nation has done more with the normal school,
or used it, ends desired considered, to better advantage than have the
Germans. One of the features of the Prussian schools which most impressed
Professor Bache, when he visited the schools of the German States in 1838,
was the excellence of the Seminaries for Teachers (R. 344), and these he
described (R. 345) in some detail in his Report. Horace Mann, similarly,
on his visit to Europe, in 1843, was impressed with the thoroughness of
the training given prospective teachers in the Teachers' Seminaries of the
German States (R. 278). University pedagogical seminars were also
established early (c. 1810) [3] in the universities, for the training of
secondary teachers, and this training was continued with increasing
thoroughness up to 1914. Every teacher in the German States, elementary or
secondary, before that date, was a carefully-trained teacher. This was a
feature of the German state school systems of the pre-War period of which
no other nation could boast.

2. _France._ After the German States, France probably comes next as the
nation in which the normal school has been most used for training
teachers. The Superior Normal School had been recreated in 1808 (R. 283),
and after the downfall of Napoleon the creation of normal schools for
elementary-school teachers was begun. Twelve had been established by 1830,
and between 1830 and 1833 thirty additional schools for training these
teachers were begun (R. 285). These rendered a service for France (R. 346)
quite similar to that rendered by the Teachers' Seminaries in German
lands. During the period of reaction, from 1848 to 1870, the normal school
did not prosper in France, but since 1870 a normal school to train
elementary teachers has been established for men and one for women in each
of the eighty-seven departments into which France, for administrative
purposes, has been divided. Satisfactory provision has also been made for
the training of teachers for the secondary schools.

3. _The United States._ The United States has also been prominent,
especially since about 1870, in the development of normal schools for the
training of elementary teachers. The Lancastrian schools had trained
monitors for their work, but the first teacher-training school in the
United States to give training to individual teachers was opened
privately, [4] in 1823, and the second in a similar manner, [5] in 1827.
These were almost entirely academic institutions, being in the nature of
tuition high schools, with a little practice teaching and some lectures on
the "Art of Teaching" added in the last year of the course. In 1826
Governor Clinton recommended to the legislature of New York the
establishment by the State of "a seminary for the education of teachers in
the monitorial system of instruction." Nothing coming of this, in 1827 he
recommended the creation of "a central school in each county for the
education of teachers" (R. 349). That year (1827) the New York legislature
appropriated money to aid the academies "to promote the education of
teachers"--the first state aid in the United States for teacher-training.

The publication of an English edition of Cousin's _Report_ (p. 597; R.
284) in New York, in 1835; Calvin E. Stowe's _Report on Elementary
Education in Europe_, [6] in 1837; and Alexander D. Bache's _Report on
Education in Europe_ (Rs. 344, 345), in 1838, with their strong
commendations of the German teacher-training system, awakened new interest
in the United States, in the matter of teacher-training. Finally, in 1839,
the legislature of Massachusetts duplicated a gift of $10,000, and placed
the money in the hands of the newly created State Board of Education (p.
689) to be used "in qualifying teachers for the common schools of
Massachusetts" (R. 350 a). After careful consideration it was decided to
create special state institutions, after the German and French plans, in
which to give the desired training, and the French term of Normal School
was adopted and has since become general in the United States.

[Illustration: TEACHER-TRAINING IN THE UNITED STATES BY 1860.
A few private training-schools also existed, though less than half a dozen
in all.]

On July 3, 1839, the first state normal school in the United States opened
in the town hall at Lexington, Massachusetts, with one teacher and three
students. Later that same year a second state normal school was opened at
Barre, and early the next year a third at Bridgewater, both in
Massachusetts. For these the State Board of Education adopted a statement
as to entrance requirements and a course of instruction (R. 350 b) which
shows well the academic character of these early teaching institutions.
Their success was largely due to the enthusiastic support given the new
idea by Horace Mann. In an address at the dedication of the first building
erected in America for normal-school purposes, in 1846, he expressed his
deep belief as to the fundamental importance of such institutions (R. 350
c). By 1860 eleven state normal schools had been established in eight of
the States of the American Union, and six private schools were also
rendering similar services. Closely related was the Teachers' Institute,
first definitely organized by Henry Barnard in Connecticut, in 1839, to
offer four- to six-weeks summer courses for teachers in service, and these
had been organized in fifteen of the American States by 1860. Since 1870
the establishment of state normal schools has been rapid in the United
States, two hundred having been established by 1910, and many since. The
United States, though, is as yet far from having a trained body of
teachers for its elementary schools. For the high schools, it is only
since about 1890 that the professional training of teachers for such
service has really been begun.

4. _England._ In England the beginnings of teacher-training came with the
introduction of monitorial instruction, both the Bell and the Lancaster
Societies (p. 625) finding it necessary to train pupils for positions as
monitors, and to designate certain schools as model and training schools.
In 1833, it will be remembered (p. 638), Parliament made its first grant
of money in aid of education. Up to 1840 this was distributed through the
two National Societies, and in 1839 a portion of this aid was definitely
set aside to enable these Societies to establish model schools (R. 347).
From this beginning, the model training-schools for the different
religious Societies were developed. In these model schools prospective
teachers were educated, being trained in religious instruction and in the
art of teaching. In 1836, with the founding of the "Home and Colonial
Infant Society," a Pestalozzian Training College was founded by it.

In a further effort to secure trained teachers the government, in 1846,
adopted a plan then in use in Holland, and instituted what became known as
the "pupil-teacher system" (R. 348). This was an improvement on the waning
monitorial training system previously in use. Under this, a favorite old
English method, used somewhat for the same purpose a century earlier (R.
243), was adapted to meet the new need.' Under it promising pupils were
apprenticed to a head teacher for five years (usually from thirteen to
eighteen), he agreeing to give them instruction in both secondary-school
subjects and in the art of teaching in return for their help in the
schoolroom. Beginning in 1846, there were, by 1848, 200 pupil teachers; by
1861, 13,871; and by 1870, 14,612. This system formed the great dependence
of England before the days of national education. In 1874 the pupil-
teacher-center system was begun, and between 1878 and 1896 the age for
entering as a pupil-teacher was raised from thirteen to sixteen, and the
years of apprenticeship reduced from five to two. In most cases now the
academic preparation continues to seventeen or eighteen, and is followed
by one year of practice teaching in an elementary school, under
supervision. After that the teacher may, or may not, enter what is there
known as a Training-College. [7] So far the training of teachers has not
made such headway in England and Wales as has been the case in the German
States, France, the United States, or Scotland, but important progress may
be expected in the near future as an outcome of new educational impulses
arising as a result of the World War.

SPREAD OF THE NORMAL-SCHOOL IDEA. The movement for the creation of normal
schools to train teachers for the elementary schools has in time spread to
many nations. As nation after nation has awakened to the desirability of
establishing a system of modern-type state schools, a normal school to
train leaders has often been among the first of the institutions created.
The normal school, in consequence, is found to-day in all the continental
European States; in all the English self-governing dominions; in nearly
all the South American States; and in China, [8] Japan, Siam, the
Philippines, Cuba, Algiers, India, and other less important nations. In
all these there is an attempt, often reaching as yet to but a small
percentage of the teachers, to extend to them some of that training in the
theory and art of instruction which has for long been so important a
feature of the education of the elementary teacher in the German States,
France, and the United States. Since about 1890 other nations have also
begun to provide, as the German States and France have done for so long,
some form of professional training for the teachers intended for their
secondary schools [9] as well.

PSYCHOLOGY BECOMES THE MASTER SCIENCE. Everywhere the establishment of
normal schools has meant the acceptance of the newer conceptions as to
child development and the nature of the educational process. These are
that the child is a slowly developing personality, needing careful study,
and demanding subject-matter and method suited to his different stages of
development. The new conception of teaching as that of directing and
guiding the education of a child, instead of hearing recitations and
"keeping school," in time replaced the earlier knowledge-conception of
school work. Psychology accordingly became the guiding science of the
school, and the imparting to prospective teachers proper ideas as to
psychological procedure, and the proper methodology of instruction in each
of the different elementary-school subjects, became the great work of the
normal school. Teachers thus trained carried into the schools a new
conception as to the nature of childhood; a new and a minute methodology
of instruction; and a new enthusiasm for teaching;--all of which were
important additions to school work.

A new methodology was soon worked out for all the subjects of instruction,
both old and new. The centuries-old alphabet method of teaching reading
was superseded by the word and sound methods; the new oral language
instruction was raised to a position of first importance in developing
pupil-thinking; spelling, word-analysis, and sentence-analysis were given
much emphasis in the work of the school; the Pestalozzian mental
arithmetic came as an important addition to the old ciphering of sums; the
old writing from copies was changed into a drill subject, requiring
careful teaching for its mastery; the "back to nature" ideas of Rousseau
and Pestalozzi proved specially fruitful in the new study of geography,
which called for observation out of doors, the study of type forms, and
the substitution of the physical and human aspects of geography for the
older political and statistical; object lessons on natural objects, and
later science and nature study, were used to introduce children to a
knowledge of nature and to train them in thinking and observation; while
the new subjects of music and drawing came in, each with an elaborate
technique of instruction.

By 1875 the normal school in all lands was finding plenty to do, and
teaching, by the new methods and according to the new psychological
procedure, seemed to many one of the most wonderful and most important
occupations in the world. How great a change in the scope, as well as in
the nature of elementary-school instruction had been effected in a
century, the above diagram of American elementary-school development will
reveal. History and literature, it will be noticed, had also come in as
additional new subjects, but these were relatively unimportant in either
the elementary school or the normal school until after the coming of
Herbartian ideas, to which we shall refer a little further on.

[Illustration: FIG. 226. EVOLUTION OF THE ELEMENTARY-SCHOOL CURRICULUM AND
OF METHODS OF TEACHING]

Accompanying the organization of professional instruction for teachers,
another important change in the nature of the elementary school was
effected.

THE GRADING OF SCHOOLROOM INSTRUCTION. For some time after elementary
schools began it was common to teach all the children of the different
ages together in one room, or at most in two rooms. In the latter case the
subjects of instruction were divided between the teachers, rather than the
children. [10] Many of the pictures of early elementary schools show such
mixed-type schools. In these the children were advanced individually and
by subjects as their progress warranted, [11] until they had progressed as
far as the instruction went or the teacher could teach (R. 352). From this
point on the division of the elementary school into classes and a graded
organization has proceeded by certain rather well-defined steps.

The first step (Rs. 353, 354) was the division of the school into two
schools, one more advanced than the other, such as lower and higher, or
primary and grammar. Another division was introduced when the Infant
School was added, beneath. The next step was the division of each school
into classes. This began by the employment of assistant teachers, in
England and America known as "ushers," to help the "master," and the
provision of small recitation rooms, off the main large schoolroom, to
which the usher could take his class to hear recitations. The third and
final step came with the erection of a new type of school building, with
smaller and individual classrooms, or the subdivision of the larger
schoolrooms. It was then possible to assign a teacher to each classroom,
sort and grade the pupils by ages and advancement, outline the instruction
by years, and the modern graded elementary school was at hand.

The transition to the graded elementary school came easily and naturally.
For half a century the course of instruction in the evolving elementary
state school had been in process of expansion. Pestalozzi paved the way
for its creation by changing the purpose and direction, and greatly
enlarging (p. 543) the field of instruction of the vernacular school.
After him other new subjects of study were added (see diagram, Figure
226), new and better and longer textbooks were prepared (R. 351), and the
school term was gradually lengthened. The way in time became clear,
earliest in the German lands and in a few American cities, but by about
1850 in most leading nations, for that simple reorganization of school
work which would divide the school into a number of classes, or forms, or
grades, and give one to each teacher to handle. When this point had been
reached, which came about 1850 to 1860 in most nations, but earlier in a
few, the modern type of town or city graded elementary school was at hand.
Teaching had by this time become an organized and a psychological process;
graded courses of study began to appear; professional school
superintendents began to be given the direction and supervision of
instruction; and the modern science of school organization and
administration began to take shape. From this point on the further
development of the graded elementary public school has come through the
addition of new materials of instruction, and by changing the direction of
the school to adapt it better to meeting the new needs of society brought
about by the scientific, industrial, social, and political revolutions
which we, in previous chapters, have described. A few of the more
important of these additions and changes in direction we shall now briefly
describe.

[Illustration: FIG. 227. AN "USHER" AND HIS CLASS.
The usher, or assistant teacher, is here shown with a class in one of the
small recitation-rooms, off the large schoolroom.]


II. NEW IDEAS FROM HERBARTIAN SOURCES

THE WORK OF HERBART. Taking up the problem as Pestalozzi left it, a German
by the name of Johann Friedrich Herbart (1776-1841) carried it forward by
organizing a truer psychology for the whole educational process, by
erecting a new social aim for instruction, by formulating new steps in
method, and by showing the place and the importance of properly organized
instruction in history and literature in the education of the child.
Though the two men were entirely different in type, and worked along
entirely different lines, the connection between Herbart and Pestalozzi
was, nevertheless, close. [12]

The two men, however, approached the educational problem from entirely
different angles. Pestalozzi gave nearly all his long life to teaching and
human service, while Herbart taught only as a traveling private tutor for
three years, and later a class of twenty children in his university
practice school. Pestalozzi was a social reformer, a visionary, and an
impractical enthusiast, but was possessed of a remarkable intuitive
insight into child nature. Herbart, on the other hand, was a well-trained
scholarly thinker, who spent the most of his life in the peaceful
occupation of a professor of philosophy in a German university. [13] It
was while at Königsberg, between 1810 and 1832, and as an appendix to his
work as professor of philosophy, that he organized a small practice
school, conducted a Pedagogical Seminar, and worked out his educational
theory and method. His work was a careful, scholarly attempt at the
organization of education as a science, carried out amid the peace and
quiet which a university atmosphere almost alone affords. He addressed
himself chiefly to three things: (1) the aim, (2) the content, and (3) the
method of instruction.

THE AIM AND THE CONTENT OF EDUCATION. Locke had set up as the aim of
education the ideal of a physically sound gentleman. Rousseau had declared
his aim to be to prepare his boy for life by developing naturally his
inborn capacities. Pestalozzi had sought to regenerate society by means of
education, and to prepare children for society by a "harmonious training"
of their "faculties." Herbart rejected alike the conventional-social
education of Locke, the natural and unsocial education of Rousseau, and
the "faculty-psychology" conception of education of Pestalozzi. Instead he
conceived of the mind as a unity, instead of being divided into
"faculties," and the aim of education as broadly social rather than
personal. The purpose of education, he said, was to prepare men to live
properly in organized society, and hence the chief aim in education was
not conventional fitness, natural development, mere knowledge, nor
personal mental power, but personal character and social morality. This
being the case, the educator should analyze the interests and occupations
and social responsibilities of men as they are grouped in organized
society, and, from such analyses, deduce the means and the method of
instruction. Man's interests, he said, come from two main sources--his
contact with the things in his environment (real things, sense-
impressions), and from his relations with human beings (social
intercourse). His social responsibilities and duties are determined by the
nature of the social organization of which he forms a part.

Pestalozzi had provided fairly well for the first group of contacts,
through his instruction in objects, home geography, numbers, and geometric
form. For the second group of contacts Pestalozzi had developed only oral
language, and to this Herbart now added the two important studies of
literature and history, and history with the emphasis on the social rather
than the political side. Two new elementary-school subjects were thus
developed, each important in revealing to man his place in the social
whole. History in particular Herbart conceived to be a study of the first
importance for revealing proper human relationships, and leading men to
social and national "good-will."

The chief purpose of education Herbart held to be to develop personal
character and to prepare for social usefulness (R. 355). These virtues, he
held, proceeded from enough of the right kind of knowledge, properly
interpreted to the pupil so that clear ideas as to relationships might be
formed. To impart this knowledge interest must be awakened, and to arouse
interest in the many kinds of knowledge needed, a "many-sided" development
must take place. From full knowledge, and with proper instruction by the
teacher, clear ideas or concepts might be formed, and clear ideas ought to
lead to right action, and right action to personal character--the aim of
all instruction. Herbart was the first writer on education to place the
great emphasis on proper instruction, and to exalt teaching and proper
teaching-procedure instead of mere knowledge or intellectual discipline.
He thus conceived of the educational process as a science in itself,
having a definite content and method, and worthy of special study by those
who desire to teach.

HERBARTIAN METHOD. With these ideas as to the aim and content of
instruction, Herbart worked out a theory of the instructional process and
a method of instruction (R. 356). Interest he held to be of first
importance as a prerequisite to good instruction. If given spontaneously,
well and good; but, if necessary, forced interest must be resorted to.
Skill in instruction is in part to be determined by the ability of the
teacher to secure interest without resorting to force on the one hand or
sugar-coating of the subject on the other. Taking Pestalozzi's idea that
the purpose of the teacher was to give pupils new experiences through
contacts with real things, without assuming that the pupils already had
such, Herbart elaborated the process by which new knowledge is assimilated
in terms of what one already knows, and from his elaboration of this
principle the doctrine of apperception--that is, the apperceiving or
comprehending of new knowledge in terms of the old--has been fixed as an
important principle in educational psychology. Good instruction, then,
involves first putting the child into a proper frame of mind to apperceive
the new knowledge, and hence this becomes a corner-stone of all good
teaching method.

Herbart did not always rely on such methods, holding that the "committing
to memory" of certain necessary facts often was necessary, but he held
that the mere memorizing of isolated facts, which had characterized school
instruction for ages, had little value for either educational or moral
ends. The teaching of mere facts often was very necessary, but such
instruction called for a methodical organization of the facts by the
teacher, so as to make their learning contribute to some definite purpose.
This called for a purpose in instruction; the organization of the facts
necessary to be taught so as to select the most useful ones; the
connection of these so as to establish the principle which was the purpose
of the instruction; and training in systematic thinking by applying the
principle to new problems of the type being studied. The carrying-out of
such ideas meant the careful organization of the teaching process and
teaching method, to secure certain predetermined ends in child
development, instead of mere miscellaneous memorizing and school-keeping.

THE HERBARTIAN MOVEMENT IN GERMANY. Herbart died in 1841, without having
awakened any general interest in his ideas, and they remained virtually
unnoticed until 1865. In that year a professor at Leipzig, Tuiskon Ziller
(1817-1883), published a book setting forth Herbart's idea of instruction
as a moral force. This attracted much attention, and led to the formation
(1868) of a scientific society for the study of Herbart's ideas. Ziller
and his followers now elaborated Herbart's ideas, advanced the theory of
culture-epochs in child development, the theory of concentration in
studies, and elaborated the four steps in the process of instruction, as
described by Herbart, into the five formal steps of the modern Herbartian
school.

In 1874 a pedagogical seminary and practice school was organized at the
University of Jena, and in 1885 this came under the direction of Professor
William Rein, a pupil of Ziller's, who developed the practice school
according to the ideas of Ziller. A detailed course of study for this
school, filling two large volumes, was worked out, and the practice
lessons given were thoroughly planned beforehand and the methods employed
were subjected to a searching analysis after the lesson had been given.

HERBARTIAN IDEAS IN THE UNITED STATES. For a time, under the inspiration
of Ziller and Rein, Jena became an educational center to which students
went from many lands. From the work at Jena Herbartian ideas have spread
which have modified elementary educational procedure generally. In
particular did the work at Jena make a deep impression in the United
States. Between 1885 and 1890 a number of Americans studied at Jena and,
returning, brought back to the United States this Ziller-Rein-Jena brand
of Herbartian ideas and practices. [14] From the first the new ideas met
with enthusiastic approval.

[Illustration: PLATE 18. TWO LEADERS IN THE REORGANIZATION OF EDUCATIONAL
THEORY

JOHANN FRIEDRICH HERBART (1776-1841)
Organizer of the Psychology of Instruction

FRIEDRICH WILHELM TROEBEL (1782-1852)
Founder of the Kindergarten]

New methods of instruction in history and literature, and a new
psychology, were now added to the normal-school professional instruction.
Though this psychology has since been outgrown (R. 357), it has been very
useful in shaping pedagogical thought. New courses of study for the
training-schools were now worked out in which the elementary-school
subjects were divided into drill subjects, content subjects, and motor-
activity subjects. [15]

Apperception, interest, correlation, social purpose, moral education,
citizenship training, and recitation methods became new terms to conjure
with. From the normal schools these ideas spread rapidly to the better
city school systems of the time, and soon found their way into courses of
study everywhere. Practice schools and the model lessons in dozens of
normal schools were remodeled after the pattern of those at Jena, and for
a decade Herbartian ideas and the new child study vied with one another
for the place of first importance in educational thinking. The Herbartian
wave of the nineties resembled the Pestalozzian enthusiasm of the sixties.
Each for a time furnished the new ideas in education, each introduced
elements of importance into the elementary-school instruction, each deeply
influenced the training of teachers in normal schools by giving a new turn
to the instruction there, and each gradually settled down into its proper
place in educational practice and history.

THE HERBARTIAN CONTRIBUTION. To the Herbartians we are indebted in
particular for important new conceptions as to the teaching of history and
literature, which have modified all our subsequent procedure; for the
introduction of history teaching in some form into all the elementary-
school grades; for the emphasis on a new social point of view in the
teaching of history and geography; for the new emphasis on the moral aim
in instruction; for a new and a truer educational psychology; and for a
better organization of the technique of classroom instruction. In
particular Herbart gave emphasis to that part of educational development
which comes from without--environment acting upon the child--as contrasted
with the emphasis Pestalozzi had placed on mental development from within
and according to organic law. With the introduction of normal child
activities, which came from another source about this same time, the
elementary-school curriculum as we now have it was practically complete,
and the elementary school of 1850 was completely made over to form the
elementary school of the beginning of the twentieth century.


III. THE KINDERGARTEN, PLAY, AND MANUAL ACTIVITIES

To another German, Friedrich Froebel (1782-1852), we are indebted,
directly or indirectly, for three other additions to elementary education
--the kindergarten, the play idea, and handwork activities.

ORIGIN OF THE KINDERGARTEN. Of German parentage, the son of a rural
clergyman, early estranged from his parents, retiring and introspective by
nature, having led a most unhappy childhood, and apprenticed to a forester
without his wishes being consulted, at twenty-three Froebel decided to
become a schoolteacher and visited Pestalozzi in Switzerland. Two years
later he became the tutor of three boys, and then spent the years 1808-10
as a student and teacher in Pestalozzi's Institute at Yverdon. During his
years there Froebel was deeply impressed with the great value of music and
play in the education of children, and of all that he carried away from
Pestalozzi's institution these ideas were most persistent. After serving
in a variety of occupations--student, soldier against Napoleon, and
curator in a museum of mineralogy--he finally opened a little private
school, in 1816, which he conducted for a decade along Pestalozzian lines.
In this the play idea, music, and the self-activity of the pupils were
uppermost. The school was a failure, financially, but while conducting it
Froebel thought out and published (1826) his most important pedagogical
work--_The Education of Man_.

Gradually Froebel became convinced that the most needed reform in
education concerned the early years of childhood. His own youth had been
most unhappy, and to this phase of education he now addressed himself.
After a period as a teacher in Switzerland he returned to Germany and
opened a school for little children in which plays, games, songs, and
occupations involving self-activity were the dominating characteristics,
and in 1840 he hit upon the name _Kindergarten_ for it. In 1843 his
_Mutter- und Kose-Lieder_, a book of fifty songs and games, was published.
This has been translated into almost all languages.

SPREAD OF THE KINDERGARTEN IDEA. After a series of unsuccessful efforts to
bring his new idea to the attention of educators, Froebel, himself rather
a feminine type, became discouraged and resolved to address himself
henceforth to women, as they seemed much more capable of understanding
him, and to the training of teachers in the new ideas. Froebel was
fortunate in securing as one of his most ardent disciples, just before his
death, the Baroness Bertha von Marenholtz Bulow-Wendhausen (1810-93), who
did more than any other person to make his work known. Meeting, in 1849,
the man mentioned to her as "an old fool," she understood him, and spent
the remainder of her life in bringing to the attention of the world the
work of this unworldly man who did not know how to make it known for
himself. In 1851 the Prussian Government, fearing some revolutionary
designs in the new idea, and acting in a manner thoroughly characteristic
of the political reaction which by that time had taken hold of all German
official life, forbade kindergartens in Prussia. The Baroness then went to
London and lectured there on Froebel's ideas, organizing kindergartens in
the English "ragged schools." Here, by contrast, she met with a cordial
reception. She later expounded Froebelian ideas in Paris, Italy,
Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, and (after 1860, when the prohibition was
removed) in Germany. In 1870 she founded a kindergarten training-college
in Dresden. Many of her writings have been translated into English, and
published in the United States.

Considering the importance of this work, and the time which has since
elapsed, the kindergarten idea has made relatively small progress on the
continent of Europe. Its spirit does not harmonize with autocratic
government. In Germany and the old Austro-Hungary it had made but little
progress up to 1914. Its greatest progress in Europe, perhaps, has been in
democratic Switzerland. [16] In England and France, the two great leaders
in democratic government, the Infant-School development, which came
earlier, has prevented any marked growth of the kindergarten. In England,
though, the Infant School has recently been entirely transformed by the
introduction into it of the kindergarten spirit. [17] In France, infant
education has taken a somewhat different direction. [18]

In the United States the kindergarten idea has met with a most cordial
reception. In no country in the world has the spirit of the kindergarten
been so caught and applied to school work, and probably nowhere has the
original kindergarten idea been so expanded and improved. [19] The first
kindergarten in the United States was a German kindergarten, established
at Watertown, Wisconsin, in 1855, by Mrs. Carl Schurz, a pupil of Froebel.
During the next fifteen years some ten other kindergartens were organized
in German-speaking communities. The first English-speaking kindergarten
was opened privately in Boston, in 1860, by Miss Elizabeth Peabody. In
1868 a private training-college for kindergartners was opened in Boston,
largely through Miss Peabody's influence, by Madame Matilde Kriege and her
daughter, who had recently arrived from Germany. In 1872 Miss Marie Boelte
opened a similar teacher-training school in New York City, and in 1873 her
pupil, Miss Susan Blow, accepted the invitation of Superintendent William
T. Harris, of St. Louis, to go there and open the first public-school
kindergarten in the United States. [20]

To-day the kindergarten is found in some form in nearly all countries in
the world, having been carried to all continents by missionaries,
educational enthusiasts, and interested governments. [21] Japan early
adopted the idea, and China is now beginning to do so.

THE KINDERGARTEN IDEA. The dominant idea in the kindergarten is natural
but directed self-activity, focused upon educational, social, and moral
ends. Froebel believed in the continuity of a child's life from infancy
onward, and that self-activity, determined by the child's interests and
desires and intelligently directed, was essential to the unfolding of the
child's inborn capacities. He saw, more clearly than any one before him
had done, the unutilized wealth of the child's world; that the child's
chief characteristic is self-activity; the desirability of the child
finding himself through play; and that the work of the school during these
early years was to supplement the family by drawing out the child and
awakening the ideal side of his nature. To these ends doing, self
activity, and expression became fundamental to the kindergarten, and
movement, gesture, directed play, song, color, the story, and human
activities a part of kindergarten technique. Nature study and school
gardening were given a prominent place, and motor-activity much called
into play. Advancing far beyond Pestalozzi's principle of sense-
impressions, Froebel insisted on motor-activity and learning by doing (R.
358).

Froebel, as well as Herbart, also saw the social importance of education,
and that man must realize himself not independently amid nature, as
Rousseau had said, but as a social animal in coöperation with his
fellowmen. Hence he made his schoolroom a miniature of society, a place
where courtesy and helpfulness and social coöperation were prominent
features. This social and at times reverent atmosphere of the kindergarten
has always been a marked characteristic of its work. To bring out social
ideas many dramatic games, such as shoemaker, carpenter, smith, and
farmer, were devised and set to music. The "story" by the teacher was made
prominent, and this was retold in language, acted, sung, and often worked
out constructively in clay, blocks, or paper. Other games to develop skill
were worked out, and use was made of sand, clay, paper, cardboard, and
color. The "gifts" and "occupations" which Froebel devised were intended
to develop constructive and aesthetic power, and to provide for connection
and development they were arranged into an organized series of playthings.
Individual development as its aim, motor-expression as its method, and
social coöperation as its means were the characteristic ideas of this new
school for little children (R. 358).

THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE KINDERGARTEN. Wholly aside from the specific
training given children during the year, year and a half, or two years
they spend in this type of school, the addition of the kindergarten to
elementary-school work has been a force of very large significance and
usefulness. The idea that the child is primarily an active and not a
learning animal has been given new emphasis, and that education comes
chiefly by doing has been given new force. The idea that a child's chief
business is play has been a new conception of large educational value. The
elimination of book education and harsh discipline in the kindergarten has
been an idea that has slowly but gradually been extended upward into the
lower grades of the elementary school.

To-day, largely as a result of the spreading of the kindergarten spirit,
the world is coming to recognize play and games at something like their
real social, moral, and educational values, wholly aside from their
benefits as concern physical welfare, and in many places directed play is
being scheduled as a regular subject in school programs. Music, too, has
attained new emphasis since the coming of the kindergarten, and methods of
teaching music more in harmony with kindergarten ideas have been
introduced into the schools.

INSTRUCTION IN THE MANUAL ACTIVITIES. Froebel not only introduced
constructive work--paper-folding, weaving, needlework, and work with sand
and clay and color--into the kindergarten, but he also proposed to extend
and develop such work for the upper years of schooling in a school for
hand training which he outlined, but did not establish. His proposed plan
included the elements of the so-called manual-training idea, developed
later, and he justified such instruction on the same educational grounds
that we advance to-day. It was not to teach a boy a trade, as Rousseau had
advocated, or to train children in sense-perception, as Pestalozzi had
employed all his manual activities, but as a form of educational
expression, and for the purpose of developing creative power within the
child. The idea was advocated by a number of thinkers, about 1850 to 1860,
but the movement took its rise in Finland, Sweden, and Russia.

The first country to organize such work as a part of its school
instruction was Finland, where, as early as 1858, Uno Cygnaeus (1810-1888)
outlined a course for manual training involving bench and metal work,
wood-carving, and basket-weaving. In 1866 Finland made some form of manual
work compulsory for boys in all its rural schools, and in its training-
colleges for male teachers. In 1872 the government of Sweden decided to
introduce sloyd work into its schools, partly to counteract the bad
physical and moral effects of city congestion, and partly to revivify the
declining home industries of the people. A sloyd school was established at
Naas, in 1872, to train teachers, and in 1875 a second school, known as a
"Sloyd Seminarium," was begun. The summer courses of these two schools
were soon training teachers from many nations. In 1877 sloyd work was
added to the Folk School instruction of Sweden. At first the old native
sloyd occupations were followed, such as carpentering, turning, wood-
carving, brush-making, book-binding, and work in copper and iron, but
later the industrial element gave way to a well-organized course in
educational tool work for boys from twelve to fifteen years of age, after
the Finnish plan.

SPREAD OF THE MANUAL-TRAINING IDEA. France was the first of the larger
European nations to adopt this new addition to elementary-school
instruction, a training-school being organized at Paris in 1873, and, in
1882, the instruction in manual activities was ordered introduced into all
the primary schools of France. It has required time, though, to provide
work rooms and to realize this idea, and it is still lacking in complete
accomplishment. In England the work was first introduced in London, about
1887. The government at once accepted the idea, encouraged its spread, and
began to aid in the training of teachers. By 1900 the work was found in
all the larger cities, and included cooking and sewing for girls, as well
as manual work for boys. The training for girls goes back still farther,
and was an outgrowth of the earlier "schools of industry" established to
train girls for domestic service (R. 241). By 1846 instruction in
needlework had been begun in earnest in England. In German lands
needlework was also an early school subject, while some domestic training
for girls had been provided in most of the cities, before 1914. Manual
training for boys, though, despite much propaganda work, had made but
little headway up to that time. As in the case of the kindergarten, the
initiative and self-expression aspects of the manual-training movement
made no appeal to those responsible for the work of the people's schools,
and, in consequence, the manual activities have in German lands been
reserved largely for the continuation and vocational schools for older
pupils.

In the United States the manual-training and household-arts ideas have
found a very ready welcome. Curious as it may seem, the first introduction
to the United States of this new form of instruction came through the
exhibit made by the Russian government at the Centennial Exhibition of
1876, showing the work in wood and iron made by the pupils at the Imperial
Technical Institute at Moscow. This, however, was not the Swedish sloyd,
but a type of work especially adapted to secondary-school instruction. In
consequence the movement for instruction in the manual activities in the
United States, unlike in other nations, began as a highly organized
technical type of high-school instruction, [22] while the elementary-
school sloyd and the household arts for girls came in later. This type of
technical high school has since developed rapidly in this country, has
rendered an important educational service, and is a peculiarly American
creation. In Europe the manual-training idea has been confined to the
elementary school, and no institution exists there which parallels these
costly and well-equipped American technical secondary schools.

The introduction of manual work into the elementary schools came a little
later, and a little more slowly. As early as 1880 the Workingmen's School,
founded by the Ethical Culture Society of New York, had provided a
kindergarten and had extended the kindergarten constructive-work idea
upward, in the form of simple woodworking, into its elementary school. In
the public schools, experimental classes in elementary-school woodworking
were tried in one school in Boston, as early as 1882, the expense being
borne privately. In 1888 the city took over these classes. In 1886 a
teacher was brought to Boston from Sweden to introduce Swedish sloyd, and
a teacher-training school which has been very influential was established
there, in 1889. In 1876 Massachusetts permitted cities to provide
instruction in sewing, and Springfield introduced such instruction in
1884, and elementary-school instruction in knifework in 1886.

From these beginnings the movement spread, [23] though at first rather
slowly. By 1900 approximately forty cities, nearly all of them in the
North Atlantic group of States, had introduced work in manual training and
the household arts into their elementary schools, but since that time the
work has been extended to practically all cities, and to many towns and
rural communities as well.

[Illustration: FIG. 228. REDIRECTED MANUAL TRAINING
A boy mending his shoe instead of making a mortice-joint ]

CONTRIBUTION OF THE MANUAL-ACTIVITIES IDEA. These new forms of school work
were at first advocated on the grounds of formal discipline--that they
trained the reasoning, exercised the powers of observation, and
strengthened the will. The "exercises," true to such a conception, were
quite formal and uniform for all. With the breakdown of the "faculty
psychology," and the abandonment in large part of the doctrine of formal
discipline in the training of the mind, the whole manual-training and
household-arts work has had to be reshaped. As the writings of Pestalozzi,
Herbart, and Froebel were studied more closely, and with the new light on
child development gained from child-study and the newer psychology, these
new subjects came to be conceived of in their proper light as means of
individual expression, and to be extended to new forms, materials, colors,
and new practical and artistic ends. To-day the instruction in manual work
and the household arts in all their forms has been further changed to make
of them educational instruments for interpreting the fields of art and
industry and home-life in terms of their social significance and
usefulness. Through these two new forms of education, also, the pupils in
the elementary schools have been given training in expression and an
insight into the practical work of life impossible in the old textbook
type of elementary school. In the kindergarten, manual work, and the
household arts, Froebel's principle of education through directed self-
activity and self-expression has borne abundant fruit.

In the hands of French, English, and American educators the original
manual-arts idea has been greatly expanded. In France some form of
expression has been worked out for all grades of the primary school, and
the work has been closely connected with art and industry on the one hand
and with the home-life of the people on the other. In England the project
system as applied to industry, and the household arts with reference to
home-life, have been emphasized. In the United States the work has been
individualized perhaps more than anywhere else, applied in many new
directions--clay, leather, cement, metal--and used as a very important
instrument for self-expression and the development of individual thinking.


IV. THE ADDITION OF SCIENCE STUDY

THE GRADUAL EXTENSION OF THE INTEREST IN SCIENCE. A very prominent feature
of world educational development, since about the middle of the nineteenth
century, has been the general introduction into the schools of the study
of science. It is no exaggeration of the importance of this to say that no
addition of new subject-matter and no change in the direction and purpose
of education, since that time, has been of greater importance for the
welfare of mankind, or more significant of new world conditions, than has
been the emphasis recently placed, in all divisions of state school
systems, on instruction in the principles and the applications of science.

From the days of Francis Bacon (p. 390) on, the study of science has been
making slow but steady progress. The early history of modern science we
traced in chapter XVII. During the seventeenth century English scholars
were most prominent in the further development, due largely to the greater
tolerance of new ideas there, and the University of Cambridge early
attained to some reputation (p. 423) as a place where instruction in the
new scientific studies might be found. After the middle of the eighteenth
century, in large part due to the illuminating work of Voltaire (p. 485),
a great interest in science arose among the French. In the Revolutionary
days we accordingly find the French creating important scientific
institutions (p. 518), and Napoleon gave frequent evidence of his deep
interest in scientific studies. [24] This interest the French have since
retained.

From France this new interest in science passed quickly to the Germans.
The new mathematical and physical studies had early found a home at the
new University of Göttingen (p. 555), and largely under French influences
scientific studies were later introduced into all the German universities.
Early in the nineteenth century the German universities took the lead as
centers for the new scientific studies (p. 576)--a lead they retained
throughout the century. In England the universities had, by the nineteenth
century, lost much of their seventeenth-century prominence in science, and
had settled down into teaching colleges, instead of developing, as had the
German universities, into institutions for scientific research. Compared
with the reformed German universities, actuated by the new scientific
spirit, the English universities of the mid-nineteenth century presented a
very unfavorable [25] aspect (R. 359). In the United States, book
instruction in the sciences came in near the close of the eighteenth
century, but the first laboratory instruction in our colleges was not
begun until 1846, and our real interest in science teaching dates from an
even later period. Until the coming of German influences, after the middle
of the century, the American college [26] largely followed English models
and practices.

Yet, as we pointed out earlier, the early nineteenth century witnessed a
vast expansion of scientific knowledge, and by 1860 the main keys of
modern science (p. 727) were in the hands of scholars everywhere. The
great early development of scientific study had been carried on in a few
universities or had been done by independent scholars, and had influenced
but little instruction in the colleges or the schools below.

SCIENCE INSTRUCTION REACHES THE SCHOOLS BUT SLOWLY. The textbook
organization of this new scientific knowledge, for teaching purposes, and
its incorporation into the instruction of the schools, took place but
slowly.

1. _The elementary schools._ The greatest and the earliest success was
made in German lands. There the pioneer work of Basedow (p. 534) and the
Philanthropinists had awakened a widespread interest in scientific
studies. In Switzerland, too, Pestalozzi had developed elementary science
study and home geography, and, when Pestalozzian methods were introduced
into the schools of Prussia, the study of elementary science (_Realien_)
soon became a feature of the _Volksschule_ instruction. From Prussia it
spread to all German lands. In England the Pestalozzian idea was
introduced into the Infant Schools, [27] though in a very formal fashion,
under the heading of object lessons. In this form elementary science study
reached the United States, about 1860, though a decade later well-
organized courses in elementary science instruction began to be introduced
into the American elementary schools. [28]

After the political reaction following the Napoleonic wars had set in, on
the continent of Europe, all thought-provoking studies were greatly
curtailed in the people's schools. In England, for other reasons, object
lessons did not make any marked headway, and as late as 1865 practically
nothing relating to the great new world of scientific knowledge had as yet
been introduced into the private and religious elementary schools (R. 360)
which, up to that time, constituted England's chief dependence for the
elementary instruction of her people.

2. _The secondary schools._ In the secondary schools the earliest work of
importance in introducing the new scientific subjects was done by the
Germans and the French. In German lands the _Realschule_ obtained an early
start (1747; p. 420), and the instruction in mathematics and science it
included [29] had begun to be adopted by the German secondary schools,
especially in the South German States, before the period of reaction set
in. During the reign of Napoleon the scientific course in the French
_Lycées_ was given special prominence. After about 1815, and continuing
until after 1848, practical and thought-provoking studies were under an
official ban in both countries, and classical studies were specially
favored. [30] Finally, in 1852 in France and in 1859 in Prussia,
responding to changed political conditions and new economic demands, both
the scientific course in the _Lycées_ and the _Realschulen_ were given
official recognition, and thereafter received increasing state favor and
support. The scientific idea also took deep root in Denmark. There the
secondary schools were modernized, in 1809, when the sciences were given
an important place, and again in 1850, when many of the Latin schools were
transformed into _Realskoler_.

In the United States the academies and the early high schools both had
introduced quite an amount of mathematics and book-science, [31] and,
after about 1875, the development of laboratory instruction in science in
the growing high schools took place rather rapidly. Fellenberg's work in
Switzerland (p. 546) had also awakened much interest in the United States,
and by 1830 a number of Schools of Industry and Science had begun to
appear. [32] These made instruction in mathematics and science prominent
features of their work.  After the Napoleonic wars, England attained to
the first place as an industrial and commercial nation. This led to a
continual agitation on the part of manufacturers for some science and art
instruction. In 1853, Parliament created a State Department of Science and
Art (p. 638), and the promotion of science and art education by government
grants was now begun. Though the nation had been the first to be
transformed by the industrial revolution, and its foreign trade by 1850
reached all parts of the world, the secondary schools of England had
remained largely untouched by the change. They were still mainly the
Renaissance Latin grammar schools they had been ever since Dean Colet
(1510) marked out the lines for such instruction by founding his reformed
grammar school at St. Pauls (p. 275). Their courses of instruction
contained little that was modern, and in their aims and purposes they went
back to the days of the Revival of Learning for their inspiration (R.
361).

THE CHALLENGE OF HERBERT SPENCER. By the middle of the nineteenth century
the scientific and industrial revolutions had produced important changes
in the conditions of living in all the then important world nations.
Particularly in the German States, France, England, and the United States
had the effects of the revolutions in manufacturing and living been felt.
In consequence there had been, for some time, a growing controversy
between the partisans of the older classical training and the newer
scientific studies as to their relative worth and importance, both for
intellectual discipline and as preparation for intelligent living, and by
the middle of the nineteenth century this had become quite sharp. The
"faculty psychology," upon which the theory of the discipline of the
powers of the mind by the classics was largely based, was attacked, and
the contention was advanced that the content of studies was of more
importance in education than was method and drill. The advocates of the
newer studies contended that a study of the classics no longer provided a
suitable preparation for intelligent living, and the question of the
relative worth of the older and newer studies elicited more and more
discussion as the century advanced.

[Illustration: FIG. 229. HERBERT SPENCER (1820-1903)]

In 1859 one of England's greatest scholars, Herbert Spencer, brought the
whole question to a sharp issue by the publication of a remarkably
incisive essay on "What Knowledge is of Most Worth?" In this he declared
that the purpose of education was to "prepare us for complete living," and
that the only way to judge of the value of an educational course was first
to classify, in the order of their importance, [33] the leading activities
and needs of life, and then measure the course of study by how fully it
offers such a preparation. Doing so (R. 362), and applying such a test, he
concluded that of all subjects a knowledge of science (R. 363) "was always
most useful for preparation for life," and therefore the type of knowledge
of most worth. In three other essays [34] he recommended a complete change
from the classical type of training which had dominated English secondary
education since the days of the Renaissance. Still more, instead of a few
being educated by a "cultural discipline" for a life of learning and
leisure, he urged general instruction in science, that all might receive
training and help for the daily duties of life.

These essays attracted wide attention, not only in England but in many
other lands as well. They were a statement, in clear and forceful English,
of the best ideas of the educational reformers for three centuries. In his
statement of the principles upon which sound intellectual education should
be based he merely enunciated theses for which educational reformers had
stood since the days of Ratke and Comenius. In his treatment of moral and
physical education he voiced the best ideas of John Locke. Spencer's great
service was in giving forceful expression to ideas which, by 1860, had
become current, and in so doing he pushed to the front anew the question
of educational values. The scientific and industrial revolutions had
prepared the way for a redirection of national education, and the time was
ripe in England, France, German lands, and the United States for such a
discussion. As a result, though the questions he raised are still in part
unsettled, a great change in assigned values has since been effected not
only in these nations, but in most other nations and lands which have
drawn the inspiration for their educational systems from them. Though his
work was not specially original, we must nevertheless class Herbert
Spencer as one of the great writers on educational aims and purposes, and
his book as one of the great influences in reshaping educational practice.
He gave a new emphasis to the work of all who had preceded him, and out of
the discussion which ensued came a new and a greatly enlarged estimate as
to the importance of science study in all divisions of the school.

[Illustration: FIG. 230. THOMAS H. HUXLEY (1825-95)]

THE NEW EDUCATIONAL PURPOSE. It is perhaps not too much to say that out of
Spencer's gathering-up and forceful statement of the best ideas of his
time, and the discussion which followed, a new conception of the
educational purpose as adjustment to the life one is to live--physical,
economic, social, moral, political--was clearly formulated, and a new
definition of a liberal education was framed. The former found expression
in a rather rapid introduction of science-study into the elementary
school, the secondary school, and the college, after about 1865, in the
school systems of all progressive nations, and the subsequent extension of
the scientific method to such new fields as history, politics, government,
and social welfare. The latter--the new definition of a liberal education
--was wonderfully well stated in an address (1868) by the English
scientist, Thomas Huxley, when he said: [35]

    That man, I think, has had a liberal education who has been so trained
    in youth that his body is the ready servant of his will, and does with
    ease and pleasure all the work that, as a mechanism, it is capable of;
    whose intellect is a clear, cold, logic engine, with all its parts of
    equal strength, and in smooth working order; ready, like a steam
    engine, to be turned to any kind of work, and spin the gossamers as
    well as forge the anchors of the mind; whose mind is stored with a
    knowledge of the great and fundamental truths of Nature and of the
    laws of her operations; one who, no stunted ascetic, is full of life
    and fire, but whose passions are trained to come to heel by a vigorous
    will, the servant of a tender conscience; who has learned to love all
    beauty, whether of Nature or of art, to hate all vileness, and to
    respect others as himself.

    Such an one and no other, I conceive, has had a liberal education; for
    he is, as completely as a man can be, in harmony with Nature. He will
    make the best of her, and she of him. They will get on together
    rarely: she as his ever-beneficent mother; he as her mouthpiece, her
    conscious self, her minister and interpreter.

The inter-relation between the movement for the study of the sciences and
the other movements for the improvement of instruction which we have so
far described in this chapter, was close. Pestalozzi had emphasized
instruction in geography and the study of nature; Froebel had given a
prominent place to nature study and school gardening; the manual-arts work
tended to exhibit industrial processes and relationships; and the
scientific emphasis on content rather than drill was in harmony with the
theories of all the modern reformers. Still more, the scientific movement
was in close harmony with the new individualistic tendency of the early
part of the nineteenth century, and with the movements for the improvement
of individual and national welfare which have been so prominent a
characteristic of the latter half of the century.


V. SOCIAL MEANING OF THESE CHANGES

A CENTURY OF PROGRESS. Pestalozzi, true to the individualistic spirit of
the age in which he lived and worked, had seen education as an individual
development, and the ends of education as individual ends. The spirit of
the French Revolutionary period was the spirit of individualism. With the
progress of the Industrial Revolution and the consequent rise of new
social problems, the emphasis was gradually shifted from the individual to
society--from the single man to the man in the mass. The first educational
thinker of importance to see and clearly state this new conception in
terms of the school was Herbart. Seeing the educational purpose in far
clearer perspective than had those who had gone before him, he showed that
education must have for its function the preparation of man to live in
organized society, and that character and social morality, rather than
individual development, must in consequence be the larger aims. Froebel,
possessed of something of the same insight, and seeing clearly the
educational importance of activity and expression, had opened up for
children a wealth of new contacts with the world about them in the new
type of educational institution which he created. His principles, he said,
when thoroughly worked out and applied to education "would revolutionize
the world." He did not complete the full educational organization he had
planned, but in the hands of the Swedes and Finns similar ideas were
worked out in practical form and made a part of school work. Applying
Froebel's idea to instruction in the old trades and industries, declining
in importance in the face of the rise of the factory system, they evolved
the manual-training activities, and these have since been made important
tools for giving to young people some intelligent ideas as to the
industrial relationships and economic problems of our complex modern life.

Since this early pioneer work changes in school work have been numerous
and of far-reaching importance. The methods and purpose of instruction in
the older subjects have been revised; new studies, which would serve to
interpret to the young the industrial and social revolutions of the
nineteenth century, have been introduced; the expression-subjects--the
domestic arts, music, drawing, clay-modeling, color work, the manual arts,
nature study, gardening--have given a new direction to school work; and
the study of science and the vocations has attained to a place of
importance previously unknown. During the past half-century the school has
been transformed, in the principal world nations, from a disciplinary
institution where drill in mastering the rudiments of knowledge was given,
into an instrument of democracy calculated to train young people for
living, for useful service in the office and shop and home, and to prepare
them for intelligent participation in the increasingly complex social and
political and industrial life of a modern world. This transformation of
the school has not always been easy (R. 365), but the vastly changed
conditions of modern life have demanded such a transformation in all
progressive nations.

THE CONTRIBUTION OF JOHN DEWEY. The foremost American interpreter, in
terms of the school, of the vast social and industrial changes which have
marked the nineteenth century, is John Dewey [36] (1859- ). Better perhaps
than anyone else he has thought out and stated a new educational
philosophy, suited to the changed and changing conditions of human living.
His work, both experimental and theoretical, has tended both to re-
psychologize (R. 364) and socialize education; to give to it a practical
content, along scientific and industrial lines; and to interpret to the
child the new social and industrial conditions of modern society by
connecting the activities of the school closely with those of real life.

[Illustration: FIG. 231. A REORGANIZED KINDERGARTEN
Drawn from a photograph showing the reconstruction of the kindergarten
activities, as worked out by Dewey at Chicago.]

Starting with the premises that "the school cannot be a preparation for
social life except as it reproduces the typical conditions of social
life"; that "industrial activities are the most influential factors in
determining the thought, the ideals, and the social organization of a
people"; and that "the school should be life, not a preparation for
living"; Dewey for a time conducted an experimental school, for children
from four to thirteen years of age, to give concrete expression to his
educational ideas. These, first consciously set forth by Froebel, were:
[37]

    1. That the primary business of the school is to train in coöperative
    and mutually helpful living....

    2. That the primary root of all educational activity is in the
    instinctive, impulsive attitudes and activities of the child, and not
    in the presentation and application of external material.

    3. That these individual tendencies and activities are organized and
    directed through the uses made of them in keeping up the coöperative
    living ... taking advantage of them to reproduce, on the child's
    plane, the typical doings and occupations of the larger, maturer
    society into which he is finally to go forth; and that it is through
    production and creative use that valuable knowledge is clinched.

The work of this school [38] was of fundamental importance in directing
the reorganization of the work of the kindergarten along different and
larger lines, and also has been of significance in redirecting the
instruction in both the social subjects--history (R. 366), literature,
etc.--and the manual, domestic, and artistic activities of the school. In
his subsequent writings he may be said to have stated an important new
philosophy for the school in terms of modern social, political, and
industrial needs.

THE DEWEY EDUCATIONAL PHILOSOPHY. Believing that the public school is the
chief remedy for the ills of organized society, Professor Dewey has tried
to show how to change the work of the school so as to make it a miniature
of society itself. Social efficiency, and not mere knowledge, he has
conceived to be the end, and this social efficiency is to be produced
through participation in the activities of an institution of society, the
school. The different parts of the school system thus become a unified
institution, in which children are taught how to live amid the constantly
increasing complexities of modern social and industrial life.

Education, therefore, in Dewey's conception, involves not merely learning,
but play, construction, use of tools, contact with nature, expression, and
activity; and the school should be a place where children are working
rather than listening, learning life by living life, and becoming
acquainted with social institutions and industrial processes by studying
them. The work of the school is in large part to reduce the complexity of
modern life to such terms as children can understand, and to introduce the
child to modern life through simplified experiences. Its primary business
may be said to be to train children in coöperative and mutually helpful
living. The virtues of a school, as Dewey points out, are learning by
doing; the use of muscles, sight and feeling, as well as hearing; and the
employment of energy, originality, and initiative. The virtues of the
school in the past were the colorless, negative virtues of obedience,
docility, and submission. Mere obedience and the careful performance of
imposed tasks he holds to be not only a poor preparation for social and
industrial efficiency, but a poor preparation for democratic society and
government as well. Responsibility for good government, under any
democratic form of organization, rests with all, and the school should
prepare for the political life of to-morrow by training its pupils to meet
responsibilities, developing initiative, awakening social insight, and
causing each to shoulder a fair share of the work of government in the
school.

We have now before us the great contributions to a philosophy for the
educational process made since the beginning of the nineteenth century.
Many other workers in different lands, but more particularly in German
lands, France, Italy, England, and the United States, have added their
labors to the expansion and redirection of the school. They are too
numerous to mention and, though often nationally important, need not be
included here. Still more, the contributions of Pestalozzi, Herbart,
Froebel, Spencer, Dewey, and their followers and disciples are so
interwoven in the educational theory and practice of to-day that it is in
most cases impossible to separate them from one another. [39]


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. How do you explain the long-continued objection to teacher-training?

2. Contrast "oral and objective teaching" with the former "individual
instruction."

3. Show how complete a change in classroom procedure this involved.

4. Show how Pestalozzian ideas necessitated a "technique of instruction."

5. Why is it that Pestalozzian ideas as to language and arithmetic
instruction have so slowly influenced the teaching of grammar, language,
and arithmetic?

6. How do you explain the decline in importance of the once-popular mental
arithmetic?

7. Show how child study was a natural development from the Pestalozzian
psychology and methodology.

8. Explain what is meant by the statements that Herbart rejected:
   (a) The conventional-social ideal of Locke.
   (b) The unsocial ideal of Rousseau.
   (c) The "faculty-psychology" conception of Pestalozzi.

9. Explain what is meant by saying that Herbart conceived of education as
broadly social, rather than personal.

10. Show in what ways and to what extent Herbart:
    (a) Enlarged our conception of the educational process.
    (b) Improved the instruction content and process.

11. Explain why Herbartian ideas took so much more quickly in the United
States than did Pestalozzianism.

12. State the essentials of the kindergarten idea, and the psychology
behind it.

13. State the contribution of the kindergarten idea to education.

14. Show the connection between the sense impression ideas of Pestalozzi,
the self-activity of Froebel, and the manual activities of the modern
elementary school.

15. Explain why scientific studies came into the schools so slowly, up to
about 1860, and so very rapidly after about that time.

16. Explain the particularly long resistance to the introduction of
scientific studies by industrial England.

17. State the comparative importance of content and drill in education.

18. Does the reasoning of Herbert Spencer appeal to you as sound? If not,
why not?

19. Show how the argument of Spencer for the study of science was also an
argument for a more general diffusion of educational advantages.

20. Would schools have advanced in importance as they have done had the
industrial revolution not taken place? Why?

21. Why is more extended education called for as "industrial life becomes
more diversified, its parts narrower, and its processes more concealed"?

22. Point out the social significance of the educational work of John
Dewey.

23. Point out the value, in the new order of society, of each group of
school subjects listed in footnote 1 on page 763.

24. Contrast the virtues of a school before Pestalozzi's time and those of
a modern school.


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections
illustrative of the contents of this chapter are reproduced:

  344. Bache: The German Seminaries for Teachers.
  345. Bache: A German Teachers' Seminary Described.
  346. Bache: A French Normal School Described.
  347. Barnard: Beginnings of Teacher-Training in England.
  348. Barnard: The Pupil-Teacher System Described.
  349. Clinton: Recommendation for Teacher-Training Schools.
  350. Massachusetts: Organizing the First Normal Schools.
       (a) The Organizing Law.
       (b) Admission and Instruction in.
       (c) Mann: Importance of the Normal School.
  351. Early Textbooks: Examples of Instruction from
       (a) Davenport: History of the United States.
       (b) Morse: Elements of Geography--Map.
       (c) Morse Elements of Geography.
  352. Murray: A Typical Teacher's Contract.
  353. Bache: The Elementary Schools of Berlin in 1838.
  354. Providence: Grading the Schools of.
  355. Felkin: Herbart's Educational Ideas.
  356. Felkin: Herbart's Educational Ideas Applied.
  357. Titchener: Herbart and Modern Psychology.
  358. Marenholtz-Bülow: Froebel's Educational Views.
  359. Huxley: English and German Universities Contrasted.
  360. Huxley: Mid-nineteenth-Century Elementary Education in England.
  361. Huxley: Mid-nineteenth-Century Secondary Education in England.
  362. Spencer: What Knowledge is of Most Worth?
  363. Spencer: Conclusions as to the Importance of Science.
  364. Dewey: The Old and New Psychology Contrasted.
  365. Ping: Difficulties in Transforming the School.
       (a) Relating Education to Life.
       (b) The Old Teacher and the New System.
  366. Dewey: Socialization of School Work illustrated by History.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Contrast the instruction in a German Teachers' Seminary (345) or a
French normal school (346) of 1838, as described by Bache, with that of an
American normal school of to-day.

2. What do the beginnings of teacher training in England (347, 348)
indicate as to conceptions then existing as to the educational process?

3. Show, by comparison, that the beginnings of the American normal school
were German, rather than English in origin.

4. Just what educational conditions does Governor Clinton (349) indicate
as existing in New York State, in 1827?

5. Contrast the instruction in the early Massachusetts normal schools
(350) with that in the German (345) and French (346) of about the same
time.

6. What do the three professional courses reproduced (345, 346, 350 b)
indicate as to the development of pedagogical work by about 1840?

7. Compare the textbook types, given in 351, with modern textbooks in
equivalent subjects.

8. Just what light on school teaching, in 1841, does the teacher's
contract given (352) throw?

9. State the steps in the evolution of a graded system of schools (353,
354).

10. State the essentials of Herbart's educational ideas (355,356), and the
nature of the advances made over his predecessors.

11. State the essentials of Froebel's educational ideas, as explained by
the Baroness von Marenholtz-Bülow (358).

12. Explain the difference between the universities of the two nations
(359).

13. Contrast elementary education in England (360) with that in the United
States at the same period.

14. Would you add anything else to Spencer's requirements to prepare for
complete living? What? Why?

15. How do you explain science being "written against in our theologies
and frowned upon from our pulpits" (363) when it is of such importance as
Spencer concludes?

16. Contrast the old and the new psychology (357, 364).

17. Have the difficulties experienced in the transformation of instruction
in China (365) been essentially different than with us? How?

18. Apply Dewey's idea as to the socialization of history (366) to
instruction in geography.


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

  Barnard, Henry. _National Education in Europe_.
* Bowen, H. C. _Froebel and Education through Self-Activity_.
  Compayré, G. _Herbart and Education by Instruction_.
* De Garmo, Chas. _Herbart and the Herbartians_.
  Dewey, John. _The School and Social Progress_. (Nine numbers.)
* Dewey, John. _The School and Society_.
  Gordy, J. P. _Rise and Growth of the Normal School Idea in the United
    States_. Circular of Information, United States Bureau of
    Education, No. 8, 1891.
  Hollis, A. P. _The Oswego Movement_.
* Jordan, D. S. "Spencer's Essay on Education"; in _Cosmopolitan
    Magazine_, vol. xxix, pp. 135-49. (Sept. 1902.)
  Judd, C. H. _The Training of Teachers in England, Scotland, and
    Germany_. (Bulletin 35, 1914, United States Bureau of Education.)
  Monroe, Will S. _History of the Pestalozzian Movement in the United
    States_.
* Parker, S. C. _History of Modern Elementary Education_.
  Ping Wen Kuo. _The Chinese System of Public Education_.
  Spencer, Herbert. _Education: Intellectual, Moral, and Physical_.
  Vanderwalker, N. C. _The Kindergarten in American Education_.




CHAPTER XXIX

NEW TENDENCIES AND EXPANSIONS


I. POLITICAL

THE ENLARGED CONCEPTION OF PUBLIC EDUCATION. The new ideas as to the
purpose and functions of the State promulgated by English and French
eighteenth-century thinkers, and given concrete expression in the American
and French revolutions near the close of the century, imparted, as we have
seen, a new meaning to the school and a new purpose to the education of a
people. In the theoretical discussion of education by Rousseau and the
empirical work of Pestalozzi a new individualistic theory for a secular
school was created, and this Prussia, for long moving in that direction,
first adopted as a basis for the state school system it early organized to
serve national ends. The new American States, also long moving toward
state organization and control, early created state schools to replace the
earlier religious schools; while the French Revolution enthusiasts
abolished the religious school and ordered the substitution of a general
system of state schools to serve their national ends.

From these beginnings, as we have seen, the state-school idea has in
course of time spread to all continents, and nations everywhere to-day
have come to feel that the maintenance of a more or less comprehensive
system of state schools is so closely connected with national welfare and
progress as to be a necessity for the State (R. 367). In consequence,
state ministries for education have been created in all the important
world nations; state and local school officials have been provided
generally to see that the state purpose in creating schools is carried
out; state normal schools for the preparation of teachers have been
established; comprehensive state school codes have been enacted or
educational decrees formulated; and constantly increasing expenditures for
education are to-day derived by taxing the wealth of the State to educate
the children of the State.

CHANGE FROM THE ORIGINAL PURPOSE. The original purpose in the
establishment of schools by the State was everywhere to promote literacy
and citizenship. Under all democratic forms of government it was also to
insure to the people the elements of learning that they might be prepared
for participation in the functions of government. [1] This is well
expressed in the quotations given (p. 525) from early American statesmen
as to the need for the education of public opinion and the diffusion of
knowledge among the people. The same ideas were expressed by French
writers and statesmen of the time, and by the English after the passage of
the Reform Bills of 1832 and 1867 (p. 642). With the gradual extension of
the franchise to larger and larger numbers of the people, the extension of
educational advantages naturally had to follow. The education of new
citizens for "their political and civil duties as members of society and
freemen" became a necessity, and closely followed each extension of the
right to vote. In all democratic governments the growing complexity of
modern political society has since greatly enlarged these early duties of
the school. To-day, in modern nations where general manhood suffrage has
come to be the rule, and still more so in nations which have added female
suffrage as well, the continually increasing complexity of the political,
economic, and social problems upon which the voters are expected to pass
judgment is such that a more prolonged period of citizenship education is
necessary if voters are to exercise, in any intelligent manner, their
functions of citizenship. In nations where the initiative, referendum, and
recall have been added, the need for special education along political,
economic, and social lines has been still further emphasized.

At first instruction in the common-school branches, with instruction in
morals or religion added, was regarded as sufficient. In States, such as
the German, where religious instruction was retained in the schools, this
has been made a powerful instrument in moulding the citizenship and
upholding the established order. The history of the different nations has
also been used by each as a means for instilling desired conceptions of
citizenship, and some work in more or less formal civil government has
usually been added. To-day all these means have been proven inadequate for
democratic peoples. In consequence, the work in civil government is being
changed and broadened into institutional and community civics; the work of
the elementary school is being socialized, along the lines advocated by
Dewey; and instruction in economic principles and in the functions of
government is being introduced into the secondary schools. Instead of
being made mere teaching institutions, engaged in promoting literacy and
diffusing the rudiments of learning among the electorate, schools are to-
day being called upon to grasp the significance of their political and
social relationships, and to transform themselves into institutions for
improving and advancing the welfare of the State (R. 368).

THE PROMOTION OF NATIONALITY. In Prussia the promotion of national
solidarity was early made an important aim of the school. This has in time
become a common national purpose, as there has dawned upon statesmen
generally the idea that a national spirit or culture is "an artificial
product which transcends social, religious, and economic distinctions,"
and that it "could be manufactured by education" (R. 340). In consequence
of this discovery the school has been raised to a new position of
importance in the national life, and has become the chief means for
developing in the citizenship that national unity and national strength so
desirable under present-day world conditions. In the German States, where
this function of the school has in recent times been perverted to carry
forward imperialistic national ends (R. 342); in France, where it has been
intelligently used to promote a rational type of national strength (R.
341); in Italy, where divergent racial types are being fused into a new
national unity; in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines (R. 343) where
the United States has used education to bring backward peoples up to a new
level of culture, and to develop in them firm foundations of national
solidarity; in China (R. 335) where an ancient people, speaking numerous
dialects, is making the difficult transition from an old culture to the
newer western civilization; and in Algiers and Morocco, where the spirit
of French nationality is being fused into dark-skinned tribesmen--
everywhere to-day, where public education has really taken hold on the
national life, we find the school being used for the promotion of national
solidarity and the inculcation of national ideals and national culture. To
such an extent has this become true that practically all the pressing
problems of the school to-day, in any land, find their ultimate
explanation in terms of the new nineteenth-century conceptions of
political nationality.

Since the development of world trade routes following long rail and
steamship lines, along which people as well as raw materials and
manufactured articles pass to and fro, the entrance of new and diverse
peoples into distant national groups has created a new problem of
nationalization that before the early nineteenth century was largely
unknown. Previous to the nineteenth century the problem was confined
almost entirely to peoples conquered and annexed by the fortunes of war.
To-day it is a voluntary migration of peoples, and a migration of such
proportions and from such distant and unlike civilizations that the
problem of assimilating the foreigner has become, particularly in the
English-speaking nations and colonies, to which distant and unrelated
peoples have turned in largest numbers, [2] a serious national problem.
The migration of 32,102,671 persons to the United States, between 1820 and
1914, from all parts of the world, has been a movement of peoples compared
with which the migrations of the Germanic tribes--Angles, Saxons, Jutes,
Goths, Visigoths, Vandals, Suevi, Danes, Burgundians, Huns--into the old
Roman Empire in the fourth and fifth centuries pale into insignificance.
No such great movement of peoples was ever known before in history, and
the assimilative power of the American nation has not been equal to the
task. The World War revealed the extent of the failure to nationalize the
foreigner who has been permitted to come, and brought the question of
"Americanization" to the front as one of the most pressing problems
connected with American national education. With the world in flux
racially as it now is, the problem of the assimilation of non-native
peoples is one which the schools of every nation which offers political
and economic opportunity to other peoples must face. This has called for
the organization of special classes in the schools, evening and adult
instruction, community-center work, nationalization programs, compulsory
attendance of children, state oversight of private and religious schools,
and other forms of educational undertakings undreamed of in the days when
the State first took over the schools from the Church the better to
promote literacy and citizenship.

EFFECTS OF THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION. The effects of the great industrial
and social changes which we have previously described are written large
across the work of the school. As the civilization in the leading world
nations has increased in complexity, and the ramifications of the social
and industrial life have widened, the school has been called upon to
broaden its work, and develop new types of instruction to increase its
effectiveness. An education which was entirely satisfactory for the
simpler form of social and industrial life of two generations ago has been
seen to be utterly inadequate for the needs of the present and the future.
It is the far-reaching change in social and industrial and home-life,
brought about by the Industrial Revolution, which underlies most of the
pressing problems in educational readjustment to-day. As the industrial
life of nations has become more diversified, its parts narrower, and its
processes more concealed, new and more extended training has been called
for to prepare young people for the work of life; to reveal to them
something of the intricacy and interdependence of modern political and
industrial and social groups; and to point out to them the importance of
each one's part in the national political and industrial organization.
With the ever-increasing subdivision and specialization of labor, the
danger from class subdivision has constantly increased, and more and more
the school has been called upon to instill into all a political and social
consciousness that will lead to unity amid increasing diversity, and to
concerted action for the preservation and improvement of the national
life.

More education than formerly has also been demanded to enable future
citizens to meet intelligently national and personal problems, and with
the widening of the suffrage and the spread of democratic ideas there has
come a necessary widening of the educational ladder, so that more of the
masses of the people may climb. Even in nations having the continental-
European two-class school system, larger educational opportunities for the
masses have had to be provided. This has come through the provision of
middle schools, continuation schools, higher primary schools, and people's
high schools, [3] as in Germany, France (see diagram, p. 598), the
Scandinavian countries (p. 713; R. 370), and Japan (p. 720). In nations
having an American-type educational ladder, it has led to the
multiplication of secondary schools and secondary-school courses, that a
larger and larger percentage of the people may be prepared better to meet
the increasingly complex and increasingly difficult conditions of modern
political, social, and industrial life. In the more advanced and more
democratic nations we also note the establishment of systems of evening
schools, adult instruction, university extension, science and art
instruction in special centers, the multiplication of libraries, and the
increasing use of the lecture, the stereopticon, and the public press, for
the purpose of keeping the people informed. No nation has done more to
extend the advantages of secondary education to its people than has the
United States; France has been especially prominent in adult instruction;
England has done noteworthy work with university extension and science and
art instruction; while the United States has carried the library movement
farther than any other land. All these, again, are extensions of
educational opportunity to the masses of the people in a manner undreamed
of a century ago.

UNIVERSITY EXPANSION. The modern university first attained its development
in Prussia (pp. 553-55), while in England and in the nations which drew
their inspiration from her, the teaching college, with its narrow range of
studies and disciplinary instruction (R. 331), continued to dominate
higher education until past the middle of the nineteenth century (R. 359).
The old universities of France, aside from Paris, were virtually destroyed
in the days of the Revolution, and their re-creation as effective teaching
and research institutions has been a relatively recent (1896) event. The
universities of Italy and Spain ceased to be effective teaching
institutions centuries ago, and only recently have begun to give evidences
of new life.

Within the past three quarters of a century, and in many nations within a
much shorter period of time, the university has very generally experienced
a new manifestation of popular favor, and is to-day looked upon as perhaps
the most important part, viewed from the standpoint of the future welfare
of the State, of the entire system of public instruction maintained by the
State. In it the leaders for the State are trained; in it the thinking
which is to dominate government a quarter-century later is largely done;
out of it come the creative geniuses whose work, in dozens of fields of
human endeavor, will mould the political, social, and scientific future of
the nation (R. 369). Every government depending upon a two-class school
system must of necessity draw its leaders in the professions, in
government, in pure and applied science, and in many other lines from the
small but carefully selected classes its universities train. In a
democracy, depending entirely upon drawing its future leaders from among
the mass, the university becomes an indispensable institution for the
training of leaders and for the promotion of the national welfare. In a
democratic government one of the highest functions of a university is to
educate leaders and to create the standards for democracy.

The university has, accordingly, in all lands, recently experienced a
great expansion. The German universities have been prominent modern
institutions for a century and a half. Realizing, as no other people have
done, their value in developing skilled leaders for the State, promoting
the national welfare, integrating the Empire, and as centers for building
up among students of other nationalities a good-will toward Germany, large
sums have been spent on their further development since 1871. Within the
past quarter-century new and strong French universities have been created,
[4] and old universities in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece have been
awakened to a new life. The English universities have been made over,
since 1870, and new municipal universities in Sheffield, Bristol, Leeds,
Manchester, Birmingham, Liverpool, and London have set new standards in
English higher education. The universities of Scotland, Holland,
Switzerland, and the Scandinavian countries have also recently attained to
world prominence. In Australia, New Zealand, Japan, China, the
Philippines, India, Egypt, Palestine, Algiers, and South Africa, new
universities have been created to advance the national welfare. The South
American nations have also established a number of promising new
foundations, and given new life to older ones. Often nations swinging out
into the current of western civilization have developed their universities
before popular education really got under way.

In no country has the development of university instruction been more
rapid than in the United States and Canada. New and important state
universities are to-day found in most of the American States and Canadian
Provinces, some States maintaining two. These have been relatively recent
creations to serve democracy's needs, and upon the support of these state
universities large and increasing sums of money are spent annually. [5] In
no nation of the world, too, has private benevolence created and endowed
so many private universities of high rank as in the United States, [6] and
these have fallen into their proper places as auxiliary agents for the
promotion of the national welfare in government, science, art, and the
learned professions.

From small collegiate institutions with a very limited curriculum, a
century ago, stimulated in part by the German example and in part
responding to new national needs, universities to-day, in all the leading
world nations, have developed into groups of well-organized professional
schools, ministering to the great number of special needs of modern life
and government. The university development since the middle of the
nineteenth century has been greater than at any period before in world
history, and with the spread of democracy, dependent as democracy is upon
mass education to obtain its leaders, the university has become "the soul
of the State" (R. 369). The university development of the next half-
century, the world as a whole considered, may possibly surpass anything
that we have recently witnessed.

THE STATE SCHOOL SYSTEMS AS ORGANIZED. We now find state school systems
organized in all the leading world nations. In many the system of public
instruction maintained is broad and extensive, beginning often with infant
schools or kindergartens, continuing up through elementary schools, middle
schools, continuation schools, secondary schools, and normal schools, and
culminating in one or more state universities. In addition there are to-
day, in many nations, state systems of scientific and technical schools
and institutions, and vocational schools and schools for special classes,
to which we shall refer more in detail a little further on. The support of
all these systems of public instruction to-day comes largely from the
direct or indirect taxation of the wealth of the State. Being now
conceived of as essential to the welfare and progress of the State, the
State yearly confiscates a portion of every man's property and uses it to
maintain a service deemed vital to its purposes.

The sums spent to-day on education by modern States seem enormous,
compared with the sums spent for education under conditions existing a
century ago. In England, for example, where the first national aid was
granted, in 1833, in the form of a parliamentary grant of £20,000
(approximately $100,000), the parliamentary grants for elementary schools
had reached approximately £12,000,000 by 1910, with an additional national
aid for universities of over £1,100,000. The year following the World War
the grants were £32,853,111. In France a treasury grant of 50,000 francs
(approximately $10,000) was first made for primary schools, in 1816. This
was doubled in 1829, and in 1831 was raised to a million francs. By 1850,
the state aid for primary education had reached 3,000,000 francs; by 1870,
10,000,000 francs; by 1880, 30,000,000; and by 1914, approximately
220,000,000 francs. In addition the State was paying out 25,000,000 francs
for secondary schools, and 10,000,000 francs for universities. In the
United States the total expenditures for maintenance only of public
elementary and secondary schools was $69,107,612, in 1870-71; had reached
$214,964,618 by the end of the nineteenth century; and was $640,717,053 in
1915-16, with an additional $101,752,542 for universities. By 1920 the
total expenditures for the maintenance of public elementary, secondary,
and higher education in the United States will probably total a billion
dollars. These rapidly increasing expenditures merely record the changing
political conception as to the national importance of enlarging the
educational opportunities and advantages of those who are to constitute
and direct the future State.


II. SCIENTIFIC

In no phase of the remarkable educational development made by nations,
since the middle of the nineteenth century, has there been a more
important expansion of the educational service than in the creation of
schools dealing with the applications of science to the affairs of the
national life. Still more, no extension of instruction into new fields has
ever yielded material benefits, increased productivity, alleviated
suffering, or multiplied comforts and conveniences as has this new
development in applied scientific education during the past three quarters
of a century.

SCIENCE INSTRUCTION IN THE SCHOOLS. At first this new work came in, as we
have seen (p. 774), but slowly, and its introduction into the secondary
schools of France, Germany, England, the United States, and other nations
for a time met with bitter opposition from the partisans of the older type
of intellectual training. In Germany it was not until after Emperor
William II came to the throne (1888) that the _Realschulen_ really found a
warm partisan, he demanding (1890), in the name of the national welfare,
that the secondary schools "depart entirely from the basis that has
existed for centuries--the old monastic education of the Middle Ages"--and
that "young Germans and not young Greeks and Romans" be trained in the
schools (R. 368). During his reign the _Realschulen_ (six-year course) and
_Oberrealschulen_ (nine-year course) were especially favored, while
permission to found additional _Gymnasien_ became hard to obtain. The
scientific course in the French _Lycées_ similarly did not prosper until
after the coming of the Third Republic (1871) and the rise of modern
scientific and industrial demands. In England it was not until after 1870
that the endowed secondary schools began to include science instruction,
and laboratory instruction in the sciences began to be introduced into the
secondary schools of the United States at about the same time. In the
United States, too, the first manual-training high school was not
established until 1880, but by 1890 the creation of such schools was
clearly under way. Other nations--Switzerland, Holland, the Scandinavian
countries--also began to include laboratory science instruction in the
work of their secondary schools at about the same time. The decade of the
seventies witnessed a rising interest in instruction in science which
carried such work into the secondary schools of all progressive nations.
To-day, in nearly all lands, we find secondary-school courses in science,
or special secondary schools for scientific instruction, occupying a
position of at least equal importance with the older classical courses or
schools. As science instruction has become organized, and a knowledge of
the principles of science has become diffused, object lessons, _Realien_,
nature study, or elementary science instruction has very generally been
put into the elementary or people's schools for the younger pupils. As a
result, young people finishing the elementary schools to-day know more
relating to the laws of the universe, and the applications of these laws
to human life and industry, than did distinguished scholars two centuries
ago.

All this work in the elementary schools, middle schools, people's high
schools, secondary schools, or special technical schools of middle or
secondary grade has been of much value in diffusing scientific knowledge
and scientific methods of thinking and working among large numbers of
people, as well as in revealing to many the possibilities of a scientific
career. The great and important development of scientific instruction,
however, since about 1860, has been in the fields of advanced applied
science or technical education, and has taken place chiefly in new and
higher specialized schools and research foundations. The fields in which
the greatest scientific advances have been made, and to which we shall
here briefly refer, have been engineering, agriculture, and medicine.

THE BEGINNINGS OF TECHNICAL EDUCATION. The beginnings of technical
education were made earliest in France, Germany, and the United States,
and in the order named. France and German lands, but particularly France,
inherited through the monasteries what survived of the old Roman skills
and technical arts. In the building of bridges, roads, fortifications,
aqueducts, and imposing public buildings, the Romans had shown the
possession of engineering ability of a high order. Some of this knowledge
was retained by the monks of the early Middle Ages, as is evidenced by the
monasteries they erected and the churches they built. Later it passed to
others, and is evidenced in the great cathedrals and town halls of Europe,
and particularly of northern France.  In military and civil engineering
the French were also the true successors of the Romans. As early as 1747 a
special engineering school for bridges and highways (_École des Ponts et
Chaussées_) had been created, and a little later a special school to train
mining engineers (_École des Mines_) was added. These were the first of
the world's higher technical schools. After the Revolution, the new need
for military and medical knowledge, as well as the general French interest
in applied science, led to the creation of a large number of important
higher technical institutions (list, p. 518), most of which have persisted
to the present and been enlarged and extended with time. Napoleon also
created a School of Arts and Trades (R. 282), and a number of military
schools (p. 590).

In German lands there was early founded a series of trade schools, [7]
which have in time been developed into important technical universities.
After the creation of the Imperial German Empire, in 1871, these schools
were especially favored by the government, and their work was raised to a
rank equal to that of the older universities. To the excellent training
given in these institutions the German leadership in applied science and
industry, before 1914, was largely due. [8] It has been the particular
function of these technical universities to apply scientific knowledge to
the industries and the arts, and to show the technical schools beneath and
the directors of German industries how further to apply it (R. 371). Of
their work a recent _Report_ [9] well says:

    While in other countries the development of science has been academic,
    in Germany every new principle elaborated by science has
    revolutionized some industry, modified some manufacturing process, or
    opened up an entirely new field of commercial exploitation. In the
    chemical industries of Germany ... there is one trained university
    chemist for every forty working-people. It is important to realize
    that the development of Germany's manufactures and commerce has
    depended not upon the establishment of any monopoly in the domain of
    science, not upon any special advancement of science within her own
    boundaries, but primarily upon the practical utilization of the
    results of scientific research in Germany and other countries.

The creation of the United States Military Academy, at West Point, in
1802, marks the American beginnings in technical education. In 1824 the
Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute was begun, largely as a manual-labor
school after the Fellenberg plan, to give instruction "in the applications
of science to the common purposes of life," and about 1850 this developed
into one of the earliest of our four-year engineering colleges. In 1846
the United States organized a college for naval engineering, at Annapolis,
to do for the Navy what West Point had done for the Army. In 1861 the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology was founded, opening its doors in
1865. This was the first of a number of important new engineering
colleges, and eight others had been established, by private funds, before
1880.

The development in England came a little later. Good engineering schools
have since been developed in connection with the new municipal
universities, while good engineering colleges have also been created at
Oxford and Cambridge, as well as at the Scottish and Irish universities.

THE NEW IMPULSES TO DEVELOPMENT. During the first six decades of the
nineteenth century, France, the German States, and the United States were
slowly moving toward the creation of special schools for technical
education. After about 1860 the movement increased with great rapidity. A
number of events contributed to this change in rate of development, the
most important of which were:

    1. The development attained by pure science, by about 1860. (See
    chapter XXVII, part II, p. 723.)

    2. The Industrial Revolution (p. 728), which changed nations from an
    agricultural to an industrial status, opened up the possibilities of
    vast world trade, and created enormous demands for technically trained
    men to supervise and develop the rapidly growing industries of
    nations.

    3. The London Exhibition of 1851, which displayed to the world the
    applications of science to trade, manufacturing, and the arts, made in
    particular by England. This opened the eyes of Europe and America to
    the possibilities of technical education, and led to the creation, in
    1853, of a national Department of Science and Art (p. 638) for
    England. This began the stimulation, by money grants, of technical
    education and instruction in drawing, and exerted from the first an
    important influence on English education.

    4. The passage by the Congress of the United States of the Morrill
    Land-Grant-College Act, in 1862, which provided for the creation of
    colleges of engineering, military science, and agriculture, in each of
    the American States.

    5. The militarily successful wars of Prussia against Denmark, in 1864;
    Austria, 1866; and France, 1870-71. These revealed to other nations
    the importance of sound military and engineering education for a
    nation, and so tremendously stimulated German technical education that
    the new nation soon arose, in many lines, to a position of world
    industrial leadership (369).

    6. The Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia, in 1876, which repeated
    the work of the London Exhibition of 1851, and gave a new meaning to
    the scientific and engineering education then developing in the new
    American Land-Grant Colleges.

    7. The work of Virchow in Germany (1856) in developing pathology; of
    Pasteur in France, after 1859, in establishing the germ theory of
    disease; the English surgeon Lister, about the same time, in
    developing antiseptic surgery; and the new work of physiologists and
    chemists. Combined these have remade medical science, and have opened
    up immense possibilities for benefiting mankind.

Following these important stimuli to activity, the important nations of
the world began the earnest development of technical education, and later
medical education, with the result that this new development has affected
educational practice all over the world. The new ideas have spread to all
continents, and to-day the call for technical education comes not only
from the older nations and such new countries as Canada, Australia, South
Africa, and the South American States, but from such ancient and backward
civilizations as Japan, China, Siam, the Philippines, the East Indies,
Egypt, Persia, and Turkey.

In consequence to-day numerous and expensive engineering colleges and
research institutions are maintained by the important world nations. To-
day the trained engineer goes to work his wonders in all corners of the
globe, and his task has become primarily that of organizing and directing
men in the work of controlling the forces and materials of nature so that
they may be made to benefit the human race. So rapid has been the
development that, out of the earlier comprehensive type of engineering,
to-day dozens of specialized types of engineering education and
specialization have been evolved, covering such related fields as civil,
mechanical, mining, metallurgical, electrical, architectural, chemical,
electro-chemical, marine, naval, sanitary, biological, and public-health
engineering. No longer can a nation hope to develop its resources, care
properly for the modern needs of its people, or be counted among the
important industrial or agricultural nations if it neglects the
development of technical education.

SCIENCE APPLIED TO AGRICULTURE. France also was the direct inheritor,
through the monks, of the old Roman agricultural knowledge and skills,
though up to the nineteenth century no attempt to organize agricultural
instruction took place anywhere in Europe. The earliest effort in that
direction was a proposal made in 1775 by Abbé Rosier, in France, to
Turgot, then Minister of Finance, on "A Plan for a National School of
Agriculture." Nothing coming of the proposal, the Abbé submitted the
proposal to the National Assembly, in 1789, and the same idea was later
presented to Napoleon, but without results. The first person to give
practical form to the idea was Fellenberg (p. 546), who conducted his
manual-labor agricultural institute at Hofwyl, from 1806 to 1844, and
inaugurated a plan of educational procedure which was soon afterwards
copied in Switzerland, France, the South German States, England, and the
United States. One of the earliest institutions to be established outside
of Switzerland was the Institute of Agriculture and Forestry, founded by
the Agricultural Society of Würtemberg, in 1817, at Hohenheim, near
Stuttgart.

The earliest schools to teach agriculture in France were the Royal
Agronomic Institution at Grignon (1827); the Institute at Coetbo (1830),
and the Agricultural School at San Juan (1833). By 1847 twenty-five
agricultural schools were in operation in France, to several of which
orphan asylums and penal colonies were attached. In 1848 the French
Government reorganized the instruction in agriculture and gave it a
national basis. It ordered the creation of a farm school in each
department of France; a number of higher schools for agricultural
instruction at central places; and a National Agronomic Institute for more
advanced instruction. A treasury grant of 2,500,000 francs to establish
the system was voted. In 1873 elementary instruction in agriculture was
ordered given in all village and rural elementary schools.

In the United States a number of agricultural societies were formed early
in the century, and a private school of agriculture was opened in Maine,
in 1821, and another in Connecticut, in 1824. With the opening-up of the
new West to farming and the change of the East to manufacturing, after
about 1825, the agitation for agricultural education for a time died out,
reappearing in Michigan, in 1850. In that year a new constitution was
adopted which required the legislature to create a State School of
Agriculture, and in 1857 the Michigan Agricultural College opened its
doors. Two years later a "Farmers' High School," which later became the
Pennsylvania State College, was opened in central Pennsylvania. In 1862,
in the midst of the greatest civil war in history, the American Congress
passed the very important Morrill Act, which provided for the creation of
a college to teach agriculture, mechanic arts, and military science in
each of the American States. It was a decade before many of these
institutions opened, and for a time they amounted to but little. They had
but few students, little money, and the instruction was very elementary
and but poorly organized. Cornell University, in New York State, was one
of the first (1868) of the new institutions to get under way and find its
work. The Centennial Exposition (1876) gave the needed emphasis to the
engineering courses, and by 1880 these were well established. The
agricultural courses did not flourish for two decades longer, and the
military science not until the World War, Despite feeble beginnings, the
result of the aid given by the national government has in time proved very
valuable, and to-day very large sums of money are being appropriated by
the American States and Territories for instruction in engineering,
agriculture, home economics, and related sciences, and large numbers of
students are now enrolled for this technical training.

THE RECENT NEW INTEREST IN AGRICULTURAL EDUCATION. Since the latter part
of the nineteenth century agricultural education has awakened new interest
in many lands. The German States have created many schools for instruction
in agriculture and forestry. Denmark has regenerated the rural life of the
nation (R. 370) by its "People's High Schools" and its special schools for
instruction in agriculture. Italy has recently made special efforts to
extend agricultural instruction to its people. Canada, Australia, and New
Zealand have established agricultural schools. In Algiers, Morocco, Japan,
China, the Philippines, and India, good beginnings in agricultural
education have been made.

As agricultural knowledge has been worked out and classified, and
agricultural instruction has become organized, it has become possible to
relegate some of the more elementary instruction to the school below. This
was done in European nations before it took place in the United States. In
1888 the first American agricultural high school was established in
Minnesota. By 1898 there were ten such schools in the United States, but
since 1900 the development has been very rapid. By 1920 probably a
thousand high schools were offering instruction in agriculture, while
elementary instruction in agriculture had been introduced into the rural
and village schools of practically every American agricultural State.

The agricultural schools, colleges, and experimental stations established
by the national, state, and local educational authorities of different
nations have added another new division to the work of public education,
and one which is both very costly and very remunerative. Out of the work
of these schools has come a vast quantity of useful knowledge, and
hundreds of important applications of science to farm and home life. Old
breeds in stock and grains have been improved, new breeds have been
derived, and productivity has been greatly increased. Through the
teachings of home economics the farmer's home is being transformed, while
the applications of science made in these schools are modifying almost
every phase of agricultural life and rural living.

MEDICINE AND SANITARY SCIENCE. Closely related to sanitary, biological,
and public-health engineering has been the enormous recent development of
medicine and surgery. Within half a century instruction in these subjects
has been entirely transformed, and large and costly laboratories and
hospitals are now required for the work. There has also been much
specialization in medical training, within recent years, and especially
has preventive medicine been developed. Extending the newly found
biological and medical knowledge to the animal and vegetable worlds has
resulted in a similar development of veterinary medicine [10] and plant
pathology. A combination of medical knowledge with engineering and
chemistry has produced the sanitary engineer, while medical knowledge and
applied biology has produced the public-health expert. [11]

So important, too, has the control of all kinds of disease become, now
that people, animals, insects, plants, and goods move so freely along the
great trade routes of the world, that nations everywhere feel the
necessity, now that scientific research has revealed to questioning man
the methods of transmission of the diseases which once decimated armies
and cities, destroyed stocks, and ruined harvests, of developing ample
quarantine service and medical staffs to cope with diseases--human,
animal, and plant--from without, and to control those which arise within.
Nations too poor as yet to provide such service for themselves are today
having such provision made for them by other nations, or by great national
foundations, [12] so that other lands may be protected from the ravages of
their diseases and the economic wealth of all may be increased. The
element of Christian charity has also entered into the service, the labors
of Dr. Grenfell in Labrador, and the work of the Rockefeller medical and
surgical boat traveling among the Philippine Islands and its hookworm work
on every continent, being good examples of such Christian effort.

[Illustration: FIG. 232. THE PEKING UNION MEDICAL COLLEGE
A well-equipped center for instruction in western medicine, endowed by the
Rockefeller Foundation. A similar school is being created at Shanghai, in
central China. Existing medical schools at two other points, and nineteen
hospitals scattered over the Republic, have also been aided by this
American foundation. In addition, many medical missionaries, Chinese
physicians, and nurses have been sent to the United States for study. To
improve health standards and living conditions throughout the world is the
purpose of the work of the Foundation, which now has work under way on
every continent.]

APPLIED SCIENCE THE NATION'S PROTECTOR. To-day applied science stands
everywhere as the nation's protector. Applied in sanitation and preventive
medicine it has reduced the death rate, prolonged life, and protects homes
from many hidden dangers. In the engineering fields it has transformed the
face of the earth and all our ways of living and doing business. Applied
to industry it builds factories and railways, and works out new processes
to eliminate wastes, improve production, and utilize by-products.
Thousands of labor-saving inventions owe their origin to a new truth
worked out in some laboratory, and applied in another. Applied chemistry
has wrought wonders in advancing industry, protecting the public welfare,
eliminating unnecessary labor, and making life richer for all.

To-day the engineer with his railway and irrigating dam and power plant in
the desert has replaced the monk as the vanguard of the forces of
civilization. The scientist in his laboratory in part replaces armies and
navies as the protector of the nation's safety. The scientifically trained
Red Cross nurse is fast replacing the unskilled devotion of the older
Sister of Charity. The doctor and the surgeon at the medical mission are
carrying a very practical type of Christian civilization into far-away
lands. The laboratory expert in the quarantine station has succeeded the
priest with bell and book in keeping pestilence away from the land. The
public-health officer in the little town, and the sanitary engineer in the
city, protect the health and happiness of millions of homes. The plant
pathologist and veterinarian guard the crops and herds from which food and
clothing are derived. The scientific experts in plant and animal
industries work steadily to improve breeds and increase yields. When one
compares present-day scientific knowledge with that represented in the
thirteenth-century Encyclopaedia of Bartholomew Anglicus (R. 77); our
modern knowledge of diseases with the theories as to disease advanced by
Hippocrates (p. 197), and taught for so many centuries in Christian
Europe; our modern knowledge of bacterial transmission with the mediaeval
theories of Divine wrath and diabolic action; our modern ability to
annihilate time and space compared with early nineteenth-century
conditions; or modern applied science with the very limited technical
knowledge possessed by the guilds of the later Middle Ages--the stories of
Aladdin and his wonderful lamp seem to have been even more than realized
in our practical everyday life.

Engineering, agriculture, and modern medicine stand as three of the great
applications of modern science to human affairs, and as three of the most
important and costly additions to state educational effort made since the
time when nations began to accept the political philosophy of the
eighteenth-century reformers and to take over the school from the Church,
because by so doing the interests of the State could better be advanced
thereby.


III. VOCATIONAL

WHAT IS VOCATIONAL EDUCATION? In a certain sense, all education is
vocational, in that it aims to prepare one for some vocation in life. In
Greece and Rome education was vocational, in that it prepared one to be a
citizen in the State. During the Middle Ages education was to prepare for
a vocation in the Church. Later the vocation of a scholar appeared, and
still later that of a gentleman. In modern times a large range of state
services have been opened up as vocations. Since the beginning of the
nineteenth century, with the extension of educational advantages to
increasing numbers of the people, preparation for more intelligent living
and citizenship have come to be new motives in education. To-day we no
longer use the term vocational education in this rather general sense, but
restrict its use to the specific training of individuals for some useful
employment. Training for law, medicine, the ministry, teaching,
engineering, scientific agriculture, nursing, and commerce are examples of
vocational education in its higher ranges. The development of education
along these lines has previously been described. In this division of this
chapter we shall use the term in a still more common and still more
restricted sense, as meaning the training of the younger people of a State
to do well certain specific things, by teaching them processes and the
practical applications of knowledge, chiefly science and art, to the work
of the vocation they expect to follow to earn their living. The Report of
the American Commission on National Aid to Vocational Education (1914)
defined vocational education (p. 16) as follows:

    Wherever the term "vocational education" is used in this
    _Report_, it will mean, unless otherwise explained, that form of
    education whose controlling purpose is to give training of a secondary
    grade to persons over fourteen years of age, for increased efficiency
    in useful employment in the trades and industries, in agriculture, in
    commerce and commercial pursuits, and in callings based upon a
    knowledge of home economics. The occupations included under these are
    almost endless in number and variety.

THE NEED FOR VOCATIONAL EDUCATION. Used in this sense vocational education
is an application of technical knowledge, worked out in the higher
schools, to the ordinary vocations of a modern industrial world. As such
it is a product of the Industrial Revolution and the breakdown of the age-
old system of apprenticeship training, [13] and represents another of the
important recent extensions of educational advantages to the masses of the
people who labor with their hands to earn their daily bread.

Besides further democratizing education by extending its advantages to
those who work in the shop and the office and on the farm, vocational
education tends to correct many of the evils of modern industrial life. It
puts the worker in possession of a great body of scientific knowledge
relating to his work which shops and offices cannot give, and it keeps
him, for several years after he becomes a wage earner and at a very
impressionable period of his life, under the directing care of the school.
It thus tends "to counteract the specialization and routine of the
workshop, which wears out his body before nature has completed its
development in form and power, blunts the intelligence which the school
had tried to awaken, shrivels up his heart and imagination, and destroys
his spirit of work."

VOCATIONAL EDUCATION IN EUROPE AND THE UNITED STATES. For almost half a
century the leading nations of western Europe, in an effort to readjust
their age-old apprenticeship system of training to modern conditions of
manufacture, and to develop new national prestige and strength, have given
careful attention to the education of such of their children as were
destined for the vocations of the industrial world. Germany, Austria,
Switzerland, and France have been leaders, with Germany most prominent of
all. [14] No small part of the great progress made by that country in
securing world-wide trade, [15] before the World War, was due to the
extensive and thorough system of vocational education worked out for
German youths (R. 371). In commercial education, too, the Germans, up to
1914, led the world. Even more, they were the only great national group
which had done much to develop commercial training. Next to Germany
probably came the United States. The marked economic progress of
Switzerland during the past quarter-century has likewise been due in large
part to that type of education which would enable her, by skillful
artisanship, to make the most of her very limited resources France has
profited greatly, during the past half-century also, from vocational
education along the lines of agriculture and industrial art. In Denmark,
agricultural education has remade the nation (R. 370), since the days of
its humiliation and spoliation at the hands of Prussia. England, though
keenly sensitive to German trade competition, made only very moderate
efforts in the direction of vocational education until Germany plunged the
world in war in an effort more quickly to dominate commercially. Now, in
the Fisher Education Act of 1918 (p. 649), England has $t last laid
foundations for a great national system of vocational education. Japan,
also, recently laid large plans for a national system of vocational
training.

[Illustration: FIG. 233. THE DESTRUCTION OF THE TRADES IN MODERN INDUSTRY
Under the old conditions of apprenticeship a boy learned all the processes
and became a tailor. To-day, in a thoroughly organized clothing factory,
thirty-nine different persons perform different specialized operations in
the manufacture of a coat.]

In the United States but little attention was given to educating young
people for the vocations of life until about 1905-10, though modern
manufacturing conditions had before this largely destroyed the old
apprenticeship type of training. Endowed with enormous natural resources;
not being pressed for the means of subsistence by a rapidly expanding
population on a limited land area; able to draw on Europe for both cheap
manual labor and technically educated workers; largely isolated and self-
sufficient as a nation; lacking a merchant marine; not being thrown into
severe competition for international trade; and able to sell its products
[16] to nations anxious to buy them and willing to come for them in their
own ships; the people of the United States did not, up to recently, feel
any particular need for anything other than a good common-school education
or a general high-school education for their workers. The commercial
course in the high school, the manual-training schools and courses, and
some instruction in drawing and creative art were felt to be about all
that it was necessary to provide.

THE NATIONAL COMMISSION ON VOCATIONAL EDUCATION. Largely since 1910, due
in part to expanding world commerce and increasing competition in world
trade; in part to a national realization that the battles of the future
are to be largely commercial battles; and in part to the dawning upon the
American people of the conception, first thought out and put into practice
by Imperial Germany (R. 371), that that nation will triumph in foreign
trade, with all that such triumph means to-day in terms of the happiness
and welfare of its citizenship (R. 372), which puts the greatest amount of
skill and brains into what it produces and sells.

After a number of sporadic efforts in different parts of the country, [17]
and the introduction of a number of bills into Congress which failed to
secure passage, the favorite English plan was followed and a Presidential
Commission was appointed (1913) to inquire into the matter, and to report
on the desirability and feasibility of some form of national aid to
stimulate the development of vocational education. The Commission made its
report in 1914, and submitted a plan for gradually increasing national aid
to the States to assist them in developing and maintaining what will
virtually become a national system of agricultural, trade, commercial, and
home-economics education.

THE COMMISSION'S FINDINGS. The Commission found that there were, in 1910,
in round numbers, 12,500,000 persons engaged in agriculture in the United
States, of whom not over one per cent had had any adequate preparation for
farming; and that there were 14,250,000 persons engaged in manufacturing
and mechanical pursuits, not one per cent of whom had had any opportunity
for adequate training. [18] In the whole United States there were fewer
trade schools, of all kinds, than existed in the little German kingdom of
Bavaria, a State about the size of South Carolina; while the one Bavarian
city of Munich, a city about the size of Pittsburgh, had more trade
schools than were to be found in all the larger cities of the United
States, put together. The Commission further found that there were
25,000,000 persons in the nation, eighteen years of age or over, engaged
in farming, mining, manufacturing, and mechanical pursuits, and in trade
and transportation, and of these the _Report_ said:

    If we assume that a system of vocational education, pursued through
    the years of the past, would have increased the wage-earning capacity
    of each of these persons to the extent of only ten cents a day, this
    would have made an increase of wages for the group of $2,500,000 a
    day, or $750,000,000 a year, with all that this would mean to the
    wealth and life of the nation.

    This is a very moderate estimate, and the facts would probably show a
    difference between the earning power of the vocationally trained and
    the vocationally untrained of at least twenty-five cents a day. This
    would indicate a waste of wages, through lack of training, amounting
    to $6,250,000 every day, or $1,875,000,000 for the year.

[Illustration: FIG. 234. SCHOOL ATTENDANCE OF AMERICAN CHILDREN, FOURTEEN
TO TWENTY YEARS or AGE
Based on an estimate made by the United States Bureau of Education in 1907
(Bulletin No. 1, p. 29), and based on conditions then existing, but
probably still approximately true. In evening schools all classes were
counted--public, private, Y.M.C.A., Y.W.C.A., etc. Public and private day
schools, both elementary and secondary, also were counted.]

The Commission estimated that a million new young people were required
annually by our industries, and that it would need three years of
vocational education, beyond the elementary-school age, to prepare them
for efficient service. This would require that three million young people
of elementary-school age be continually enrolled in schools offering some
form of vocational training. This was approximately three times the number
of young people then enrolled in all public and private high schools in
the United States, and following any kind of a course of study. In
addition, the untrained adult workers then in farming and industry also
needed some form of adult or extension education to enable them to do more
effective work. The Commission further pointed out that there were in the
United States, in 1910, 7,220,298 young people between the ages of
fourteen and eighteen years, only 1,032,461 of whom were enrolled in a
high school of any type, public or private, day or evening (Fig. 234), and
few of those enrolled were pursuing studies of a technical type.

AMERICAN BEGINNINGS; MEANING OF THE WORK. In 1917 the American Congress
made the beginnings of what is destined to develop rapidly into a truly
national system of vocational education for the boys and girls of
secondary-school age in the United States. This new addition to the
systems of public instruction now provided is one which in time will bring
returns out of all proportion to its costs. Without it the national
prosperity and happiness would be at stake, and the position the United
States has attained in the markets of the world could not possibly be
maintained (R. 372).

This new American legislation is based on the best continental European
experience, and is somewhat typical of recent national legislation for
similar objects elsewhere. It is to include vocational training for
agriculture, the trades and industries, commerce, and home economics. [19]
A certain portion of the money appropriated annually by the national
government is to be used for making or coöperating in studies and
investigations as to needs and courses in agriculture, home economics,
trades, industries, and commerce. The courses must be given in the public
schools; must be for those over fourteen years of age and of less than
college grade; and must be primarily intended for those who are preparing
to enter or who have entered (part-time classes) a trade or a useful
industrial pursuit.

As nation after nation becomes industrialized, as all except the smallest
and poorest nations are bound to become in time, vocational education for
its workers in the field, shop, and office will be found to be another
state necessity. Only the State can adequately provide this, for only the
State can finance or properly organize and integrate the work of so large
and so important an undertaking. Though costly, this new extension of
state educational effort will be found to be a wise business investment
for every industrial and commercial nation. Considered nationally, the
workers of any nation not provided with vocational education will find
themselves unable to compete with the workers of other nations which do
provide such specialized training.


IV. SOCIOLOGICAL

A NEW ESTIMATE AS TO THE VALUE OF CHILD LIFE. As we saw in chapter XVIII,
which described the opportunities for and the kind of schooling developed
up to the middle of the eighteenth century, but little of what may be
called formal education had been provided up to then for the great mass of
children, even in the most progressive nations. We also noted the extreme
brutality of the school. Such was the history of childhood, so far as it
may be said to have had a history at all, up to the rise of the great
humanitarian movement early in the nineteenth century. [20] Neglect,
abuse, mutilation, excessive labor, heavy punishments, and often virtual
slavery awaited children everywhere up to recent times. The sufferings of
childhood at home were added to by others in the school (p. 455) for such
as frequented these institutions.

After the coming of mills and manufacturing the lot of children became,
for a time, worse than before. The demand for cheap labor led to the
apprenticing of children to the factories to tend machines, instead of to
a master to learn a trade, and there they became virtual slaves and their
treatment was most inhuman. [21] Conditions were worse in England than
elsewhere, not because the English were more brutal than the French or the
Germans, but because the Industrial Revolution began earlier in England
and before the rise of humanitarian influences. England was a
manufacturing nation decades before France, and longer still before
Germany. By the time Germany had changed from an agricultural to a
manufacturing nation (after 1871), the new humanitarianism and new
economic conditions had placed a new value on child life and child
welfare.

Since about 1850 an entirely new estimate has come to be placed on the
importance of national attention to child welfare, though the beginnings
of the change date back much earlier. As we have seen (p. 325), England
early began to care for the children of its poor. In the Poor-Relief and
Apprenticeship Law of 1601 (R. 174) England organized into law the growing
practice of a century (p. 326) and laid the basis for much future work of
importance. In this legislation, as we have seen, the foundations of the
Massachusetts school law of 1642 were laid. In the Virginia laws of 1643
and 1646 (R. 200 a) and the Massachusetts law of 1660, providing for the
apprenticeship of orphans and homeless children, the beginnings of child-
welfare work in the American Colonies were made.

Many of the Catholic religious orders in Europe had for long cared for and
brought up poor and neglected children, and in 1729 the first private
orphanage in the new world was established by the Ursulines (p. 346) in
New Orleans. The first public orphanage in America was established in
Charleston, South Carolina, in 1790; the first in England at Birmingham,
in 1817, and in 1824 the New York House of Refuge was founded. The latter
was the forerunner of the juvenile reformatory institutions established
later by practically all of the American States. These have developed
chiefly since 1850. To-day most of the American States and governments in
many other lands also provide state homes for orphan and neglected
children, where they are clothed, fed, cared for, educated, and trained
for some useful employment.

CHILD-LABOR LEGISLATION. One of the best evidences of the new nineteenth-
century humanitarianism is to be found in the large amount of child-labor
legislation which arose, largely after 1850, and which has been
particularly prominent since 1900.

Under the earlier agricultural conditions and the restricted demand for
education for ordinary life needs, child labor was not especially harmful,
as most of it was out of doors and under reasonably good health
conditions. With the coming of the factory system, the rise of cities and
the city congestion of population, and other evils connected with the
Industrial Revolution, the whole situation was changed. Humanitarians now
began to demand legislation to restrict the evils that had arisen. This
demand arose earliest in England, and resulted in the earliest legislation
there.

The year 1802 is important in the history of child-welfare work for the
enactment, by the English Parliament, of the first law to regulate the
employment of children in factories. This was known as the Health and
Morals of Apprentices Act (R. 373). This Act, though largely ineffectual
at the time, ordered important reforms which aroused public opinion and
which later bore important fruit. By it the employment of work-house
orphans was limited; it forbade the labor of children under twelve, for
more than twelve hours a day; provided that night labor of children should
be discontinued, after 1804; ordered that the children so employed must be
taught reading and writing and ciphering, be instructed in religion one
hour a week, be taken to church every Sunday, and be given one new suit of
clothes a year; ordered separate sleeping apartments for the two sexes,
and not over two children to a bed; and provided for the registration and
inspection of factories. This law represents the beginnings of modern
child-labor legislation. It was 1843 before any further child-labor
legislation of importance was enacted, and 1878 before a comprehensive
child-labor bill was finally passed. In the United States the first laws
regulating the employment of children and providing for their school
attendance were enacted by Rhode Island in 1840, and Massachusetts in
1842. Factory legislation in other countries has been a product of more
recent forces and times.

To-day important child-labor legislation has been enacted by all
progressive nations, and the leading world nations have taken advanced
ground on the question. All recent thinking is opposed to children
engaging in productive labor. With the rise of organized labor, and the
extension of the suffrage to the laboring man, he has joined the
humanitarians in opposition to his children being permitted to labor. From
an economic point of view also, all recent studies have shown the
unprofitableness of child labor and the large money-value, under present
industrial conditions, of a good education. As a result of much agitation
and the spread of popular education, it has at last come to be a generally
accepted principle (R. 374) that it is better for children and better for
society that they should remain in school until they are at least fourteen
years of age, and be specially trained for some useful type of work. Shown
to be economically unprofitable, and for long morally indefensible, child
labor is now rapidly being superseded by suitable education and the
vocational training and guidance of youth in all progressive nations.

COMPULSORY SCHOOL-ATTENDANCE LEGISLATION. The natural corollary of the
taxation of the wealth of the State to educate the children of the State,
and the prohibition of children to labor, is the compulsion of children to
attend school that they may receive the instruction and training which the
State has deemed it wise to tax its citizens to provide.

Except in the German States, compulsory education is a relatively recent
idea, though in its origins it is a child of the Protestant Reformation
theory as to education for salvation. Luther and his followers had stood
for the education of all, supported by (R. 156) and enforced by (R. 158)
the State. This idea of the education of all to read the Bible took deep
root, as we have seen, with both Lutherans and Calvinists. In 1619 the
little Duchy of Weimar made the school attendance of all children, six to
twelve years of age, compulsory, and the same idea was instituted in Gotha
by Duke Ernest (p. 317), in 1642; the same year that the Massachusetts
General Court ordered the Selectmen of the towns to ascertain if parents
and the masters of apprentices (R. 190) were training their children "in
learning and labor" and "to read and understand the principles of religion
and the capital laws of the country." This latter law is remarkable in
that, for the first time in the English-speaking world, a legislative body
representing the State ordered that all children should be taught to read.
Five years later (1647) the Massachusetts Court ordered the establishment
of schools (R. 191) better to enforce the compulsion, and thus laid the
foundations upon which the American public-school systems have since been
built. In Holland, the Synod of Dort (1618) had tried to institute the
idea of compulsory education (R. 176), and in 1646 the Scotch Parliament
had ordered the compulsory establishment of schools (R. 179).

In German lands the compulsory-attendance idea took deep root, and in
consequence the Germans were the first important modern nation to enforce,
thoroughly, the education of all. In 1717 King Frederick William I issued
(p. 555) the first compulsory-education law for Prussia, ordering that
"hereafter wherever there are schools in the place the parents shall be
obliged, under severe penalties, to send their children to school,...
daily in winter, but in summer at least twice a week." He further ordered
that the fees for the poor were to be paid "from the community's funds."
Finally Frederick the Great organized the earlier procedure into
comprehensive codes, and made (1763, R. 274, Section 10; 1765, R. 275 d)
detailed provisions relating to the compulsion to attend the schools. In
the Code of 1794 (p. 565) the final legislative step was taken when it was
ordered that "the instruction in school must be continued until the child
is found to possess the knowledge necessary to every rational being." By
the middle of the eighteenth century the basis was clearly laid in Prussia
for that enforcement of the compulsion to attend schools which, by the
middle of the nineteenth century, had become such a notable characteristic
of all German education. The same compulsory idea early took deep root
among the Scandinavian peoples. In consequence the lowest illiteracy in
Europe, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, was to be found (see
map, p. 714) among the Finns, Swedes, Norwegians, Danes, and Germans.

The compulsory-attendance idea died out in America, in the Netherlands,
and in part in Scotland. In England and in the Anglican Colonies in
America it never took root. In France the idea awaited the work of the
National Convention, which (1792) ordered three years of education
compulsory for all. War and the lack of interest of Napoleon in primary
education caused the requirement, however, to become a dead letter. The
Law of 1833 provided for but did not enforce it, and real compulsory
education in France did not come until 1882. In England the compulsory
idea received but little attention until after 1870, met with much
opposition, and only recently have comprehensive reforms been provided. In
the United States the new beginnings of compulsory-attendance legislation
date from the Rhode Island child-labor law of 1840, and the first modern
compulsory-attendance law enacted by Massachusetts, in 1852. By 1885,
fourteen American States and six Territories had enacted some form of
compulsory-attendance law. Since 1900 there has been a general revision of
American state legislation on the subject, with a view to increasing and
the better enforcement of the compulsory-attendance requirements, and with
a general demand that the National Congress should enact a national child-
labor law.

As a result of this legislation the labor of young children has been
greatly restricted; work in many industries has been prohibited entirely,
because of the danger to life and health; compulsory education has been
extended in a majority of the American States to cover the full school
year; poverty, or dependent parents, in many States no longer serves as an
excuse for non-attendance; often those having physical or mental defects
also are included in the compulsion to attend, if their wants can be
provided for; the school census has been changed so as to aid in the
location of children of compulsory school-attendance age; and special
officers have been authorized or ordered appointed to assist school
authorities in enforcing the compulsory-attendance and child-labor laws.
Having taxed their citizens to provide schools, the different States now
require children to attend and partake of the advantages provided. The
schools, too, have made a close study of retarded pupils, because of the
close connection found to exist between retardation in school and truancy
and juvenile delinquency.

ONE RESULT OF THIS LEGISLATION. One of the results of all this legislation
has been to throw, during the past quarter of a century, an entirely new
burden on schools everywhere. Such legislation has brought into the
schools not only the truant and the incorrigible, who under former
conditions either left early or were expelled, but also many children who
have no aptitude for book learning, and many of inferior mental qualities
who do not profit by ordinary classroom procedure. Still more, they have
brought into the school the crippled, tubercular, deaf, epileptic, and
blind, as well as the sick, needy, and physically unfit. By steadily
raising the age at which children may leave school, from ten or twelve up
to fourteen and sixteen, schools everywhere have come to contain many
children who, having no natural aptitude for study, would at once, unless
specially handled, become a nuisance in the school and tend to demoralize
schoolroom procedure. These laws have thrown upon the school a new burden
in the form of public expectancy for results, whereas a compulsory-
education law cannot create capacity to profit from education. Under the
earlier educational conditions the school, unable to handle or educate
such children, dealt with them much as the Church of the time dealt with
religious delinquents. It simply expelled them or let them drop from
school, and no longer concerned itself about them. To-day the public
expects the school to retain and get results with them. Consequently,
within the past twenty-five years the whole attitude of the school toward
such children has undergone a change; many different kinds of classes and
courses, that might serve better to handle them, have been introduced; and
an attempt has been made to salvage them and turn back to society as many
of them as possible, trained for some form of social and personal
usefulness.

THE EDUCATION OF DEFECTIVES. Another nineteenth-century expansion of state
education has come in the provision now generally made for the education
of defectives. To-day the state school systems of Christian nations
generally make some provision for state institutional care, and often for
local classes as well, for the training of children who belong to the
seriously defective classes of society. This work is almost entirely a
product of the new humanitarianism of modern times. Excepting the
education of the deaf, seriously begun a little earlier, all effective
work dates from the first half of the nineteenth century. At first the
feasibility of all such instruction was doubted, and the work generally
was commenced privately. Out of successes thus achieved, public
institutions have been built up to carry on, on a large scale, what was
begun privately on a small scale. It is now felt to be better for the
State, as well as for the unfortunates themselves, that they be cared for
and educated, as suitably and well as possible, for self-respect, self-
support, and some form of social and vocational usefulness. In
consequence, the compulsory-attendance laws of the leading world States
to-day require that defectives, between certain ages at least, be sent to
a state institution or be enrolled in a public-school class specialized
for their training.

[Illustration: FIG. 235. ABBÉ DE L'ÉPÉE (1712-89)]

BEGINNINGS OF THE WORK. Up to the middle of the eighteenth century a
number of private efforts at the education of the deaf are on record, all
dating however from the pioneer work of a Spanish Benedictine, in 1578. In
1760 a new era in the education of the deaf was begun when Abbé de l'Épée
opened a school at Paris for the oral instruction of poor deaf mutes, and
Thomas Braidwood (1715-1806) began similar work at Edinburgh. A few years
later (1778) a third school was opened at Leipzig. This last was
established under the patronage of the Elector of Saxony, and was the
first school of its kind in the world to receive government recognition.
The Paris school was taken over as a state institution by the Constituent
Assembly, in 1791. In England the instruction of the deaf remained a
private and a family monopoly until 1819. In 1817 the first school in
America was opened, at Hartford, Connecticut, by the Reverend Thomas H.
Gallaudet, and Massachusetts, in 1819, sent the first pupils paid for at
state expense to this institution. In 1823 Kentucky created the first
state school for the training of the deaf established in the new world,
and Ohio the second, in 1827.

[Illustration: FIG. 236. REV. THOMAS H. GALLAUDET TEACHING THE DEAF AND
DUMB
From a bas-relief on the monument of Gallaudet, erected by the deaf and
dumb of the United States, in the grounds of the American Asylum, at
Hartford, Connecticut.]

The education of the blind began in France, in 1784; England, in 1791;
Austria, in 1804; Prussia, in 1806; Holland, in 1808; Sweden, in 1810;
Denmark, in 1811; Scotland, in 1812; in Boston and New York, in 1832; and
in Philadelphia, in 1833. All were private institutions, and general
interest in the education of the blind was awakened later by exhibiting
the pupils trained. The first book for the blind was printed in Paris, in
1786. The first kindergarten for the blind was established in Germany, in
1861; the first school for the colored blind, by North Carolina, in 1869.

[Illustration: FIG. 237. EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS MAINTAINED BY THE STATE
As state institutions, other than public schools.]

Before the nineteenth century the feeble-minded and idiotic were the
laughing-stock of society, and no one thought of being able to do anything
for them. In 1811 Napoleon ordered a census of such individuals, and in
1816 the first school for their training was opened at Salzburg, Austria.
The school was unsuccessful, and closed in 1835. The real beginning of the
training of the feeble-minded was made in France, by Edouard Séguin, "The
Apostle of the Idiot," in 1837, when he began a life-long study of such
defectives. By 1845 three or four institutions had been opened in
Switzerland and Great Britain for their study and training, and for a time
an attempt was made to effect cures. Gallaudet had tried to educate such
children at Hartford, about 1820, and a class for idiots was established
at the Blind Asylum in Boston, in 1848. The interest thus aroused led to
the creation of the Massachusetts School for Idiotic and Feeble-Minded
Youth, in 1851, the first institution of its kind in the United States. In
1867 the first city school class to train children of low-grade
intelligence was organized in Germany, and all the larger cities of
Germany later organized such special classes. Norway followed with a
similar city organization, in 1874; and England, Switzerland, and Austria,
about 1892. The first American city to organize such classes was
Providence, Rhode Island, in 1893. Since that time special classes for
children of low-grade mentality have become a common feature of the large
city school systems in most American cities.

In 1832 the first attempt to educate crippled children, as such, was made
in Munich. The model school in Europe for the education of cripples was
established in Copenhagen, in 1872. The work was begun privately in New
York City, in 1861, and first publicly in Chicago, in 1899. The London
School Board first began such classes in England, in 1898.

Dependents, orphans, children of soldiers and sailors, and incorrigibles
of various classes represent others for whom modern States have now
provided special state institutions. To-day a modern State finds it
necessary to provide a number of such specialized institutions, or to make
arrangements with neighboring States for the care of its dependents, if it
is to meet what have come to be recognized as its humanitarian educational
duties. The more important of these special state institutions are shown
in the diagram given in Fig. 237.

Public playgrounds and play directors, vacation schools, juvenile courts,
disciplinary classes, parental schools, classes for mothers, visiting
home-teachers and nurses, and child-welfare societies and officers, are
other means for caring for child life and child welfare which have all
been begun within the past half-century. The significance of these
additions lies chiefly in that the history of the attitude of nations
toward their child life is the history of the rise of humanitarianism,
altruism, justice, order, morality, and civilization itself.

THE EDUCATION OF SUPERIOR CHILDREN. All the work described above and
relating to the work of defectives, delinquents, and children for some
reason in need of special attention and care has been for those who
represent the less capable and on the whole less useful members of
society--the ones from whom society may expect the least. They are at the
same time the most costly wards of the State.

Wholly within the second decade of the present century, and largely as a
result of the work of the French psychologist Alfred Binet (1857-1911) we
are now able to sort out, for special attention, a new class of what are
known as superior, or gifted children, and to the education of these
special attention is to-day here and there beginning to be directed.
Educationally, it is an attempt to do for democratic forms of national
organization what a two-class school system does for monarchical forms,
but to select intellectual capacity from the whole mass of the people,
rather than from a selected class or caste. We know now that the number of
children of superior ability is approximately as large as the number of
the feeble in mind, and also that the future of democratic governments
hinges largely upon the proper education and utilization of these superior
children. One child of superior intellectual capacity, educated so as to
utilize his talents, may confer greater benefits upon mankind, and be
educationally far more important, than a thousand of the feeble-minded
children upon whom we have recently come to put so much educational effort
and expense. Questions relating to the training of leaders for democracy's
service attain new significance in terms of the recent ability to measure
and grade intelligence, as also do questions relating to grading,
classification in school, choice of studies, rate of advancement, and the
vocational guidance of children in school.

    _Net Average Worth of a Person_
    _Age_ _Worth_
        0         $90
        5         950
       10        2000
       20        4000
       30        4100
       40        3650
       50        2900
       60        1650
       70          15
       80        -700
    (Calculations by Dr. William Farr, formerly Registrar of Vital
    Statistics for Great Britain. Based on pre-war values.)

THE NEW INTEREST IN HEALTH. Another new expansion of the educational
service which has come in since the middle of the nineteenth century, and
which has recently grown to be one of large significance, is work in the
medical inspection of schools, the supervision of the health of pupils,
and the new instruction in preventive hygiene. This is a product of the
scientific and social and industrial revolutions which the nineteenth
century brought, rather than of humanitarian influences, and represents an
application of newly discovered scientific knowledge to health work among
children. Its basis is economic, though its results are largely physical
and educational and social (R. 375).

The discovery and isolation of bacteria; the vast amount of new knowledge
which has come to us as to the transmission and possibilities for the
elimination of many diseases; the spread of information as to sanitary
science and preventive medicine; the change in emphasis in medical
practice, from curative to preventive and remedial; the closer crowding
together of all classes of people in cities; the change of habits for many
from life in the open to life in the factory, shop, and apartment; and the
growing realization of the economic value to the nation of its manhood and
womanhood; have all alike combined with modern humanitarianism and applied
Christianity to make progressive nations take a new interest in child
health and proper child development. European nations have so far done
much more in school health work than has the United States, though a very
commendable beginning has been made here.

MEDICAL INSPECTION AND HEALTH SUPERVISION. Medical inspection of schools
began in France, in 1837, though genuine medical inspection, in a modern
sense, was not begun in France until 1879. The pioneer country for real
work was Sweden, where health officers were assigned to each large school
as early as 1868. Norway made such appointments optional in 1885, and
obligatory in 1891. Belgium began the work in 1874. Tests of eyesight were
begun in Dresden in 1867. Frankfort-on-Main appointed the first German
school physician in 1888. England first employed school nurses in 1887;
and, in 1907, following the revelations as to low physical vitality
growing out of the Boer War, adopted a mandatory medical-inspection and
health-development act applying to England and Wales, and the year
following Scotland did the same. Argentine and Chili both instituted such
service in 1888, and Japan made medical inspection compulsory and
universal in 1898.

In the United States the work was begun voluntarily in Boston, in 1894,
following a series of epidemics. Chicago organized medical inspection in
1895, New York City in 1897, and Philadelphia in 1898. From these larger
cities the idea spread to the smaller ones, at first slowly, and then very
rapidly. The first school nurse in the United States was employed in New
York City, in 1902, and the idea at once proved to be of great value. In
1906 Massachusetts adopted the first state medical inspection law. In 1912
Minnesota organized the first "State Division of Health Supervision of
Schools" in the United States, and this plan has since been followed by
other States.

From mere medical inspection to detect contagious diseases, in which the
movement everywhere began, it was next extended to tests for eyesight and
hearing, to be made by teachers or physicians, and has since been enlarged
to include physical examinations to detect hidden diseases and a
constructive health-program for the schools. The work has now come to
include eye, ear, nose, throat, and teeth, as well as general physical
examinations; the supervision of the teaching of hygiene in the schools,
and to a certain extent the physical training and playground activities;
and a constructive program for the development of the health and physical
welfare of all children. All this represents a further extension of the
public-education idea.


V. THE SCIENTIFIC ORGANIZATION OF EDUCATION

An important recent development in the field of public education, and in a
sense an outgrowth of all the preceding recent development which we have
described, has been the organization of collegiate and university
instruction in the history, theory, practice, and administration of
education. Still more recent has been the organization of Teachers'
Colleges and Schools of Education to give advanced training in educational
research and in the solution of the practical problems of school
organization and administration. So important has this recent development
become that no history of educational progress would be complete without
at least a brief mention of this recent attempt to give scientific
organization to the educational process.

EARLY BEGINNERS. Though the teachers' seminaries had been organized in
Germany and other northern lands toward the close of the eighteenth
century, the normal school in France early in the nineteenth, and the
training-college in England and the normal school in the United States by
the close of the first third of that century, the work in these remained
for a long time almost entirely academic in nature and elementary in
character. This was also true of the superior normal school for training
teachers for the _lycées_ of France.

The reason for this is easy to find. The writings of the earlier
educational reformers were little known; the contributions of Herbart and
Froebel had not as yet been popularized; there was no organized psychology
of the educational process, and no psychology better than that of John
Locke; the detailed Pestalozzian procedure had not as yet been worked out
in the form of teaching technique; the history of the development of
educational theory or of educational practice had not been written; and
almost no philosophy of the educational purpose had been formulated which
could be used in the training-schools. In consequence the training of
teachers, both for elementary and secondary instruction, [22] was almost
entirely in academic subjects, with some talks on school-keeping and class
organization and management added, and at times a little philosophy as to
educational work, such as habit-formation, morality, thinking, and the
training of the will. Educational journalism did not begin in either
Europe or America until near the close of the first quarter of the
nineteenth century, and it was 1850 before it attained any significance,
and 1840 to 1850 before any important pedagogical literature arose. [23]

[Illustration: FIG. 238. KARL GEORG VON RAUMER (1783-1865)]

NEW INFLUENCE. In 1843 there appeared, in Germany, the first two volumes
of a very celebrated and influential History of Education, by a professor
of mineralogy in the University of Erlangen, by the name of Karl Gcorg von
Raumer. As a young man in Paris (1808-09), studying the great mineral
collections found there, he read and was deeply stirred by Fichte's
"Address to the German Nation" (p. 567). As a result he went to Yverdon,
in 1809, and spent some months in studying the work in Pestalozzi's
Institute. This interest in education he never lost, and thereafter, as
professor of mineralogy at Halle and Erlangen, he also gave lectures on
pedagogy (_Uber Pädagogik_). The outgrowth of these lectures was his four-
volume _History of Pedagogy from the Revival of Classical Studies to our
own Time_. [24] The work was done with characteristic German thoroughness,
and for long served as a standard organization and text on the history of
the development of educational theory and practice since the days of the
Revival of Learning. The work of von Raumer stimulated many to a study of
the writings of the earlier educational reformers, and numerous books and
papers on educational history and theory soon began to appear. Most
important, for American students, was Henry Barnard's monumental _American
Journal of Education_, begun in 1855, and continued for thirty-one years.
This is a great treasure-house of pedagogical literature for American
educators.

After 1850 the organization of a technique of instruction for the
elementary-school subjects took place rapidly, in the normal schools of
all lands, as it had earlier in the German teachers' seminaries. By 1868
the study of the new Herbartian psychology and educational theory was well
under way in Germany, and by 1890 in the United States. By 1875 the
kindergarten, with its new theory of child life, was also beginning to
make itself felt in both Europe and America. Between 1850 and 1875 Weber,
Lotze, Fechner, and Wundt laid the foundations for a new psychology (R.
357), and in 1878 Wundt opened the first laboratory for the experimental
study of psychology at the University of Leipzig. In 1890 William James
published his two-volume work on _Principles of Psychology_, a book so
original and lucid in treatment that it at once gave a new teaching
organization to modern psychology. After about 1880, the extension of
education upward and outward in the United States, and the rapid
development of state school systems which had by that time begun, began to
make new demands for better scientific and legal and administrative
organization, and this gave rise to a new type of educational literature.

After von Raumer's work, probably the greatest single stimulative
influence of the mid-nineteenth century was that exerted by the marked
successes of the Prussian armies in a series of short but very decisive
wars. Against Denmark (1864) and Austria (1866), but in particular in the
Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71, the Prussian armies proved irresistible.
These military operations attracted new attention to education, and "the
Prussian schoolmaster has triumphed" became a common world saying. This,
coupled with the remarkable national development of United Germany which
almost immediately set in, caused progressive nations to turn to the study
of education with increased interest. The English and Scottish
universities now began to establish lectureships in the theory and history
of education, [25] and the first university chairs in education in the
United States were founded.

THE UNIVERSITY STUDY OF EDUCATION. In no country in the world have the
universities, within the past three decades, given the attention to the
study of Education--a term that in English-speaking lands has replaced the
earlier and more limited "Pedagogy"--that has been given in the United
States. [26] After the United States the newer universities of England
probably come next. Up to 1890 less than a dozen chairs of education had
been established in all the colleges of the United States, and their work
was still largely limited to historical and philosophical studies of
education, and to a type of classroom methodology and school management,
since almost entirely passed over to the normal schools. By 1920 there
were some four hundred colleges in the United States giving serious
courses on educational history and procedure and administration, many of
them maintaining large and important professional Schools of Education for
the more scientific study of the subject, and for the training of leaders
for the service of the nation's schools.

In the great advances which have taken place in the organization of
education, during these three decades, no institution in the world has
exerted a more important influence than has "Teachers College," Columbia
University, in the City of New York, which was organized in 1887 as "The
New York College for the Training of Teachers," but since 1890 has been
affiliated with Columbia University, under its present name. This
institution has been a model copied by many others over the world; has
trained a large percentage of the leaders in education in the United
States; and has been particularly influential with students from England,
the English self-governing dominions, China, and South America.

To-day, in all the state universities and in many non-state institutions
in the United States, we find well-organized Teachers' Colleges engaged in
a work which two decades ago was being attempted by but a few institutions
anywhere, In the municipal universities of England, in Canada, in Japan
and China, and in other democratic lands, we find the beginnings of a
similar development of the scientific study of education. In these Schools
or Colleges for the scientific study of education the best thinking on the
problems of the reorganization and administration of education, and the
most new and creative work, has been and is being done. [27]

THE PROBLEMS OF THE PRESENT. Pestalozzi dreamed that he might be able to
psychologize instruction and reduce all to an orderly procedure, which,
once learned, would make one a master teacher. What he was not able to
accomplish he died thinking others after him would do. The problem of
education has had, with time, no such simple and easy solution. Instead,
with the development of state school systems, the extension of education
in many new directions to meet new needs, and the application to the study
of education of the same scientific methods which have produced such
results in other fields of human knowledge, we have come to-day to have
hundreds of problems, many of which are complex and difficult and which
influence deeply the welfare of society and the State. That these
problems, even with time, will receive any such simple solution as that of
which Pestalozzi dreamed, may well be doubted. In the days of church
control, memoriter instruction, and a school for religious ends, education
was a simple matter; to-day it partakes of the difficulty and complexity
which characterize most of the problems of modern world States. In
consequence of this important change in the character of education a great
number of important problems in educational organization, practice, and
procedure now face us for solution.

Space can here be taken to mention only the more prominent of these
present-day educational problems. On the administrative side is a whole
group of problems relating to forms of organization: the proper
educational relationships between the State and its subordinate units; the
development of a state educational policy: the types of instruction the
State must provide, and compel attendance upon; questions of taxation and
support, compulsory attendance, and child labor; the training and
oversight of teachers for the service of the State; problems of child
health and welfare; the provision of adequate and professional
supervision; the provision of continuation schools, and of industrial and
vocational training; the supervision of school buildings for health and
sanitary control; and the relation of the State to private and parochial
education. The problem of how to produce as effective and as thorough
education for leadership with a one-class school system as with a two-
class; the opening-up of opportunity for youth of brains in any social
class to rise and be trained for service; the selection and proper
training of those of superior intelligence; the elimination of barriers to
the advancement of children of large intellectual endowment; and what best
to do with those of small intellectual capacity, form another important
group of present-day educational problems. Vocational training and
technical education, and the relation and the proper solution of these
questions to national happiness and prosperity and human welfare, form
still another important group. The many questions which hinge upon
instruction; the elimination of useless subject-matter; the best
organization of instruction; proper aims and ends; moral and civic
training; the most economical organization of school work; the saving of
time; and what are desirable educational reorganizations, all these form a
group of instructional problems of large significance for the future of
public education. Still more in detail, but of large importance, are the
questions relating to the scientific measurement of the results of
instruction; the erection of attainable goals in teaching; and the
introduction of scientific accuracy into educational work. Still another
important group of problems relates to the readjustment of inherited
school organization and practices, the better to meet the changed and
changing conditions of national life--social, industrial, political,
religious, economic, scientific--brought about by the industrial and
social and scientific and political revolutions which have taken place.

These represent some of the more important new problems in education which
have come to challenge us since the school was taken over from the Church
and transformed into the great constructive tool of the State. Their
solution will call for careful investigation, experimentation, and much
clear thinking, and before they are solved other new problems will arise.
So probably it will ever be under a democratic form of government; only in
autocratic or strongly monarchical forms of government, where the study of
problems of educational organization and adjustment are not looked upon
with favor, can a school system to-day remain for long fixed in type or
uniform in character. Education to-day has become intricate and difficult,
requiring careful professional training on the part of those who would
exercise intelligent control, and so intimately connected with national
strength and national welfare that it may be truthfully said to have
become, in many respects, the most important constructive undertaking of a
modern State.


QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. Show that education must be extended and increased in efficiency in
proportion as the suffrage is extended, and additional political functions
given to the electorate. Illustrate.

2. Trace the changes in the character of the instruction given in the
schools, paralleling such changes.

3. Explain the difference in use of the schools for nationality ends in
Germany and France.

4. Of what is the recent development of evening, adult, and extension
education an index?

5. Show why university education is more important in national life to-day
than ever before in history.

6. Compare the rate of development of universities during the nineteenth
century, and all time before the nineteenth. Of what is the difference in
rate an index?

7. Explain why Americans have been less successful in introducing science
instruction into their schools than have the Germans. Agriculture than the
French.

8. Explain the breakdown of the old apprenticeship education.

9. Explain the American recent rapid acceptance of the agricultural high
school, whereas the agricultural colleges for a long time faced opposition
and lack of interest and support.

10. Explain the continued emphasis of high-school studies leading to the
professions rather than the vocations, though so small a percentage of
people are needed for professional work.

11. In Germany this was largely regulated by the Government; show how it
would be much easier there than in the United States.

12. Show why European nations would naturally take up vocational training
ahead of the United States, Canada, Australia, or South America.

13. Explain the reasons for the new conceptions as to the value of child
life which have come within the past hundred years, in all advanced
nations. Why not in the less advanced nations?

14. Show the relation between the breakdown of the apprentice system, the
Industrial Revolution, and the rise of compulsory school attendance.

15. Show that compulsory school attendance is a natural corollary to
general taxation for education.

16. How do you account for the relatively recent interest in the education
of defectives and delinquents? Of what is this interest an expression?

17. Does the obligation assumed to educate involve any greater exercise of
state authority or recognition of duty than the advancement of the health
of the people and the sanitary welfare of the State?

18. What additional unsolved problems would you add to the list given on
the preceding page?


SELECTED READINGS

In the accompanying _Book of Readings_ the following selections
illustrative of the contents of this chapter are reproduced:

  367. McKechnie, W. S.: The Environmental Influence of the State.
  368. Emperor William II.: German Secondary Schools and National Ends.
  369. Van Hise, Chas. R.: The University and the State.
  370. Friend: What the Folk High Schools have done for Denmark.
  371. U.S. Commission: The German System of Vocational Education.
  372. U.S. Commission: Vocational Education and National Prosperity.
  373. de Montmorency: English Conditions before the First Factory-Labor
       Act.
  374. Giddings, F. R.: The New Problem of Child Labor.
  375. Hoag, E. B., and Terman, L. M.: Health Work in the Schools.


QUESTIONS ON THE READINGS

1. Explain why it is now so important that the State properly environ
(367) its youth.

2. What were the actuating motives behind the German Emperor's speech
(368)? Was he right in his position as to the relation of the schools and
national needs and welfare?

3. Explain Van Hise's conception (369) that the university is "The Soul of
the State."

4. Does Denmark form any exception as to what might be done (370) in any
country, such as Russia? Mexico?

5. Show that the results justified the German emphasis (371) on vocational
training. How do you explain this German far-sightedness?

6. What will be the result when many nations (372) become highly skilled?

7. Show the growth of humanitarian influences by contrasting conditions in
England in 1802 (373), and conditions to-day.

8. Would the English 1802 conditions be found in any Christian land today?
Why?

9. Show that the child-labor problem (374) is a product of the Industrial
Revolution.

10. Viewed in the light of history, what would we say of the present
opposition to health work (375) in the schools?


SUPPLEMENTARY REFERENCES

* Allen, E. A. "Education of Defectives"; in Butler, N. M., _Education
    in the United States_, pp. 771-820.
  Barnard, Henry. _National Education in Europe_.
* _Commission on National Aid to Vocational Education, Report_, vol.
    I. (Document 1004, H. R., 63d Congress, 2d session, Washington, 1914.)
  Cook, W. A. "A Brief Survey of the Development of Compulsory Education
    in the United States"; in _Elementary School Teacher_, vol. 12,
    PP. 33l-35 (March, 1912.)
* Dean, A. D. _The Worker and the State_.
  Eliot, C. W. _Education for Efficiency_.
  Farrington, F. E. _Commercial Education in Germany_.
  Foght, H. W. _Rural Denmark and its Schools_.
  Friend, L. L. _The Folk High Schools of Denmark_. (Bulletin No. 3,
    1914, United States Bureau of Education.)
* Hoag, E. B., and Terman, L. M. _Health Work in the Schools_.
  Kandel, I. L, "The Junior High School in European Systems"; in
    _Educational Review_, vol. 58, pp. 305-29. (Nov. 1919.)
* Munroe, J. P. _New Demands in Education_.
* Payne, G. H. _The Child in Human Progress_.
  Smith, A. T., and Jesien, W. S. _Higher Technical Education in Foreign
    Countries_. (Bulletin No. n, 1917, United States Bureau of
    Education.)
  Snedden, D. S. _Vocational Education_.
* Terman, L. M. _The Intelligence of School Children_.
  Waddle, C. W. _Introduction to Child Psychology_, chap. I.
  Ware, Fabian. _Educational Foundations of Trade and Industry_.




CONCLUSION; THE FUTURE


We have now reached the end of the story of the rise and progress of man's
conscious effort to improve himself and advance the welfare of his group
by means of education. To one who has followed the narrative thus far it
must be evident how fully this conscious effort has paralleled the history
of the rise and progress of western civilization itself. Beginning first
among the Greeks--the first people in history to be "smitten with the
passion for truth." the first possessing sufficient courage to put faith
in reason, and the first to attempt to reconcile the claims, of the State
and the individual and to work out a plan of "ordered liberty"--a new
spirit was born and in time passed on to the western world. As Butcher
well says (R. 11), "the Greek genius is the European genius in its first
and brightest bloom, and from a vivifying contact with the Greek spirit
Europe derived that new and mighty impulse which we call Progress."
Hellenizing first the Eastern Mediterranean, and then taking captive her
rude conqueror, the Hellenization of the Roman and early Christian world
was the result.

Then followed the reaction under early Christian rule, and the fearful
deluge of barbarism which for centuries well-nigh extinguished both the
ancient learning and the new spirit. Finally, after the long mediaeval
night, came "time's burst of dawn," first and for a long time confined to
Italy, but later extending to all northern lands, and in the century of
revival and rediscovery and reconstruction the Greek passion for truth and
the Greek courage to trust reason were reawakened, and once more made the
heritage of the western world. Once again the Greek spirit, the spirit of
freedom and progress and trust in the power of truth, became the impulse
that was to guide and dominate the future. To follow reason without fear
of consequences, to substitute scientific for empirical knowledge, to
equip men for intelligent participation in civic life, to discover a
rational basis for conduct, to unfold and expand every inborn faculty and
energy, and to fill man with a restless striving after an ideal--these
essentially Greek characteristics in time came to be accepted by an
increasing number of modern men, as they had been by the thoughtful men of
the ancient Greek world, as the law and goal of human endeavor. From this
point on the intellectual progress of the western world was certain,
though at times the rate seems painfully slow.

The great events which stand before, modern history--milestones, as it
were, along the road to the intellectual progress of mankind in the
recovery of the Greek spirit--were the revival of the ancient learning,
the Protestant appeal to reason, the recovery and vast extension of the
old scientific knowledge, the assertion of the rights of the individual as
opposed to the rights of the State, and the growth of a new
humanitarianism, induced by the teachings of Christianity, which has
softened old laws and awakened a new conception of the value of child and
human life. Out of these great historic movements have come modern
scholarship, the inestimable boon of religious liberty, the firm
establishment of the idea of the reign of law in an orderly universe, the
conception of government as in the interests of the governed, the
substitution of democracy and political equality for the rule of a class
or an autocratic power, and the assertion of the right to an education at
public expense as a birthright of every child. The common school, the
education of all, equality of rights and opportunity, full and equal
suffrage, the responsibility of all for the advancement of the common
welfare, and liberty under law have been the natural consequences and the
outcome of these great struggles to set free and quicken the human spirit.

The Peace of Westphalia (1648), which marked the close of a century of
effort to crush human reason and religious liberty with violence and
oppression, marked a turning-point in the history of the world. Though
religious intolerance and bigotry might still persist in places for
centuries to come, this Peace acknowledged the futility of persecution to
stamp out human inquiry, and marked the downfall of intellectual
medievalism. The work of the political philosophers of the eighteenth
century, the establishment of a new political ideal by the leaders of the
American Revolution, and the drastic sweeping-away of ancient abuses in
Church and State in the Revolution in France, applied a new spirit to
government, ushered in the rule of the common man, and began the
establishment of democracy as the ruling form of government for mankind.
The recent World War in Europe was in a sense a sequel to what had gone
before. One result of its outcome, despite certain reactionary but
temporary old-type governments that the near future may see set up in
places, has been the elimination of the mediaeval theory of the "divine
right of kings" from the continent of Europe, and the establishment of the
democratic type of government as the ruling type of the future. Some of
the nations for a time will be in a sense experimental, as shown on the
above map, and even well-governed Germany must learn new forms and ways,
but in time government of and by and for the people is practically certain
to become established everywhere on the continent of Europe.

[Illustration: FIG. 239. THE ESTABLISHED AND EXPERIMENTAL NATIONS OF
EUROPE
The established nations are in white; the experimental nations shaded.
After a time Germany should become white also.]

Still more, the outcome of the World War would seem to indicate that
democratic forms of government are destined in time to extend to peoples
everywhere who have the capacity for using them. The great problem of the
coming century, then, and perhaps even of succeeding centuries, will be to
make democracy a safe form of government for the world. This can be done
only by a far more general extension of educational opportunities and
advantages than the world has as yet witnessed. In the hands of an
uneducated proletariat democracy is a dangerous instrument. In Russia,
Mexico, and in certain of the Central American Republics we see what a
democracy results in in the hands of an uneducated people. There, too
often, the revolver instead of the ballot box is used to settle public
issues, and instead of orderly government under law we have a reign of
injustice and anarchy. Only by the slow but sure means of general
education of the masses in character and in the fundamental bases of
liberty under law can governments that are safe and intelligent be
created. In a far larger sense than anything we have as yet witnessed,
education must become the constructive tool for national progress.

The great needs of the modern world call for the general diffusion among
the masses of mankind of the intellectual and spiritual and political
gains of the centuries, which are as yet, despite the great recent
progress made in extending general education, the possession of but a
relatively small number of the world's population. Among the more
important of these are the religious spirit, coupled with full religious
liberty and tolerance; a clear recognition of the rights of minorities, so
long as they do not impair the advancement of the general welfare; the
general diffusion of a knowledge of the more common truths and
applications of science, particularly as these relate to personal hygiene,
sanitation, agriculture, and modern industrial processes; the general
education of all, not only in the tools of knowledge, but in those
fundamental principles of self-government which lie at the basis of
democratic life; training in character, self-control, and in the ability
to assume and carry responsibility; the instilling into a constantly
widening circle of mankind the importance of fidelity to duty, truth,
honor, and virtue; the emphasis of the many duties and responsibilities
which encompass all in the complex modern world, rather than the
eighteenth-century individualistic conception of political and personal
rights; the clear distinction between liberty and license; and the
conception of liberty guided by law. In addition each man and woman should
be educated for personal efficiency in some vocation or form of service in
which each can best realize his personal possibilities, and at the same
time render the largest service to that society of which he forms a part.

The great needs of the modern world also call for that form of education
and training which will not merely impart literacy and prepare for
economic competence and national citizenship, but which will give to
national groups a new conception of national character and international
morality and create new standards of value for human effort. National
character and international morality are always the outgrowth of the
personality of a people, and this in turn calls for the inculcation of
humane ideals, the proper discipline of the instincts, the training of a
will to do right, good physical vigor, and, to a large degree, the
development of individual efficiency and economic competence. Moral and
religious instruction, as it has been given, will not suffice, because it
does not reach the heart of the problem. No nation has shown more
completely the utter futility of religious instruction to produce morality
than has Germany, where the instruction of all in the principles of
religion has been required for centuries.

The problem of the twentieth century, then, and probably of other
centuries to come, is how the constructive forces in modern society, of
which the schools of nations should stand first, can best direct their
efforts to influence and direct the deeper sources of the life of a
people, so that the national characteristics it is desired to display to
the world will be developed because the schools have instilled into every
child these national ideals. Many forces must coöperate in such a task,
but unless the schools of nations become clearly conscious of national
needs and of international purposes, become inspired by an ideal of
service for the welfare of mankind, substitute among national groups
competition in the things of the spirit--art, architecture, music, sports,
education, letters, sanitation, housing, public works, and such
applications of science as minister to health and happiness--for
competition in the creation of material wealth, the piling-up of
armaments, the extension of national boundaries, and the present
overemphasis of a narrow nationalism, and direct the energies of coming
generations to the carrying-out of this new and larger human service,
nations must inevitably fail to reach the world position they might
otherwise have occupied, destructive international competition and warfare
will continue, and the advancement of world civilization and international
well-being will be greatly retarded thereby.

In this work of advancing world civilization, the nations which have long
been in the forefront of progress must expect to assume important roles.
It is their peculiar mission--for long clearly recognized by Great Britain
and France in their political relations with inferior and backward
peoples; by the United States in its excellent work in Cuba, Porto Rico,
and the Philippines; and clearly formulated in the system of "mandatories"
under the League of Nations--to help backward peoples to advance, and to
assist them in lifting themselves to a higher plane of world civilization.
In doing this a very practical type of education must naturally play the
leading part, and time, probably much time, will be required to achieve
any large results. Disregarding the large need for such service among the
leading world nations, the map reproduced on the opposite page reveals how
much of such work still remains to be done in the world as a whole. "The
White Man's Burden" truly is large, and the larger world tasks of the
twentieth century for the more advanced nations will be to help other
peoples, in distant and more backward lands, slowly to educate themselves
in the difficult art of self-government, gradually establish stable and
democratic governments of their own, and in time to take their places
among the enlightened and responsible peoples of the earth.

[Illustration: FIG. 240. THE EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS OF THE FUTURE
Transition peoples are shaded; dependant and backward peoples black. The
"mandatories" of the "League of Nations" will be in the black areas, and
will have to be carried by the nations which have made the most progress
in civilization and shown in the highest sense of responsibility for the
welfare of peoples that have come under their care. The black areas reveal
"The White Man's Burden" of the future.]

At the bottom of all this work and service lie the new human-liberty
conceptions first worked out and formulated for the world by little
Greece, In time the ideas to which they gave expression have become the
heritage of what we know as our western civilization, and the warp and
woof of the intellectual and political life of the modern world. As a
result of the Industrial Revolution, and of the new political and
commercial and social forces of our time, this western civilization, using
education as its great constructive tool, is now spreading to every
continent on the globe. The task of succeeding centuries will be to carry
forward and extend what has been so well begun; to level up the peoples of
the earth, as far as inherent differences in capacity will permit; and to
extend, through educative influences, the principles and practices of a
Christian civilization to all. In establishing intelligent and interested
government, and in moulding and shaping the destinies of peoples, general
education has become the great constructive tool of modern civilization. A
hundred and fifty years ago education was of but little importance, being
primarily an instrument of the Church and used for church ends. To-day
general education is an instrument of government, and is rightfully
regarded as a prime essential to good government and national progress.
With the spread of the democratic type the importance of the school is
enhanced, its control by the State becomes essential, its continued
expansion to include new types of schools and new forms of educational
opportunities and service a necessity, the study of its organization and
administration and problems becomes a necessary function of government,
while the training it can give is dignified and made the birthright of
every boy and girl.




FOOTNOTES


PREFACE

[1] _Syllabus of Lectures on the History of Education, with
Bibliographies_, 1st ed., 302 pp., illustrated, New York, 1902; 2d ed.,
with classified bibliographies, 358 pp., illustrated. New York, 1905.


PART I

CHAPTER I

[1] The average size of an Illinois county is 550 square miles, or an area
22 x 25 miles square. The State of West Virginia contains 24,022 square
miles, and Rhode Island 1067 square miles. Rhode Island would be
approximately 30 x 36 miles square, which would make Attica approximately
20 x 36 miles square in area.

[2] The nearest analogy we have to the Greek City-States exists in the
local town governments of the New England States, particularly
Massachusetts, and the local county-unit governmental organizations of a
number of the Southern States, though in each of these cases we have a
state and a federal government above to unify and direct and control these
small local governments, which did not exist, except temporarily, in
Greece.

If an area the size of West Virginia were divided into some twenty
independent counties, which could arrange treaties, make alliances, and
declare war, and which sometimes united into leagues for defense or
offense, but which were never able to unite to form a single State, we
should have a condition analogous to that of mainland Greece.  [3] A sea-
faring people, the Greeks became to the ancient Mediterranean world what
the English have been to the modern world. Southern Italy became so
thickly set with small Greek cities that it was known as _Magna Graecia_.
On the island of Sicily the city of Syracuse was founded (734 B.C.), and
became a center of power and a home of noted Greeks. The city of
Marseilles, in southern France, dates from an Ionic settlement about 600
B.C. The presence of another seafaring people, the Phoenicians, along the
northern coast of Africa and southern and eastern Spain, probably checked
the further spread of Greek colonies to the westward. The city of Cyrene,
in northern Africa, dates from about 630 B.C. Greek colonists also went
north and east, through the Dardanelles and on into the Black Sea. (See
map, Figure 2.) Salonica and Constantinople date back to Greek
colonization. Many of the colonies reflected great honor and credit on the
motherland, and served to spread Greek manners, language, and religion
over a wide area.

[4] It is the great mixed races that have counted for most in history. The
strength of England is in part due to its wonderful mixture of peoples--
Britons, Angles, Saxons, Jutes, Danes, Northmen, to mention only the more
important earlier peoples which have been welded together to form the
English people.

[5] Athens, however, permitted the children of foreigners to attend its
schools, particularly in the later period of Athenian education.

[6] "When I compare the customs of the Greeks with these (the Romans), I
can find no reason to extol either those of the Spartans, or the Thebans,
or even of the Athenians, who value themselves the most for their wisdom;
all who, jealous of their nobility and communicating to none or to very
few the privileges of their cities ... were so far from receiving any
advantage from this haughtiness that they became the greatest sufferers by
it." (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in his _Roman Antiquities_ book II,
chap. XVII.)

[7] In Sparta the number of citizens was still less. At the time of the
formulation of the Spartan constitution by Lycurgus (about 850 B.C.) there
were but 9000 Spartan families in the midst of 250,000 subject people.
This disproportion increased rather than diminished in later centuries.

[8] The Austrian-Magyar combination, which held together and dominated the
many tribes of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, is an analogous modern
situation, though on a much larger scale.

[9] Two Greek poems illustrate the Spartan mother, who was said to
admonish her sons to come back with their shields, or upon them. The first
is:

  "Eight sons Daementa at Sparta's call
  Sent forth to fight: one tomb received them all.
  No tears she shed, but shouted, 'Victory!
  Sparta, I bore them but to die for thee.'"

The second:

  "A Spartan, his companion slain,
  Alone from battle fled:
  His mother, kindling with disdain
  That she had borne him, struck him dead;
  For courage and not birth alone.
  In Sparta testifies a son."

  "Go, tell at Sparta, thou that passest by,
  That here, obedient to her laws, we lie."
  (Epitaph on the three hundred who fell at Thermopylae.)

[10] An Athenian saying, of a man who was missing, was: "Either he is dead
or has become a schoolmaster." To call a man a schoolmaster was to abuse
him, according to Epicurus. Demosthenes, in his attack on Aeschines,
ridicules him for the fact that his father was a schoolmaster in the
lowest type of reading and writing school. "As a boy," he says, "you were
reared in abject poverty, waiting with your father on the school, grinding
the ink, sponging the benches, sweeping the room, and doing the duty of a
menial rather than of a freeman's son." Lucian represents kings as being
forced to maintain themselves in hell by teaching reading and writing.

[11] Women were not supposed to possess any of the privileges of
citizenship, belonging rather to the alien class. They lived secluded
lives, were not supposed to take any part in public affairs, and, if their
husbands brought company to the house, they were expected to retire from
view. In their attitude toward women the Greeks were an oriental rather
than a modern or western people.

[12] "We learn first the names of the elements of speech, which are called
_grammata_; then their shape and functions; then the syllables and their
affections; lastly, the parts of speech, and the particular mutations
connected with each, as inflection, number, contraction, accents, position
in the sentence; then we begin to read and write, at first in syllables
and slowly, but when we have attained the necessary certainty, easily and
quickly." (Dionysius of Halicarnassus, _De Compos. Verb_, cap 25.)

[13] Fragments of a tile found in Attica have stamped upon them the
syllables _ar, bar, gar; er, ber, ger_; etc. A bottle-shaped vase has also
been found which, in addition to the alphabet, contains pronouncing
exercises as follows:

  bi-ba-bu-be          zi-za-zu-ze           pi-pa-pu-pe
  gi-ga-gu-ge          mi-ma-mu-me           etc.

[14] "Learning to read must have been a difficult business in Hellas, for
books were written only in capitals at this time. There were no spaces
between the words, and no stops were inserted. Thus the reader had to
exercise his ingenuity before he could arrive at the meaning of a
sentence." (Freeman, K. J., _Schools of Hellas_, p. 87.)

[15] The Greeks had no numbers, but only words for numbers, and used the
letters of the Greek alphabet with accents over them to indicate the words
they knew as numbers. Counting and bookkeeping would of course be very
difficult with such a system.

[16] "These poems, especially Homer, Hesiod, and Theognis, served at the
same time for drill in language and for recitation, whereby on the one
hand the memory was developed and the imagination strengthened, and on the
other the heroic forms of antiquity and healthy primitive utterances
regarding morality, and full of homely common sense, were deeply engraved
on the young mind. Homer was regarded not merely as a poet, but as an
inspired moral teacher, and great portions of his poems were learned by
heart. The Iliad and the Odyssey were in truth the Bible of the Greeks."
(Laurie, S. S., _Pre-Christian Education_, p. 258.)

[17] Davidson, Thos., _Aristotle_, pp. 73-75.

[18] Plutarch later expressed well the Greek conception of musical
education in these words: "Whoever be he that shall give his mind to the
study of music in his youth, if he meet with a musical education proper
for the forming and regulating his inclinations, he will be sure to
applaud and embrace that which is noble and generous, and to rebuke and
blame the contrary, as well in other things as in what belongs to music.
And by that means he will become clear from all reproachful actions, for
now having reaped the noblest fruit of music, he may be of great use, not
only to himself, but to the commonwealth; while music teaches him to
abstain from everything that is indecent, both in word and deed, and to
observe decorum, temperance, and regularity." (Monroe, Paul, _History of
Education_, p. 92.)

[19] A flat circle of polished bronze, or other metal, eight or nine
inches in diameter.

[20] "There were no home influences in Hellas. The men-folk lived out of
doors. The young Athenian from his sixth year onward spent his whole day
away from home, in the company of his contemporaries, at school or
palaestra, or in the streets. When he came home there was no home life.
His mother was a nonentity, living in the woman's apartments; he probably
saw little of her. His real home was the palaestra, his companions his
contemporaries and his _paidagogos_. He learned to disassociate himself
from his family and associate himself with his fellow citizens. No doubt
he lost much by this system, but the solidarity of the State gained."
(Freeman, K. J., _Schools of Hellas_, p. 282.)

[21] "No doubt the Athenian public was by no means so learned as we
moderns are; they were ignorant of many sciences, of much history,--in
short of a thousand results of civilization which have since accrued. But
in civilization itself, in mental power, in quickness of comprehension, in
correctness of taste, in accuracy of judgment, no modern nation, however
well instructed, has been able to equal by labored acquirements the inborn
genius of the Greeks." (Mahaffy, J. P., _Old Greek Education_.)

[22] The great institutions of the Greek City-State were in themselves
highly educative. The chief of these were:

    1. The Assembly, where the laws were proposed, debated, and made.
    2. The Juries, on which citizens sat and where the laws were applied.
    3. The Theater, where the great masterpieces of Greek literature were
       performed.
    4. The Olympian and other Games, which were great religious ceremonies
       of a literary as well as an athletic and artistic character, and to
       which Greeks from all over Hellas came.
    5. The city life itself, among an inquisitive, imaginative, and
       disputatious people.


CHAPTER II

[1] The culmination came in what is known as the Age of Pericles, who was
the master mind at Athens from 459 to 431 B.C. During the fifth century
B.C. such names as Themistocles and Pericles in government, Phidias and
Myron in art, Herodotus and Thucydides in historical narrative, Aeschylus,
Sophocles, and Euripides in tragic drama, and Aristophanes in comedy,
graced Athens.

[2] With the Greeks, morality and the future life never had any
connection.

[3] The early Greek philosophers tried to explain the physical world about
them by trying to discover what they called the "first principle," from
which all else had been derived. Thales (c. 624-548 B.C.), the father of
Greek science, had concluded that water was the original source of all
matter; Anaximenes (c. 588-524 B.C.), that air was the first principle;
Heraclites (c. 525-475 B.C.), fire; and Pythagoras (c. 580-500 B.C.),
number.

[4] "There was now demanded ability to discuss all sorts of social,
political, economic, and scientific or metaphysical questions; to argue in
public in the marketplace or in the law courts; to declaim in a formal
manner on almost any topic; to amuse or even instruct the populace upon
topics of interest or questions of the day; to take part in the many
diplomatic embassies and political missions of the times--the ability, in
fact, to shine in a democratic society much like our own and to control
the votes and command the approval of an intelligent populace where the
function of printing-press, telegraph, railroad, and all modern means of
communication were performed through public speech and private discourse,
and where the legal, ecclesiastical, and other professional classes of
teachers did not exist." (Monroe, Paul, _History of Education_, pp. 109-
10.)

[5] The importance of a political career in the new Athens will be better
understood if we remember that the influence on public opinion to-day
exerted by the pulpit, bar, public platform, press, and scholar was then
concentrated in the public speaker, and that the careers now open to
promising youths in science, industry, commerce, politics, and government
were then concentrated in the political career. It must also be remembered
that the Greeks had always been a nation of speakers, both the content and
the form of the address being important.

[6] Each of these philosophers proposed an ideal educational system
designed to remedy the evils of the State. Xenophon (c.410-362 B.C.), in
his _Cyropaedia_, purporting to describe the education of Cyrus of Persia,
proposed a Spartan modification of the old Athenian system. Plato (429-348
B.C.), in his _Republic_, proposed an aristocratic socialism as a means of
securing individual virtue and state justice. He first presents the super-
civic man, an ideal destined for great usefulness among the Christians
later on. Aristotle (384-322 B.C.), in his _Ethics_, and in his
_Politics_, outlined an ideal state and a system of education for it.

[7] "It is beyond all conception what that man espied, saw, beheld,
remarked, observed." (Goethe.)

"One of the richest and most comprehensive geniuses that has ever
appeared--a man beside whom no age has an equal to place." (Hegel.)

"Aristotle, Nature's private secretary, dipping his pen in intellect."
(Eusebius.)

[8] "As Alexander passed conquering through Asia, he restored to the East,
as garnered grain, that Greek civilization whose seeds had long ago been
received from the East. Each conqueror in turn, the Macedonian and the
Roman bowed before conquered Greece and learnt lessons at her feet."
(Butcher, S. H., _Some Aspects of the Greek Genius_, p. 43.)

[9] Webster, D. H., _Ancient History_, p. 302.

[10] Previous to this, paper had been made from the papyrus plant, but
Egypt, having forbidden its export, necessity again became the mother of
invention.

[11] With this exception, never before the Italian Renaissance was there
such interest in collecting books. Almost every book written in antiquity
was gathered here, and the library at Alexandria became the British Museum
or the Bibliothèque Nationale of the ancient world. Every book entering
Egypt was required to be brought to this library.

[12] He founded the science of geography. Before his time Greek students
had concluded that the world was round, instead of flat, as stated in the
Homeric poems. By careful measurements he determined its size, within a
few thousand miles of its actual circumference, and predicted that one
might sail from Spain to the Indies along the same parallel of latitude.

[13] From the tradition that seventy scholars labored on it.

[14] Henry Sumner Maine.


CHAPTER III

[1] This struggle of the common people (_plebeians_) for an equal place
with the ruling class (_patricians_) before the law, in religious matters,
and in politics, covered two and a half centuries, the old restrictions
being broken down but gradually. The most important steps in the process
were:

    509 B.C. Magistrates forbidden to scourge or execute a Roman citizen
        without giving him a chance to appeal to the people in their
        popular assembly. This "right of appeal" was regarded as the Magna
        Charta of Roman liberty.

    494 B.C. Plebeian soldiers granted officers of their own
        (_Tribunes_) to protect them against patrician cruelty and
        injustice.

    451-449 B.C. Laws must be written--Code commission appointed. Result,
        the _Laws of the Twelve Tables_ (R. 12); these mark the
        beginning of the great Roman legal system.

    445 B.C. Intermarriage between the two orders legalized.

    367 B.C. Right to hold office granted, and one of the Consuls elected
        each year to be a plebeian.

    250 B.C. By this date the distinctions between the two orders had
        disappeared; patricians and plebeians intermarried and formed one
        compact body of citizens in the Roman State.

[2] "The scholar who compares carefully the Greek constitutions with the
Roman will undoubtedly consider the former to be finer and more finished
specimens of political work. The imperfect and incomplete character which
the Roman constitution presents, at almost any point of its history, the
number of institutions it exhibits which appear to be temporary expedients
merely, are necessary results of its method of growth to meet demands as
they rose from time to time; they are evidence, indeed, of its highly
practical character." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle
Ages_, 2d ed., p. 20.)

[3] The same opportunity came to Athens after the Persian Wars and to
Sparta after the Peloponnesian War, but neither possessed the creative
power along political and governmental lines, or the tolerance for the
ideas and feelings of subject peoples, to accomplish anything permanent.
Rome succeeded where previous States had failed because of her larger
insight, tolerance, patience, and constructive to create a great world
empire.

[4] Caesar extended Roman citizenship to certain communities in Gaul and
in Sicily, and began the further extension of the process of assimilation
by taking the conquered provincial into citizenship in the Empire. This
was carried on and extended by succeeding Emperors until finally, in 212
A.D., Roman citizenship was extended to all free-born inhabitants in all
the provinces.

[5] For example, Balbus, a Spaniard, was Consul in Rome forty years before
the Christian era, and another Spaniard, Nerva, had become Emperor before
the close of the first century A.D. Many commanders in the army and
governors in the provinces were provincials by birth.

[6] Roman citizenship was much more than a mere name. A Roman citizen
could not be maltreated or punished without a legal trial before a Roman
court. If accused in a capital case he could always protect himself from
what he considered an unjust decision by an "appeal to Caesar"; that is,
to the Emperor at Rome. The protection of law was always extended to his
property and himself, wherever in the Roman Empire he might live or
travel.

[7] Both literature and inscriptions testify abundantly to the
affectionate regard in which Roman rule was held. The rule may have been
far from perfect, judged from a modern point of view, but it was so much
better and so much more orderly than anything that had gone before that it
was accepted in all quarters.

[8] Every house was protected from the evil spirits of the outside world
by Janus, and had its sacred fire presided over by Vesta. Every house had
its protecting Lares. The cupboard where the food was stored was blest by
and under the charge of the Penates. The daily worship of these household
deities took place at the family meal, the father offering a little food
and a little wine at the sacred hearth. Every house father, too, had his
guardian Genius, whose festival was celebrated on the master's birthday.
In a similar fashion the State had its temples, its sacred fire and votive
offerings, and various divinities ruled the elements and sent or withheld
success.

Almost every activity in life was presided over by some deity, whom it was
necessary to propitiate before engaging in it. Davidson says, with
reference to the practical nature of their religion, that "While the
Athenians rejoiced before their gods, the Romans kept a debtor and
creditor account with theirs, and were very anxious that the balance
should be on the right side."

[9] "Among our ancestors," says Pliny, "one learned not only through the
ears, but through the eyes. The young, in observing the elders, learned
what they would soon have to do themselves, and what they would one day
teach to their successor."

[10] Such careful physical training as was given in a Greek _palaestra_
and _gymnasium_ would have been regarded by the Romans as most effeminate.
Unlike the Greeks, who strove for a harmonious bodily development, the
Romans exercised for usefulness in war. Cicero exclaims, with reference to
Greek gymnasial training: "What an absurd system of training youth is
exhibited in their _gymnasia_! What a frivolous preparation for the labors
and hazards of war!"

[11] Macaulay, in his _Horatius_, describes the results of the education
of this early period as follows:

  "Then none were for the party,
    But all were for the State;
  And the rich man loved the poor,
    And the poor man loved the great.
  Then lands were fairly portioned
    And spoils were fairly sold;
  For the Romans were like brothers
    In the brave days of old."

[12] "The Romans," says the historian Wilhelm Ihne, "were distinguished
from all other nations, not only by the extreme earnestness and precision
with which they conceived their law and worked out the consequences of its
fundamental principles, but by the good sense which made them submit to
the law, once established, as an absolute necessity of political health
and strength. It was this severity in thinking and acting which, more than
any other cause, made Rome great and powerful."

[13] The lot of a captive in war, everywhere throughout the ancient world,
was to be taken and sold as a slave by his captors. Many educated Greeks
were thus taken in the capture of Greek cities in southern Italy and sold
as slaves in Rome. These were let out by their masters as teachers of the
new learning. Even the thrifty Cato, who vigorously opposed the new
learning on principle, was not averse to permitting his educated Greek
slaves to conduct schools and thus add to his private fortune.

[14] These men had little choice otherwise. Grain from Spain and Africa
became so cheap that a farmer could not raise enough on his small farm to
pay his taxes and support his family, so he was obliged to sell his land
to men who turned it into large cattle and sheep ranches. He would not
emigrate to the provinces, as Englishmen have done to Canada and
Australia, but instead went to the cities, where he led a hand-to-mouth
existence in a type of tenement house. It was from such sources that the
Roman mob, demanding free grain and entertainment in return for its votes,
was made up.

[15] Arithmetic was not easy for the Romans, partly because they had no
figure or other sign for zero, partly because they used a decimal system
for counting and a duodecimal for their money, and partly because the
Roman system of notation (I, V, X, L, C, D, M) did not adapt itself to
quick calculation. Try, for example, these simple sums:

  Add: CCLVII                        Subtract: LXVIII
          CIX                                   XXXIV
       ------                                  ------

  Multiply: CXXV                     Divide: XII |CXXXII
             XII                                  ------
            ----

[16] Finger reckoning (whence _digits_) with the Romans attained a
prominence probably never reached with any other people. Bills and
accounts were reckoned up on the fingers, in the presence of the patron.
Eighteen positions of the fingers of the left hand stood for the nine
units and the nine tens, and eighteen positions of the fingers of the
right hand stood for the nine hundreds and the nine thousands. For larger
sums, such as ten thousand and more, various parts of the body were
touched. Any one who betrayed, according to Quintilian, "by an uncertain
or awkward movement of his fingers, a want of confidence in his
calculations," was thought to be but imperfectly trained in arithmetic.

[17] There was much complaint that parents were slow with their fees, and
at times forgot them entirely if the boy did not turn out well. Finally,
in the reign of Diocletian (284-305 A.D.), in an effort to relieve the
distress of schoolmasters, prices were legally fixed at approximately the
equivalent of $1.20 per month per pupil for teaching reading and $1.80 for
arithmetic, measured in money values of a decade ago. These were regarded
as "hard times prices."

[18] "Reading aloud, with careful attention to pronunciation, accent,
quantity, and expression, formed an important part of the training in
literature of a Latin youth. Correct reading of Latin was a much more
difficult art, as practiced, than is the reading of English, as all of us
well know who learned properly to intone our

  "Arma virumque cano, Trojae qui primus ab oris
  Italiam, fato profugus, Lavinaque venit."

The lack of use of small letters and spacing between the words (R. 21), as
well as poor punctuation, also added to the difficulty.

[19] A nonsensical minuteness was followed here, and many trivialities
were emphasized. Juvenal tells us, in his Seventh Satire, written about
130 A.D., that "a teacher was expected to read all histories and know all
authors as well as his finger ends. That, if questioned, he should be able
to tell the name of Anchises' nurse, and the name and native land of the
stepmother of Anchemotus--tell how many years Acestes lived--how many
flagons of wine the Sicilian king gave to the Phrygians." This reminds us
of some of the dissected study of English and Latin until recently given
in our colleges and high schools.

[20] Quintilian well states the aim of this higher education when he says
that "the man who can duly sustain his character as a citizen, who is
qualified for the management of public and private affairs, and who can
govern communities by his counsels, settle them by means of laws, and
improve them by judicial enactments, can certainly be nothing else but an
orator."

[21] In his _Lives of Eminent Grammarians and Rhetoricians_, chap. I.
Suetonius lived from 75 to 160 A.D., and was an advocate at Rome and
private secretary to the Emperor Hadrian.

[22] There was a general dread of Greek higher learning on the part of the
older Romans, and this found expression in many ways. Among these was an
edict of the Senate, in 161 B.C., directing the Praetor to see that "no
philosophers or rhetoricians be suffered at Rome" (R. 20), a decree which
could not be enforced, and the edict of the Censors, in 92 B.C. (R. 20),
expressing their disapproval of the Latin schools of rhetoric.

[23] These seven studies became the famous studies of the church schools
of the Middle Ages, with Grammar as the greatest and most important study
(see chap. VII; R. 74). The curriculum of the Middle Ages was a direct
inheritance from Rome.

[24] See Quintilian, _Institutes of Oratory_, book I, chap. X, 22, 37, and
46. This chapter is devoted largely to a description of the use of these
studies.

[25] Sample questions which were debated to bring out the fine
distinctions in Roman Law and Ethics were:

    (a) Was a slave about whose neck a master had hung the leather or
        golden token (worn by free youths only), in order to smuggle him
        past the boundary, freed when he reached Roman soil wearing this
        insignia of freedom?

    (b) If a stranger buys a prospective draught of fishes and the
        fisherman draws up a casket of jewels, does the stranger own the
        jewels?

[26] In the later centuries of the Empire, people went to hear a man who
could orate or declaim, as people now do to hear a great political orator,
a revivalist preacher, or a popular actor or singer. A form of amusement
for distinguished travelers passing through a city was to have some one
orate before them. "This power of using words for mere pleasurable
effect," says Professor Dill, in his _Roman Society in the Last Century of
the Western Empire_, "on the most trivial or the most extravagantly absurd
themes, was for many ages, in both West and East, esteemed the highest
proof of talent and cultivation."

[27] Each Greek rhetorician in Rome was given one hundred _sestertia_
(about $4000) yearly from the Imperial Treasury, Quintilian probably being
one of the first to receive a state salary.

[28] "He [Claudius] was also attentive to provide a liberal education for
the sons of their chieftains;... and his attempts were attended with such
success that they, who lately disdained to make use of the Roman language,
were now ambitious of becoming eloquent. Hence the Roman habit began to be
held in honor, and the toga was frequently worn." Tacitus's Account of
Britain, _Agricola_, chap. 21.

[29] England offers us the nearest modern analogy. This was one of the
last of the great European nations to establish popular education, but for
centuries previous thereto the great private, tuition, grammar schools of
England--Eton, Harrow, Rugby, Winchester, and others--together with the
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, prepared a succession of leaders for
the State--men who have steered England's destinies at home and abroad and
made her a great world power.

[30] This grew up, as all law grows, by enacted laws and decisions of the
courts, and in time came to be an enormous body of law. Lacking the
printed law books and indices of to-day, to obtain a knowledge of Roman
law became a formidable task. Finally the practical Roman mind codified
it, and reduced it to system and order. The Theodosian Code, of 438 A.D.,
and the Justinian Code, of 528 and 534 A.D., were the final results. These
codes were compact, capable of duplication with relative ease, and later
became the standard textbooks throughout the Middle Ages. The great
importance of these codifications may be appreciated when we know that
almost all the original laws and decisions from which they were compiled
have been lost.

[31] The Romanic countries--France, Spain, Italy--have drawn their law
most completely from the Justinian Code. Due to Spanish and French
occupation of parts of America, Roman legal ideas also entered here, the
Louisiana Code of 1824 being Roman in law and technical expressions and
spirit, though English in language. Spanish and Portuguese settlement of
the South American continent has carried Roman law there.

[32] The Roman alphabet is the alphabet of all North and South America,
Australia, Africa, and all of Europe except Russia, Greece, Germany,
Austria-Hungary, and a few minor Slavic and Teutonic peoples. Even in
Germany and Austria, Roman letters were rapidly superseding the more
difficult German letters in the printing of papers and books for the
better-educated classes before the Great War. In India, Siam, China, and
Japan, Roman letters are also being increasingly used.


CHAPTER IV

[1] The Farmer's Calendar, given in the accompanying _Book of Readings_
(R. 14), illustrates very well the gods and sacrifices for one phase of
Roman life. Petronius, in his Satires, says, "Our country is so full of
divinities that it is much easier to find a god than a man."

[2] "The chief objects of pagan religion were to foretell the future, to
explain the universe, to avert calamity, and to obtain the assistance of
the gods. They contained no instruments of moral teaching analogous to our
institution of preaching, or to the moral preparation for the reception of
the sacrament, or to confession, or to the reading of the Bible, or to
religious education, or to united prayer for spiritual benefits. To make
men virtuous was no more the function of the priest than of the
physician." (Lecky, W. E. H., _History of European Morals_, chap, iv.)

[3] Seneca (4-65 A.D.), the tutor of the Emperor Nero, and the Greek
freedman Epictetus (d. 100 A.D.) both expounded Stoicism at Rome during
the first Christian century, and the _Thoughts_ of the Emperor Marcus
Aurelius (161-180 A.D.) represents one of the finest expositions of the
application of this philosophy to the problems of human life.

[4] See Proverbs, xxxi, for a good statement of the ancient Hebrew ideal
of womanhood.

[5] This collective term is applied to the first five books of the Old
Testament, and includes Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and
Deuteronomy. These five books form a wonderful collection of the
historical and legal material relating to the wanderings and experiences
and practices of the people.

[6] Chapter 1 of the Gospel according to Saint Matthew gives, in detail
(1-16), the genealogy of Jesus, concluding with the following verse:

    "17. So all the generations from Abraham to David are fourteen
    generations; and from David until the carrying away into Babylon are
    fourteen generations; and from the carrying away into Babylon unto
    Christ are fourteen generations."

[7] To many of these churches he wrote a series of epistles. These
constitute a little more than one fourth of the New Testament. See
accompanying _Book of Readings_ (or Romans, I, 1-17) for the introductory
part of Paul's Epistle to the Romans.

[8] "Its missionaries were Jews, a turbulent race, not to be assimilated,
and as much despised and hated by pagan Rome as by the mediaeval
Christians. Wherever it attracted any notice, therefore, it seems to have
been regarded as some rebel faction of the Jews, gone mad upon some
obscure point of the national superstition--an outcast sect of an outcast
race." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, p. 39.)

[9] "Starting from an insignificant province, from a despised race,
proclaimed by a mere handful of ignorant workmen, demanding self-control
and renunciation before unheard of, certain to arouse in time powerful
enemies in the highly cultivated and critical society which it attacked,
the odds against it were tremendous." (Ibid., p. 41.)

[10] "It is not easy to imagine how, in the face of an Asia Minor, a
Greece, an Italy the Roman split up into a hundred small republics; of a
Gaul, a Spain, an Africa, an Egypt, in possession of their old national
institutions, the apostles could have succeeded, or even how their project
could have been started. The unity of the Empire was a condition precedent
of all religious proselytism on a grand scale if it was to place itself
above the nationalities." (Renan, E., _Hibbert Lectures, 1880; Influence
of Rome on the Christian Church_.)

[11] In Acts xxv, 1-12, it is recorded that the Apostle Paul, accused by
the Jews and virtually on trial for his life before the provincial
governor Festus, fell back on his Roman citizenship and successfully
"appealed to Caesar." (See footnote 3, page 57.)

[12] "The miracle of miracles, greater than dried-up seas and cloven
rocks, greater than the dead rising again to life, was when the Augustus
on his throne, Pontiff of the gods of Rome, himself a god to the subjects
of Rome, bent himself to become the worshiper of a crucified provincial
of his Empire." (Freeman, E. A., _Periods of European History_, p. 67.)

[13] In 319 and 326 the clergy were exempted from all public burdens, and
only the poor were to be admitted to the clergy. In 343 the clergy were
exempted "from public burdens and from every disquietude of civil office."
In 377 all clergy were exempted from personal taxes. (See R. 38.)

[14] From the Roman world the idea has spread, through the Greek Catholic
Church, to Greece, parts of the Balkans, and Russia; through the Roman
Catholic Church to all western Europe and the two Americas; and through
the Protestant churches which sprang from the Roman Catholic by secession,
and the Mohammedan faith, to include almost all the world. Only among
uncivilized tribes and in Asia do we find any great number of
fundamentally different religious conceptions.

[15] Paul to the Romans (x, 9) stated the fundamentals of belief as
follows: "If thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and shalt
believe in thine heart that God hath raised him from the dead, thou shalt
be saved."

[16] M. Boissier. _La Fin du Paganisme_, vol. 1, p. 200.

[17] _Justin Martyr_ (105?-167), a former Greek teacher and philosopher,
continued to follow his profession, wear his Greek philosopher's garb, and
held that the teachings of Christianity were already contained in Greek
philosophy, and that Plato and Socrates were Christians before the coming
of the Christian faith.

_Clement_ (c. 160-c. 215), the successor of Pantaeus as head of the
catechetical school at Alexandria, held to the harmony of the Gospels with
philosophy, and that "Plato was Moses Atticized."

_Origen_ (c. 185-c. 254), a pupil and successor of Clement, and the most
learned of all the early Christian Fathers, labored to harmonize the
Christian faith with Greek learning and philosophy, and did much to
formulate the dogmas of the early Church.

_Saint Basil_ (331-379) tried to allay the rising prejudice against pagan
learning, and to show the helpfulness to the Christian life of the Greek
literature and philosophy.

_Gregory of Nazianzus_ (c. 330-c. 390) was filled with indignation and
protested loudly at the closing of the pagan schools to Christians by the
edict of the Emperor Julian, in 362.

[18] _Tertullian_ (c. 150-230) had been well educated in Greek literature
and philosophy, and had attained distinction as a lawyer.

_Saint Jerome_ (c. 340-420) was saturated with pagan learning, but later
advised against it.

_Saint Augustine_ (354-430), the master mind among the Latin Fathers, was
for years a teacher of oratory and rhetoric in Roman schools, and had
written part of an encyclopaedia on the liberal arts before his
conversion. Many others who became prominent in the Western Church had in
their earlier life been teachers in the Roman higher schools.

[19] Dreaming that he had died and gone to Heaven, he was asked, "Who art
thou?" On replying, "A Christian," he heard the awful judgment, "It is
false: thou art no Christian; thou art a Ciceronian; where the treasure
is, there the heart is also."

[20] The knowledge of Greek remained alive longer in Ireland than anywhere
else in the western world, being known there as late as the seventh
century. Greek was also preserved in parts of Spain for two centuries
after it had died out in Italy.

[21] In the West there was no other great city than Rome. At the period of
its maximum greatness, in the first century B.C., it was a city of
approximately 450,000 people.

[22] After many struggles and conflicts between the Bishops of
Constantinople, Alexandria, and Rome, the Bishop of Rome was finally
recognized by the second great Church Council, held at Constantinople in
381, as the head of the entire Church (Canon 3), corresponding to the
Emperor on the political side of the dying Empire. The separation of the
eastern and western churches was rapid after this time. (See Map, p. 103.)

[23] The word _pagan_ as applied to unbeliever illustrates this progress
of the Church, being derived from the Latin _paganus_, meaning countryman,
villager, rustic.

[24] See the accompanying _Book of Readings_ for a drawing and detailed
explanation of the monastery of Saint Gall, in Switzerland (R. 69). This
was one of the most important monasteries of the Middle Ages.


PART II

CHAPTER V

[1] The period from the reign of Augustus Caesar through that of Marcus
Aurelius (31 B.C.-192 A.D.) was known as "the good Roman peace." No other
large section of the western world has ever known such unbroken peace and
prosperity for so long a time. Piracy ceased upon the seas, and trade and
commerce flourished. The cities and the great middle class in the
population were prosperous. Travel was safe and common, and men traveled
both for business and pleasure. The Christian State within a State had not
yet taken form. Literature and learning flourished. The law became milder.
The rights of the accused became better recognized. A certain broad
humanity pervaded the administration of both law and government. There was
much private charity. Hospitals were established. Women were given greater
freedom, larger intellectual advantages, and a better position in the home
than they were to know again until the nineteenth century. It was the
Golden Age of the Empire. Toward the close of the period the Christian
Father, Tertullian, wrote: "Every day the world becomes more beautiful,
more wealthy, more splendid. No corner remains inaccessible.... Recent
deserts bloom.... Forests give way to tilled acres.... Everywhere are
houses, people, cities. Everywhere there is life."

[2] Slavery in Rome came to be much more demoralizing than ever was the
case in the United States. Instead of an ignorant people of an inferior
race, the Roman slave was often the superior of his master--the
unfortunate captive in an unsuccessful war against an oppressor. The
holding of such educated and intelligent people in slavery was far more
degrading to a ruling people than would have been the case had their
slaves been ignorant and of inferior racial stock.

[3] The Roman State had come to be essentially a collection of cities.
Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Corinth, Carthage, Ephesus, and Lyons were
great cities, judged even by present-day standards, throbbing with varied
industries and a strong intellectual life. In addition there were hundreds
of other cities scattered all over the Empire, each with its own municipal
life, while on the frontier were stockaded villages serving as centers of
trade with the barbarian tribes beyond.

[4] Chief among the new ideals that sapped the old Roman strength must be
mentioned the new Christian religion, with its doctrine of other-
worldliness and its system of government not responsible to the Empire.
Another influence was the rise of a super-civic philosophy, derived
chiefly from the writings of Plato (see footnote 1, page 42), which held
that certain men could be above the State and yet by their wisdom in part
direct it. The two influences combined to undermine the resisting strength
of the State.

[5] Not only was the future of western European civilization settled
there, but that of North and South America as well. Had Saracenic
civilization come to dominate Europe, the Koran might have been taught to-
day in the theological schools of Boston, New York, Chicago, San
Francisco, Buenos Aires, and Valparaiso, and the Christian religion been
the possession only of the Greek and Russian churches, while our
literature and philosophy and civilization would have been tinctured,
through and through, with oriental ideas and Mohammedan conceptions.

[6] It is hard for us to imagine what happened, for the Indians we know
to-day represent a much higher grade of civilization than did the German
invaders. If we could imagine the United States overrun by the Indians of
a hundred and fifty years ago, as the German tribes overran the Roman
Empire, and becoming the rulers of a people superior to them in numbers
and intellect, we should have something analogous to the Roman situation.

[7] As allies, citizens, soldiers, colonists, and slaves the Germans had
long been filtering into the Roman world, and the Roman world was in part
Germanized before the barriers were broken. These German-Romans helped to
assimilate the Germans who came later, much as Italian-Americans in the
United States help to receive and assimilate new Italians when they come.

[8] "The historical importance of the mere fact that it was an organic
unity which Rome established, and not simply a collection of fragments
artificially held together by military force, that the civilized world was
made, as it were, one nation, cannot be overstated.... It was a union, not
in externals merely, but in every department of thought and action; and it
was so thorough, and the Gaul became so completely a Roman, that when the
Roman government disappeared he had no idea of being anything else than a
Roman.... It was because of this that, despite the fall of Rome, Roman
institutions were perpetual." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the
Middle Ages_, 2d ed., p. 30.)

[9] A Germanic king, when he feared no Roman general or emperor, could
usually be made to stand in awe when a Christian priest or bishop appealed
to Heaven and the saints, and threatened him with eternal hell-fire if he
did not do his bidding.

[10] The Church, it must be remembered, maintained its separate system of
government and kept up the old forms of the Roman law. It had also its
courts and its exemptions for the clergy, and these it forced the
barbarians to respect. During half a dozen centuries it was the chief
force that made life tolerable for myriads of men and women, and almost
the only force upholding any semblance of humane ideals.

[11] Clotilda, wife of the heathen Clovis, was a Burgundian princess and a
devout Christian, who had long tried to persuade her husband to accept her
faith. In 496, during a battle with the Alemanni, near the present city of
Strassburg, Clovis vowed that if the God of Clotilda would give him
victory, he would do as she desired. The Alemanni were crushed, and he and
three thousand of his chiefs were at once baptized.

[12] Draper, John W., _Intellectual Development of Europe_, vol. II, pp.
145-46.

[13] The extent of the Benedictine order alone may be seen from the
Benedictine statement that "Pope John XXII, who died in 1334, after an
exact inquiry, found that, since the first rise of the order, there had
been of it 24 popes, near 200 cardinals, 7000 archbishops, 15,000 bishops,
15,000 abbots of renown, above 4000 saints, and upwards of 37,000
monasteries. There had been likewise, of this order, 20 emperors, 10
empresses, 47 kings and above 50 queens, 20 sons of emperors and 48 sons
of kings, about 100 princesses and daughters of kings and emperors,
besides dukes, marquises, earls, countesses, etc., innumerable." From this
it may be inferred how fully the Church was the State during the long
period of the Middle Ages.

[14] Draper, John W., _Intellectual Development of Europe_, vol. I, p.
437.


CHAPTER VI

[1] From the sixth to the twelfth centuries.

[2] The story which has come down to us of the German warrior who, on
being shown into an anteroom, saw some ducks swimming in the floor and
dashed his battle-axe at them to see if they were real, thus ruining the
beautiful mosaic, is typical of the time.

[3] During the period of Rome's greatness the publishing business became
an important one. Manuscripts were copied in numbers by trained writers,
and books were officially published. Both public and private libraries
became common, men of wealth often having large libraries. These were
found in the provincial towns as well as in the large Italian cities, and
in country villas as well as in town houses.

By the beginning of the eighth century books had become so scarce that
monasteries guarded their treasures with great care (R. 65), and books
were borrowed from long distances that copies might be made.

[4] Charlemagne (King of Frankland, 768-814), for example, found it
necessary to order that priests and monks must show themselves capable of
changing the wording of the masses for the living and the dead, as
circumstances required, from singular to plural, or from masculine to
feminine.

[5] Longfellow's poem _Monte Cassino_ is interesting reading here. Of
Benedict he says:

  "He founded here his Convent and his Rule
  Of prayer and work, and counted work as prayer;
  The pen became a clarion, and his school
  Flamed like a beacon in the midnight air."

[6] Sometimes as early as eleven to twelve years of age. The novitiate
course was two years, but as the vows could not be taken before eighteen,
the course of instruction often covered six to eight years.

[7] To teach a novice to copy accurately a manuscript book was quite a
different thing from the teaching of writing to-day, It was more nearly
comparable to present-day instruction in lettering in a college
engineering course, as it called for a degree of workmanship and accuracy
not required in ordinary writing.

[8] The Vulgate, a Latin translation of the Bible made by Saint Jerome, at
the close of the fourth century. The Old Testament he translated mostly
from the Hebrew and Chaldaic, and the New Testament he revised from the
older Latin versions. This is the only version of the Scriptures which the
Roman Catholic Church admits as authentic.

[9] Letters from one monastery to another, and from one country to
another, begging the loan of some ancient book, have been preserved in
numbers. Lupus, Abbot of Ferrières in France, for example, wrote to Rome
in 855, and addressing himself to the Pope in person, requested a complete
copy of Cicero's _De Oratore_, which he desired.

[10] The Missal is a book containing the service of the mass for the
entire year. The Psalter the book of Psalms.

[11] From _manu scriptum_, meaning written by hand.

[12] So expensive of time and effort was the production of books by this
method that many of the manuscripts now extant were written crosswise on
sheets from which the previous writing had been largely erased by chemical
or mechanical means. How many valuable ancient manuscripts were lost in
this manner no one knows. Fortunately the practice was not common until
after the thirteenth century, when the rise of the universities and the
spread of learning made new demands for skins for writing purposes.

[13] That the printing was not always carefully done is shown by the
constant need, throughout the Middle Ages, of correct copies for
comparison. The following injunction of the Abbot Alcuin to the monks at
Tours, given at the beginning of the ninth century, is illustrative of the
need for care in copying:

    "Here let the scribes sit who copy out the words of the Divine Law,
    and likewise the hallowed sayings of Holy Fathers. Let them beware of
    interspersing their own frivolities in the words they copy, nor let a
    trifler's hand make mistakes through haste. Let them earnestly seek
    out for themselves correctly written books to transcribe, that the
    flying pen may speed along the right path. Let them distinguish the
    proper sense by colons and commas, and set the points, each one in its
    due place, and let not him who reads the words to them either read
    falsely or pause suddenly. It is a noble work to write out holy books,
    nor shall the scribe fail of his due reward. Writing books is better
    than planting vines, for he who plants a vine serves his belly, but he
    who writes a book serves his soul."

[14] West, A. F., _Alcuin_, pp. 72-73.

[15] The largest monastic library on the Continent was Fulda, which
specialized in the copying of manuscripts. In 1561 it had 774 volumes. In
England the largest collections were at Canterbury, which in the
fourteenth century possessed 698 volumes, and at Peterborough, which had
344 volumes at about the same time. The library of Croyland, also in
England, burned in 1091, at that time contained approximately 700 volumes.
These represented the largest collections in Europe.

[16] The _Hortus Delicarum_ of the Abbess Herrard, of the convent of
Hohenburg, in Alsace, was a famous illustration of artistic workmanship.
This was an attempt to embody, in encyclopaedic form, the knowledge of her
time. The manuscript was embellished with hundreds of beautiful pictures,
and was long preserved as a wonderful exhibition of mediaeval skill. It
was lost to civilization, along with many other treasures, when the
Prussians bombarded Strassburg, in 1870.

[17] He there "enjoyed advantages which could not perhaps have been found
anywhere else in Europe at the time--perfect access to all the existing
sources of learning in the West. Nowhere else could he acquire at once the
Irish, the Roman, the Gallician, and the Canterbury learning; the
accumulated stores of books which Benedict (founder and abbot) had bought
at Rome and at Vienne; or the disciplinary instruction drawn from the
monasteries on the Continent, as well as from Irish missionaries." (Bishop
Stubbs, _Dictionary of Christian Biography_, article on Bede.)

[18] West, A. F., _Alcuin_, pp. 45-47.

[19] _Annals of Xanten_, 846 A.D.

[20] _Ibid._, 851 A.D.

[21] _Annals of Saint Vaast_, 884 A.D.

[22] It is related that ignorant court officials, fearing the king's
displeasure, sought to learn from their children.

[23] Through Alfred's efforts, the compilation of the _Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle_ was begun, that the people of England might be able to read the
history of their country in their own language.


CHAPTER VII

[1] Anderson tells of a monastic student's notebook on conduct which has
been preserved, and which "prescribes that the young man is to kneel when
answering the Abbot, not to take a seat unasked, not to loll against the
wall, nor fidget with things within reach. He is not to scratch himself,
nor cross his legs like a tailor. He is to wash his hands before meals,
keep his knife sharp and clean, not to seize upon vegetables, and not to
use his spoon in the common dish."

[2] This expression came into common use in the fifth century, when the
Christian writers summarized the ancient learning under these seven
headings or studies, following earlier Greek and Roman classifications.
(See p. 70).

[3] The _Doctrinale_, by Alexander de Villa Die. This was in rhyme, and
became immensely popular. It was the favorite text until the fifteenth
century.

[4] Donatus begins as follows:

  "How many parts of speech are there?"          "Eight."

  "What are they?"           "Noun, pronoun, verb, adverb, participle,
                              conjunction, preposition, and interjection."

  "What is a noun?"          "A part of speech with case, signifying a
                              body or thing particularly or commonly."

  "How many attributes have nouns?"           "Six."

  "What are they?"           "Quality, comparison, gender, number, figure,
                              case."

  Etc., etc.

[5] The following from Priscian, reproduced by Graves, illustrates the
method of instruction as applied to the first book of the Aeneid of
Vergil.

    "What part of speech is _arma_?"  "A noun."
    "Of what sort?"                    "Common."
    "Of what class?"                   "Abstract."
    "Of what gender?"                  "Neuter."
    "Why neuter?"                      "Because all nouns whose plurals
                                        end in _a_ are neuter."
    "Why is not the singular used?"    "Because this noun expresses many
                                        different things."
    Etc., etc.

This form of textbook writing was common, not only during the Middle Ages,
but well into modern times. The famous _New England Primer_ was in part in
this form, and many early American textbooks in history and geography were
written after this plan.

[6] Vergil, due to his beautiful poetic form and to his love of nature and
life, was especially guarded against during the early Middle Ages as the
most seductive of the ancient Latin writers. It is not at all
inappropriate that, in Dante's _Inferno_, Vergil should have been the
person to guide Dante through hell and purgatory, but should not have been
allowed to accompany him into paradise.

[7] Textbooks on the art of letter-writing began to appear by the eleventh
century, explaining in detail how to prepare the five divisions of a
letter: (1) the salutation (_salutatio_), (2) the art of introducing the
subject properly and making a good impression (_captatio benevolentiae_),
(3) the body of the letter (_narratio_), (4) how to make the request
(_petitio_), and (5) a fitting conclusion (_conclusio_).

[8] Anderson reproduces a portion of a chapter by Capella on the number
four, which is illustrative of the mediaeval study of the properties of
number:

    "What shall I call four? in which is a certain perfection of
    solidarity; for it is composed of length and depth, and a full decade
    is made up from those four numbers added together in order, that is,
    from one, two, three, four. Similarly a hundred is made up of the four
    decades, that is, ten, twenty, thirty, forty, which are a hundred; and
    again four numbers from a hundred on amount to a thousand, that is,
    100, 200, 300, 400. So ten thousand is made up of another series. What
    is to be said of the fact that there are four seasons of the year,
    four quarters of the heavens, and four principles of the elements?
    There are also four ages of man, four vices, and four virtues."

[9] Anderson reproduces a paragraph from Maurus, showing how number was
applied to Holy Writ. It reads:

    "A real thinker," says Maurus, "will not pass on indifferently when he
    reads that Moses, Elijah, and our Lord fasted forty days. Without
    strict observance and investigation the matter cannot be explained.
    The number 40 contains the number 10 four times, by which all is
    signified which concerns the temporal. For, according to the number 4,
    the days and the seasons run their course. The day consists of
    morning, midday, evening, and night, the year of spring, summer,
    autumn, winter. Further, we have the number 10 to recognize God and
    the creature. The three (trinity) indicated the Creator; the seven,
    the creature which consists of body and spirit. In the latter is the
    three: for we must love God with our whole heart and soul and mind. In
    the body, on the other hand, the four elements of which it consists
    reveal themselves clearly. So if we are moved through that which is
    signified by the number 10 to live in time--for 10 is taken four
    times--chaste, withholding ourselves from worldly lusts, that means to
    fast forty days. So the Holy Scriptures contain suggestively in many
    different numbers all sorts of secrets which must remain hidden to
    those who do not understand the meaning of numbers."

[10] Gerbert (953-1003) was one of the most learned monks of his day,
having studied in the Saracen schools of Spain. He afterwards became Pope
Sylvester II (999-1003). Because of his scientific knowledge in an age of
superstition he was accused of transactions with the devil.

[11] For example, the _Stabat Mater_ and the _Dies Irae_, two thirteenth-
century hymns. The former has been called the most pathetic and the latter
the most sublime of all mediaeval poems.

[12] Cassiodorus was an educated later Roman, who had been chief minister
to Theodoric, the Ostrogothic king, and had done much to carry over Latin
learning and civilization into the new régime. He later founded the
monastery of Viviers, in southern Italy, and spent the latter part of his
life there in writing and contemplation. He urged the monks to study, and
those who had no head for learning he advised to read Cato and Columella
on agriculture, and then to devote themselves to it.

[13] "Wisdom hath builded her house; she hath hewn out her seven pillars."
(Proverbs, IX, 1.)

[14] Abelson, in his monograph on _The Seven Liberal Arts_, reduces each
of these textbooks to their equivalent in a modern 16mo printed page, with
the following results:

                                    Cassi-
                 Capella  Boethius  odorus  Isidore   Alcuin   Maurus
      Subject    (c. 425) (c. 520) (c. 575) (c. 630) (c. 800) (c. 844)
    /Grammar...... 11       --       25        50       54       55
    |Rhetoric..... 14       --       5-1/2     14       26       --
    \Dialectic.... 11       --       18        14       25       --
    /Arithmetic... 11       40        2         2       --       --
    |Geometry..... 15       30        2         1       --       --
    |Astronomy....  9       --       15         3       23       60
    \Music........ 11       67        2        12       --       --
                   ---      ---      ---       ---      ---      ---
    Totals in pages 82      137       69-1/2    96      128      115

[15] The mediaeval serf was the successor of the Roman slave, and was a
step upward in the process of the evolution of the free man. The serf was
tied to the soil and by obligations of personal service to the lord.
Gradually, due to economic causes, the personal service was changed from
general to definite service, and finally to a fixed rental sum. When a
fixed money payment took the place of personal service the free man had
been evolved. This took place rapidly with the rise of cities and industry
toward the latter part of the Middle Ages.

[16] The German private duel and the American fist fight are the modern
survivals of the time when personal insults, easily taken, and private
grievances were settled in the "noble way" by sword and battle-axe and
torch.

[17] In the earlier days of noblemen's education reading and writing were
regarded as effeminate, but in the later times the nobles became
increasingly literate. By the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries many began
to pride themselves on their patronage of learning.

[18] Rhyming in the vernacular language came to be an important part of
the training, and many old love songs and songs expressing the joy of life
date from this period. Chaucer's knight is described as:

  "Syngynge he was or floytynge [playing], al the day;
  He was as fressh as is the monthe of May.
  Short was his gowne, with sleves longe and wyde.
  Wel cowde he sitte on hors and faire ryde;
  He cowde songes make and wel endite,
  Juste and eek daunce, and wel purtreye and write.
  So hote he loved, that by nighterdale [night time]
  He slept no more than doth the nightingale."

[19] From the life of the Frankish Abbot, John of Gorze, Abbot at Gorze in
the tenth century.

[20] Leach, A. F., _Educational Charters_, p. 143.

[21] _Ibid._, p. 147.

[22] Anselm (1033-1109), Archbishop of Canterbury from 1093 to 1109,
formulated the early mediaeval view when he said:

    "I do not seek to know in order that I may believe, but I believe in
    order that I may know."

    "The Christian ought to advance to knowledge through faith, not to
    come to faith through knowledge."

    "The proper order demands that we believe the deep things of Christian
    faith before we presume to reason about them."

[23] Monroe, Paul, _Text-Book in the History of Education_, p. 258.


CHAPTER VIII

[1] "In the school of Nisibis the Church possessed an institution, which
for centuries secured her a system of higher education, and therewith an
important social and political position. To the older literature,
consisting of translations, there was added, from the middle of the fifth
century onward, a large number of philosophical, scientific, and medical
treatises belonging to Greek antiquity, and especially the works of
Aristotle. Through these Greek wisdom and learning, clothed in Syrian
attire, found a home on these borders of Christendom." (Müller, D. K.,
_Kirchengeschichte_, vol. I, p. 278.)

[2] "By the year 600 A.D. the triumph of the oriental element in
Christendom had well-nigh banished learning and education from the domain
of the Church, giving place to a gloomy, unquestioning faith which sank
ever deeper and deeper in the mire of superstition. What enlightenment
survived had found a home beyond the limits of the Roman Empire,--in
Ireland, in the extreme West; in Syria, in the far East." (Davidson,
Thomas, _History of Education_, p. 133.)

[3] This was determined as being 56-1/3 miles, which would make the
circumference of the earth 20,280 miles. The correct distance is 69 miles.

[4] The fanaticism of the eastern Arabs now reasserted itself, and higher
education In the Mohammedan countries of the East drew permanently to a
close. A harsh, rigid orthodoxy, fatal to educational progress, now
triumphed. The coming of the Turks only made matters worse, and with their
advent education throughout Arabia and Asia Minor became a thing of the
past. Some day it will be the task of western Europe to hand back schools
and learning to the Mohammedan East. This may be one of the by-products of
the great World War.

[5] The Alhambra, built between 1238 and 1354, at Granada, is an exquisite
example of their art. (See plate in vol. 1, p. 658, of the _Encyclopaedia
Britannica_, 11th ed., for an illustration of their architecture and art.)

[6] It was an age of superstition and miracles, diabolic influences,
witchcraft and magic, private warfare, trials by ordeal, robber bands,
little dirty towns, no roads, unsanitary conditions, and miserable homes.
Even the nobility had few comforts and conveniences, and personal
cleanliness was not common. Disease was punishment for sin and to be cured
by prayer, while the insane were scourged to cast out the devils within
them.

[7] Frederic II was Emperor of the mediaeval Holy Roman Empire, ruling
from 1227 to 1250. Though a German by birth, he had lived long in Sicily,
and spent most of his time in Italy after becoming Emperor. He greatly
admired the Saracens for their learning, and tried to transfer some of
their knowledge to Christian Europe. He lived, however, at a time when the
Papacy was cementing its temporal power and the Pope was becoming the
Emperor of Europe. This encroachment Frederick resisted and tried to
break, but without success. At his death the mediaeval German dream of
world empire perished; Germany was left a collection of feudal States; and
the temporal power of the Pope was henceforth for centuries to come
undisputed.

[8] Christianity had not as yet been introduced among the mixed Slavic and
Germanic tribes along the eastern Baltic. In Prussia and Lithuania, where
missionary efforts had been made from 900 on, success did not come until
more than three centuries later. (See art. "Missions," _Ency. Brit._, 11th
ed., vol. 18.)

[9] The more important questions arising concerned the Trinity, the
Eucharist, and Transubstantiation.

[10] This discussion was over what was known as nominalism vs. realism.
Anselm of Canterbury (1034-1109), basing his argument largely on some
parts of Plato, had declared that ideas constituted our real existence.
Roscellinus of Compiègne (1050-1105), basing his argument on parts of the
_Organon_ of Aristotle, had held that ideas or concepts are only names for
real, concrete things. Anselm, as a realist, contended that the human
senses are deceptive, and that revealed truth alone is reliable.
Roscellinus, as a nominalist, held that truth can be reached only through
investigation and the use of reason. The church accepted the realism of
Anselm as correct, and Roscellinus was compelled to recant. The stifling
effect of such an attitude toward honest doubt can be imagined.

[11] McCabe, Joseph, _Peter Abelard_, p. 7.

[12] By the beginning of the eleventh century this cathedral school had
become the most important in France, a position which it retained for
centuries. It was the great center for theological study, and drew to it a
succession of eminent teachers--William of Champeaux, Abelard, Peter the
Lombard--and, in time, thousands of students.

[13] The term _scholasticism_ comes from _scholasticus_, because it was
chiefly in the cathedral schools that scholasticism arose. It means,
literally, the method of thinking worked out by the teachers in the
cathedral schools.

[14] The English philosopher John Locke (1632-1704) once said that when he
considered the inertness of the Middle Ages he was led to think that God
had been content to make man a two-legged animal, leaving to Aristotle the
task of making him a thinking being. The worship of Aristotle is easily
explained by the great amount of information his works contained, his
logical method and skillful classification of knowledge, and the way his
ideas as to causes fitted into Christian reasoning.

[15] The Dominicans, or Black Friars, were a new teaching and preaching
monastic order, founded in 1216. It was a revival of monasticism, directed
toward more modern ends. The Dominicans established themselves in
connection with the new universities, and sought to control education and
to defend orthodoxy. Another new order of this same period was that of the
Franciscans, or Gray Friars, founded by Saint Francis in 1212. Their work
was directed still more to preaching, missions, and public service. They
were a less intellectual but a more democratic brotherhood. It was the
Franciscans who followed the armies of Spain to Mexico, and later built
and conducted the missions of the central and southern California coast.

[16] Special translations of Aristotle's _Rhetoric_ and _Politics_, from
the original Greek texts, obtained at Constantinople by the Crusaders,
were made for Thomas Aquinas at his special request, about 1260, by
William of Moerbeke, who knew enough Greek to perform the task. This gave
him better translations from which to lecture and write.

[17] In 529 the Eastern Emperor, Justinian (see p. 76), directed that an
orderly compilation be prepared of the many and confused laws and
decisions which had been made in the Roman Empire, with a view to
producing a standard body of Roman law in place of the unwieldy mass of
contradictory material then existing. The result was the _Corpus Juris
Civilis_, worked out by a staff of eminent lawyers between 529 and 533 (R.
93). This consisted of

      I. The _Code_, in twelve books, containing the Statutes of the
         Emperors;

     II. The _Digest_, in fifty books, containing pertinent extracts
         from the opinions of celebrated Roman lawyers;

    III. The _Institutes_, in four books, being an elementary
         textbook on the law for the use of students;

     IV. The _Novellae_, or new Statutes, the final edition of which
         was issued in 565, and included the laws from 533 on. This was
         preserved and used in the East, but came too late to be of much
         service to the Western Empire.

[18] The subdivisions were as follows: I. Contained 106 "distinctions,"
relating to ecclesiastical persons and affairs. II. Contained 36
"distinctions," relating to problems arising in the administration of
canon law. III. Contained 5 "distinctions," relating to the ritual and
sacraments of the Church.

[19] The additions were:

      I. The _Decretals_ of Pope Gregory IX, issued in 1234, in five
         books.
     II. A Supplement to the above by Pope Boniface VIII (_Liber
         Sextus_), issued in 1298.
    III. The _Constitutions_ of Clementine, issued in 1317.
     IV. Several additions of Papal Laws, not included in any of the
         above.

[20] He held that the body contained four humors--blood, phlegm, yellow
bile, and black bile. Disease was caused by an undue accumulation of some
one of the four. Hence the office of the physician was to reduce this
accumulation by some means such as blood-letting, purging, blisters,
diaphoretics, etc. In the monastery of Saint Gall (see Diagram, R. 69) a
blood-letting room was a part of the establishment, and this practice was
continued until well into the nineteenth century.

[21] Galen was born at Pergamon, in the reign of the Emperor Hadrian. He
studied medicine at Pergamon, Smyrna, and Alexandria, and for a time lived
in Rome. Returning to Pergamon he was appointed physician to the athletes
in the gymnasium there. He later went back to Rome and became physician to
the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. He is credited with five hundred works on
literature, philosophy, and medicine, one hundred and eighteen of which
have survived. In medicine he wrote on anatomy, physiology, diagnosis,
pathology, therapeutics, materia medica, surgery, hygiene, and dietetics.
He was the first to use the pulse as a means of detecting physical
condition.

[22] Saint Augustine, _The City of God_, book xxii, chap. 24.

[23] Often spoken of as Constantius Africanus. It is recorded that he
studied the arts in Babylon, visited Egypt and India, and returned to his
home in Carthage one of the most learned men of his age. Suspected of
dealings with the Devil he fled to Salernum (c. 1065), taught there for
many years, published many medical works of his own, and finally retired
to the monastery of Monte Cassino, dying there in 1087.

[24] In 1064 a company of seven thousand is said to have started for the
Holy Land.

[25] Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, 2d ed., p. 261.

[26] "From Clermont the enthusiasm spread over France like wildfire.
Stirring preachers, whereof the most notable was Peter the Hermit, set all
France, peasant and noble, to arming. It was the old gospel of Mohammed
recast in Christian guise:--pardon for sin and the spoils of the infidel
if victorious!--a swift road to heaven if slain in the battle! Pressed
with this hope and enthusiasm, armies to be reckoned by the hundreds of
thousands were launched upon the East." (Davis, W. S., _Mediaeval and
Modern Europe_, p. 95).

[27] Of the thousands of petty lords and knights who went to the hot East,
clad in the heavy armor of northern Europe, large numbers left their bones
along the way or in the Syrian sands, and the landholdings at home
reverted to the Crown. This was a crushing blow to the old feudal regime,
advanced the cause of civilization, and helped in the rise of the modern
nations. Especially was this true in France and England, whose knights
went in large numbers to the East. In Germany the knights and nobles, as a
class, refused to have anything to do with the Crusades, and hence they
were not killed off or impoverished, but remained to rule and multiply and
be troublesome. This is one reason for the much earlier rise and greater
strength of French than German nationality, and one reason why Germany has
been so much slower than France and England in developing a democratic
type of civilization.

[28] "As presented to the eye, a typical mediaeval city would be a
remarkable sight. Its extent would be small, both because of the limited
population, and the need of making the circuit of the walls to be defended
as short as possible; but within these walls the huge, many-storied houses
would be wedged closely together. The narrow streets would be dirty and
ill-paved--often beset by pigs in lieu of scavengers; but everywhere there
would be bustling human life with every citizen elbowing close to
everybody else. Out of the foul streets here and there would rise parish
churches of marvelous architecture, and in the center of the town extended
the great square--market-place--where the open-air markets would be held,
and close by it, dwarfing the lesser churches, the tall gray cathedral--
the pride of the community; close by, also, the City Hall, an elegant
secular edifice, where the council met, where the great public feasts
could take place, and above which rose the mighty belfry, whence clanged
the great alarm-bell to call the citizens together in mass meeting, or to
don armor and man the walls." (Davis, W. S., _Mediaeval and Modern
Europe_, p. 146.)

[29] In Italy, in particular, the cities became strong and powerful, and
eventually overthrew the rule of the bishops and defeated the German
Emperor, Frederick I, in a long battle to preserve their independence. In
Flanders such cities as Ypres, Bruges, and Ghent, came to dominate there.
In 1302 their burghers defeated the French army; and in the sixteenth
century they helped to break the autocratic power of Spain in a great
struggle for human and civic freedom. By the thirteenth century Hamburg,
Lübeck, Bremen, Augsburg, and Nuremburg were important commercial cities
in Germany.

[30] They came there because, due to their plundering and murdering
proclivities, Venice forbade her merchants to go to them.

[31] So poor were the mediaeval bridges that the old prayer-books
contained formulas for "commending one's soul to God ere starting to cross
a bridge."

[32] The peasants were of two classes: (1) serfs, who were not free and
who were attached to the soil, but unlike slaves had plots of land of
their own and could not be sold off the land; and (2) villeins, who were
personally free, but still were bound to their lord for much menial
service and for many payments in produce and money.

[33] The Church originally held many serfs and villeins, as did the
nobles. It began the process of setting them free, encouraging others to
do likewise. In time it became common, as it did in our Southern States
before the Civil War, for nobles in dying to set free a certain number of
their serfs and villeins. These went as free men to the rising cities.

[34] The mediaeval guild was an important institution, and the guild idea
was applied to many forms of mediaeval associations. Thus we read of
guilds of notaries in Florence, pleaders' and attorneys' guilds in London,
medical guilds and barber-surgeons' guilds in various cities, and of the
book-writers-and-sellers' guild in Paris. In a religious pageant given at
York, England, on Corpus Christi Day, 1415, fifty-one different local
guilds presented each a scene. (See Cheyney, E. P., _English Towns and
Gilds._, Pa. Sources, vol. II, no. I.)

[35] "The ready money of the merchant was as effective a weapon as the
sword of the noble, or the spiritual arms of the Church. Very speedily,
also, the men of the cities began to seize upon one of the weapons which
up to that time had been the exclusive possession of the Church, and one
of the main sources of its power,--knowledge and intellectual training.
With these two weapons in its hands, wealth and knowledge, the Third
Estate forced its way into influence, and compelled the other two
(Estates) to recognize it as a partner with themselves in the management
of public concerns." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_,
2d ed. p. 299.)

[36] In Hamburg, for example, the city council established four writing
schools in 1402, to which the church authorities objected. The council
refused to give them up, and for this was laid under the ban of the
Church, compelled to recede, admit that it had no right to establish such
schools, and pay the costs involved in the contest.

[37] For example, the three most widely read books of the thirteenth
century were _Reynard the Fox_, a profoundly humorous animal epic; _The
Golden Legend_, which so deeply impressed Longfellow; and the _Romance of
the Rose_, for three centuries the most read book in Europe.

[38] Despite all the criticisms one may offer against business, commerce
has always been a great civilizing force. While not anxious to pay heavy
taxes, the merchant has always been willing to pay what has been necessary
to support a public power capable of maintaining order and security for
property. Feudal turmoil, private warfare, and plundering are deadly foes
of commerce, and these have come to an end where commerce and industry
have gained the ascendant.

[39] As a rule a master craftsman might teach his trade to all his sons,
but could have only one other apprentice who received board, lodging,
clothing, and training, as one of the family. The guild still supervised
the apprentice, protecting him from bad usage or defective training by the
master.

[40] This required the production of a "masterpiece." This piece of work
had to be produced to prove high competency. For example, in the
shoemakers' guild of Paris, a pair of boots, three pairs of shoes, and a
pair of slippers, all done in the best possible manner, were required.

[41] Of thirty-three guilds investigated by Leach, all maintained song
schools, and twenty-eight maintained a grammar school as well. In London,
Merchant Taylors' School, Stationers' School, and the Mercers' School are
present-day survivals of these ancient guild foundations.


CHAPTER IX

[1] By the twelfth century the cathedral schools had passed the monastic
schools in importance, and had obtained a lead which they were ever after
to retain (R. 71).

[2] As contrasted with the monasteries, which were under a "Rule." The
opportunities offered by such open institutions in the Middle Ages can
hardly be overestimated.

[3] Frederick I, of the mediaeval Holy Roman Empire of Germany and Italy.

[4] "No individual during the Middle Ages was secure in his rights, even
of life or property, certainly not in the enjoyment of ordinary freedom,
unless protected by specific guarantees secured from some organization.
Politically, one must owe allegiance to some feudal lord from whom
protection was received; economically, one must secure his rights through
merchant or craft guild; intellectual interests and educational activities
were secured and controlled by the Church." (Monroe, P., _Text Book in the
History of Education_, p. 317.)

[5] At first the older institutions organized themselves without charter,
securing this later, while the institutions founded after 1300 usually
began with a charter from pope or king, and sometimes from both (R. 100).

[6] The degree of master was originally the license to practice the
teaching trade, and analogous to a master shoemaker, goldsmith, or other
master craftsmen.

[7] "The universities, then, at their origins, were merely academic
associations, analogous, as societies of mutual guaranty, to the
corporations of working men, the commercial leagues, the trade-guilds
which were playing so great a part at the same epoch; analogous also, by
the privileges granted to them, to the municipal associations and
political communities that date from the same time." (Compayré, G.,
_Abelard and the Rise of the Universities_, p. 33.)

[8] "M. Bimbenet, in his _History of the University of Orleans_ (Paris,
1853) reproduces several articles from the statutes of the guilds, the
provisions of which are identical with those contained in the statutes of
the universities." (_Ibid._, p. 35.)

[9] Bologna and Paris were the great "master" universities of the
thirteenth century, while those founded on a model of either were more in
the nature of "journeymen" institutions.

[10] Between 1600 and 1700, although most of the cities capable of
supporting universities were provided with them, twenty-one more were
created, chiefly in Germany and Holland. The first American university
(Harvard) was established in 1636, and the second (Yale) in 1702. In the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, without counting the United States or
any western-hemisphere country, forty more were created. Among the
important nineteenth-century creations were Berlin, 1810; Christiana,
1811; St. Petersburg, 1819; Brussels, 1834; London, 1836; and Athens,
1836.

[11] See Compayré, G., _Abelard_, pp. 87-90 for list of these "strikes."

[12] "It is impossible to fix the period at which the system of degrees
began to be organized. Things were done slowly. At the outset, and until
towards the end of the twelfth century, there existed nothing resembling a
real conferring of degrees in the rising universities. In order to teach
it was necessary to have a respondent, a master authorized by age and
knowledge....

"The 'license to teach,' nevertheless, became by slow degrees, as master
and pupils multiplied, a preliminary condition of teaching, a sort of
diploma more and more requisite, and of which the bishops (or their
representatives, the chancellors) were the dispensers. Up to the
fourteenth century there was hardly any other clearly-defined university
title." (Compayré, G., _Abelard_, pp. 142-43.)

[13] "It is manifest that the universities borrowed from the industrial
corporations their 'companionships,' their 'masterships,' and even their
banquets; a great repast being the ordinary sequel of the reception of the
baccalaureate or doctorate." (Compayré, G., _Abelard_, p. 141.)

[14] The term professor has become general in its significance, and is
used in all countries. In England the term master was retained for the
higher degree, while in Germany the term doctor was retained, and the
doctorate made their one degree. America followed the English plan in the
establishment of the early colleges, and the degree of A.B. and A.M. were
provided for. Later, when the German university influence became prominent
in the United States, the doctor's degree was superimposed on the English
plan.

[15] At Paris, for example, there were four nations--France, Picardy,
Normandy, and England. These were again divided into tribes, as for
example, there were five tribes of the French--Paris, Sens, Rheims, Tours,
and Bourges. Orleans had ten nations--France, Germany, Lorraine, Burgundy,
Champagne, Picardy, Normandy, Touraine, Guyenne, and Scotland. In those
days these represented separate nationalities, who little understood one
another, and carried their constant quarrels up to the very lecture
benches of the professors.

[16] A contemporary writer, Jacobus de Vitriaco, has left us an account of
student life at Paris, in which he says:

    "The students at Paris wrangled and disputed not merely about the
    various sects or about some discussions; but the differences between
    the countries also caused dissensions, hatreds and virulent
    animosities among them, and they impudently uttered all kinds of
    affronts and insults against one another.

    "They affirmed that the English were drunkards and had tails; the sons
    of France proud, effeminate and carefully adorned like women. They
    said that the Germans were furious and obscene at their feasts; the
    Normans vain and boastful; the Poitevins traitors and always
    adventurers. The Burgundians they considered vulgar and stupid. The
    Bretons were reputed to be fickle and changeable, and were often
    reproached for the death of Arthur. The Lombards were called
    avaricious, vicious and cowardly; the Romans, seditious, turbulent and
    slanderous; the Sicilians, tyrannical and cruel; the inhabitants of
    Brabant, men of blood, incendiaries, brigands and ravishers; the
    Flemish, fickle, prodigal, gluttonous, yielding as butter, and
    slothful. After such insults from words they often came to blows."
    (Pa. Trans. and Repts. from _Sources_, vol. II, no. 3, pp. 19-20.)

[17] In an American university the term _college_ or _school_ has largely
replaced the term _faculty_; in Europe the term _faculty_ is still used.
Thus we say College of Liberal Arts, or School of Law, instead of Faculty
of Arts, etc.

[18] For example, one of our modern state universities is organized into
the following faculties, schools, and colleges:

    (1) college of liberal arts;
    (2) school of medicine;
    (3) school of law;
    (4) school of fine arts;
    (5) school of pure science;
    (6) college of engineering;
    (7) college of agriculture;
    (8) school of history, economics, and social sciences;
    (9) school of business administration;
    (10) college of education;
    (11) school of household arts;
    (12) school of pharmacy;
    (13) school of veterinary medicine;
    (14) school of library science;
    (15) school of forestry;
    (16) school of sanitary engineering;
    (17) the graduate school; and
    (18) the university-extension division.

[19] "He was called 'The Philosopher'; and so fully were scholars
convinced that it had pleased God to permit Aristotle to say the last word
upon each and every branch of knowledge that they humbly accepted him,
along with the Bible, the church fathers, and the canon and Roman law, as
one of the unquestioned authorities which together formed a complete guide
for humanity in conduct and in every branch of science." (Robinson, J. H.,
_History of Western Europe_, p. 272.)

[20] This tendency increased with time, due both to the development of
secondary schools which could give part of the preparation, and to the
increasing number of students who came to the university for cultural or
professional ends and without intending to pass the tests for the
mastership and the license to teach. Finally the arts course was reduced
to three or four years (the usual college course), and the master's degree
to one, and for the latter even residence was waived during the middle of
the nineteenth century. The A.M. degree has recently been rehabilitated
and now usually signifies a year of hard study in English and American
universities, though a few eastern American institutions still play with
it or even grant it as an honorary degree. In Germany the arts course
disappeared, being given to the secondary schools entirely in the late
eighteenth century, and the universities now confer only the degree of
doctor.

[21] For a list of the books used in the faculty of medicine at
Montpellier, in 1340, see Rashdall, H., _Universities of Europe in the
Middle Ages_, vol. II, pt. I, p. 123; pt. II, p. 780.

[22] After the latter part of the thirteenth century the book-writing and
selling trade was organized as a guild industry, and the copying of texts
for sale became common. Then arose the practice of erasing as much of the
writing from old books as could be done, and writing the new book
crosswise of the page. In this way the expense for parchment was reduced,
and in the process many valueless and a few valuable books were destroyed.
Still, the cost for books during the days of parchment must have been
high. Walsh estimates that "an ordinary folio volume probably cost from
400 to 500 francs in our [1914] values, that is, between $80 and $100."

[23] In Germany the old mediaeval expression has been retained, and the
announcements of instruction there still state that the professor will
"read" on such and such subjects, instead of "offer courses," as we say in
the United States.

[24] Norton, in his _Readings in the History of Education; Mediaeval
Universities_, pp. 59-75, gives an extract from a text (Gratian) and
"gloss" by various writers, on the question--"Shall Priests be Acquainted
with Profane Literature, or No?" which see for a good example of mediaeval
university instruction and the manner in which a small amount of knowledge
was spun out by means of a gloss.

[25] Not many early library catalogues have been preserved, but those
which have all show small libraries before the days of printing. At
Oxford, where the university was broken up into colleges, each of which
had its own library, the following college libraries are known to have
existed: Peterhouse College (1418), 304 volumes; Kings College (1453), 174
volumes; Queens College (1472), 199 volumes; University Library (1473),
330 volumes. The last two were just before the introduction of printing.
The Peterhouse library (1418) was classified as follows:

    Subject             Chained   Loanable
    Theology............     61         63
    Natural Philosophy..     26 |
    Moral Philosophy....      5 |       19
    Metaphysics.........      3 |
    Logic...............      5         15
    Grammar.............      6 |
    Poetry..............      4 |       13
    Medicine............     15          3
    Civil Law...........      9         20
    Canon Law...........     18         19
    Totals..............    152        152
(Clarke. J. W., _The Care of Books_, pp. 145, 147.)

[26] Survivals of these old privileges still exist in the German
universities which exercise police jurisdiction over their students and
have a university jail, and in the American college student's feeling of
having the right to create a disturbance in the town and break minor
police regulations without being arrested and fined.

[27] See Compayré, G., _Abelard_, p. 201, for illustrations.


PART III

CHAPTER X

[1] One of the best known of the Troubadours was Arnaul de Marveil. The
following specimen of his art reveals both the new love of nature and the
reaction which had clearly set in against the "other-worldliness" of the
preceding centuries:

  "Oh! how sweet the breeze of April,
  Breathing soft as May draws near,
  While, through nights of tranquil beauty,
  Songs of gladness meet the ear:
  Every bird his well-known language
  Uttering in the morning's pride.
  Reveling in joy and gladness
  By his happy partner's side.

  "When around me all is smiling,
  When to life the young birds spring,
  Thoughts of love I cannot hinder
  Come, my heart inspiriting-
  Nature, habit, both incline me
  In such joy to bear my part:
  With such sounds of bliss around me
  Could I wear a sadden'd heart?"

[2] "In the Middle Ages man as an individual had been held of very little
account. He was only part of a great machine. He acted only through some
corporation--the commune, guild, the order. He had but little self-
confidence, and very little consciousness of his ability single-handed to
do great things or overcome great difficulties. Life was so hard and
narrow that he had no sense of the joy of living, and no feeling for the
beauty of the world around him, and, as if this world were not dark
enough, the terrors of another world beyond were very near and real."
(Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, 2d ed., p. 363.)

[3] Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, 2d. ed., p. 364.

[4] Petrarch refused to have the works of the Scholastics in his library.
Though a university man, he was out of sympathy with the university
methods of his time.

[5] "Florence was essentially the city of intelligence in early modern
times. Other nations have surpassed the Italians in their genius ... but
nowhere else except at Athens has the whole population of a city been so
permeated with ideas, so highly intellectual by nature, so keen in
perception, so witty and so subtle, as at Florence." (Symonds, J. A., _The
Renaissance in Italy_.)

[6] Sandys, J. E., in his _Harvard Lectures on the Revival of Learning_,
pp. 35-41, gives a list of the more important later finds, which see.

[7] Of the Florentine scholars one of the most famous was Niccolò Niccoli
(1363-1436), of whom Sandys says: "Famous for his beautiful penmanship, he
was much more than a copyist. He collected manuscripts, compared and
collated their various readings, struck out the more obvious corruptions,
restored the true text, broke it up into convenient paragraphs, added
suitable summaries at the head of each, and did much toward laying the
foundation of textual criticism." (Sandys, J. E., _Harvard Lectures on the
Revival of Learning_, p. 39.)

[8] For example, Laurentius Valla (1407-57) of Pavia, exceeded Niccoli in
ability in textual criticism. He extended this method to the New Testament
and, at the request of King Alphonso, of Naples, subjected the so-called
"Donation of Constantine," a document upon which the Papacy based in part
its claims to temporal power, to the tests of textual criticism and showed
its historical impossibility. This, indeed, was a new and daring spirit in
the mediaeval world, but it represented the spirit and method of the
modern scholar.

[9] For example, Ciriaco, of Ancona (1391-1450), has been called "the
Schliemann of his time." He spent his life in travel and in copying and
editing inscriptions. After exploring Italy, he visited the Greek isles,
Constantinople, Ephesos, Crete, and Damascus. One of his contemporaries,
Flavio Blondo, of Forli (1388-1463), published a four-volume work on the
antiquities and history of Rome and Italy. These two men helped to found
the new science of classical archaeology.

[10] Classical scholars assert that Greek became extinct in the Italy of
the Roman Church in 690 A.D. Greek was taught at Canterbury in the days of
the learned Theodore, of Tarsus (R. 59 a), who died in 690. Irish monks,
who carried Greek from Gaul to Ireland in the fifth century, brought it
back in the seventh century to Saint Gall, founded by them in 614. "John
the Scot," an Irish monk who was master of the Palace School under Charles
the Bald (c. 845-55), is said to have been able to read Greek. Roger
Bacon, the Oxford monk (1214-94), also knew a little Greek. William of
Moerbeke, in 1260, was able to translate the _Rhetoric_ and _Politics_ of
Aristotle for Thomas Aquinas. Greek monks were still found in the extreme
south of Italy at the time of the Renaissance, and Greek has remained a
living language in a few villages there up to the present time.

[11] Gian Antonio Campano; trans. by J. A. Symonds, _The Renaissance in
Italy_, vol. II, p. 249.

[12] For long it was thought that the revival of the study of Greek in the
West dated from the fall of Constantinople, in 1453, but this idea has
been exploded by classical scholars. The events we have enumerated in this
chapter show this, and at least five of the important Greek scholars who
taught in Italy came before that date. As the Turks closed in on this
wonderful eastern city, for so long the home of Greek learning and
culture, many other Greek scholars fled westward. The principal Greek
authors had, however, been translated into Latin before then.

[13] Some of the Italian universities participated but little in the new
movement. Bologna and Pavia, in particular, held to their primacy in law
and were but little affected by the revival.

[14] Bessarion (c. 1403-72), at one time Archbishop of Nicaea and
afterwards a cardinal at Rome, is said to have been surrounded by a crowd
of Greek and Latin scholars whenever he went out, and who escorted him
every morning from his palace to the Vatican. He was a great patron of
learned Greeks who fled to Italy. On his death he gave his entire library
of Greek manuscripts to Venice, and this collection formed the foundation
of the celebrated library of Saint Mark's.

[15] Symonds, J. A., _The Renaissance in Italy_, vol. II, p. 139.

[16] In 1436, Niccolò de Niccoli, a copyist of Florence, died, leaving his
collection of eight hundred manuscripts to the Medicean Library for the
use of the public, meaning thereby any scholar. This is said to have been
the first public-library collection in western Europe.

[17] Nicholas as a monk had had his enthusiasm for the new movement
awakened, and had gone deeply into debt for manuscripts. He was helped by
Cosimo de' Medici. When he became Pope (1447-55) he collected scholars
about him, built up the university at Rome, laid the foundations of the
great Vatican Library, and made Rome a great literary center. After the
death of Lorenzo the Magnificent at Florence, in 1492, the glory that had
been Florence passed to Rome, and it in turn became the cultural center of
Christendom.

[18] Much earlier, another Oxford man had returned from study under
Guarino at Ferrara--William Gray (1449)--but he seems to have made no
impression. A few other scholars went before Linacre and Grocyn and Colet,
but these men were the first to attract attention on their return.

[19] Agricola's real name was Roelof Huysman, meaning "Roelof the
husbandman." In keeping with a common practice of the time he Latinized
his name, taking the equivalent Roman word.

[20] This was bound in two volumes, and in 1911 a copy of it was sold at a
sale of old books, in New York City, for $50,000.

[21] A second edition of this Psalter was printed two years later, and
contains at the end, in Latin, a statement which Robinson translates as
follows: "The present volume of the Psalms, which is adorned with handsome
capitals and is clearly divided by means of rubrics, was produced not by
writing with a pen, but by an ingenious invention of printed characters:
and was completed to the glory of God and the honor of Saint James by John
Fust, a citizen of Mayence, and Peter Schoifher of Gernsheim, in the year
of our Lord 1459, on the 29th of August."

[22] The usual early edition was three hundred copies.

[23] At Florence about three hundred editions are said to have been
printed before 1500; at Bologna, 298; at Milan, 625; and at Rome, 925.

[24] The following numbers of different editions are said to have been
printed at the northern cities before 1500: Paris, 751; Cologne, 530;
Strassburg, 526; Nuremberg, 382; Leipzig, 351; Basel, 320; Augsburg, 256;
Louvain, 116; Mayence, 134; Deventer, 169; London, 130; Oxford, 7; Saint
Albans, 4.

[25] By 1500 it is said that a book could be purchased for the equivalent
of fifty cents which a half century before would have cost fifty dollars.


CHAPTER XI

[1] Much as universities have contributed to intellectual progress,
hostility to new types of thinking and to new subjects of study has been,
through all time, a characteristic of many of their members, and often it
has required much pressure from progressive forces on the outside to
overcome their opposition to new lines of scholarship and public service.

[2] For a list of these treatises, see Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_,
vol. v, p. 154.

[3] The distinguished author, Montaigne, was mayor in 1580.

[4] This order had begun as an institution for the instruction of the
poor, emphasizing the use of the Bible and the vernacular, but when the
new learning came in from Italy, classical learning was added and the
instruction of the brotherhood became largely humanistic.

[5] The influence of the old Greek classical terms in this connection is
interesting, and is another evidence of the permanence of Greek ideas.
Sturm here adopted the Italian nomenclature, Vittorino da Feltre having
called his school a _Gymnasium Palatinum_, or Palace School. Guarino wrote
of _gymnasia Italorum_. Both derived the term from the _Gymnasia_ of
ancient Greece, just as the academies of the Italian cities took their
name from the _Academy_ of Plato at Athens (p. 44). Another famous Greek
school was the _Lyceum_, founded by Aristotle (p. 44). All these names
came in during the Revival of Learning in Italy, and were applied to the
new classical schools at a time when every term, and even the names of
men, were given classical form. As a result the Italian secondary schools
of to-day are known as _ginnasio_, and the German classical secondary
schools as _gymnasia_. The French took their term from the _Lyceum_, hence
the French _lycées_. The English named their classical schools after the
chief subject of study, hence the English _grammar schools_. In 1638
Milton visited Italy, and was much entertained in Florence by members of
the academy and university there. In 1644 he published his _Tractate on
Education_, in which he outlined his plan for a series of classical
_academies_ for England. Milton was a church reformer, as were the
Puritans, and the Puritans, in settling America, brought over first the
term _grammar school_, and later the term _academy_ to England.

[6] Melanchthon, in his famous Saxony plan of 1528, had provided for but
three classes (R. 161). The class-for-each-year idea was new in German
lands.

[7] This became a fixed practice, Latin being the one language of the
school. A century later, when it was attempted by the Jansenists, in
France, to teach Greek directly through the vernacular, the practice was
loudly condemned by the Jesuits as impious, because it broke the
connection between France and Rome.

[8] His phrase book, _De Copia Verborum et Rerum_, went through sixty
editions in his lifetime, and was popular for a century after his death.
His book of proverbs, the _Adagia_, was in both Latin and Greek, and was
widely used. His Book of Sayings from the Ancients (_Apophthegmata_) was a
collection of little stories, much like some of our best modern books for
elementary-school use. His _Colloquies_, or Latin dialogues, were widely
used for two centuries in Protestant countries. These four were written
between 1511 and 1519, and largely for use in Saint Paul's School. His
Latin edition of Theodorus Gaza's Greek Grammar (1516) gave English
schools for the first time a standard text.

[9] They were _On the First Liberal Education of Children_ (1529), and _On
the Order of Study_ (1511).

[10] His _Praise of Folly_ (1509), and his _Ciceronian_ (1528).

[11] The introduction of the new learning into the English universities
was easier than elsewhere, because the English universities had broken up
into groups of residence halls, known as _colleges_. If the old colleges
could not be reformed new ones could be created, and this took place.
Trinity College, at Cambridge, founded in 1540, was from the first a
center of humanistic studies. That same year the King founded royal
professorships of Civil Law, Hebrew, and Greek at Cambridge.

[12] Elizabeth had had for her tutor Roger Ascham, author of _The
Scholemaster_, and a teacher of Greek at Cambridge (R. 139).

[13] For generations this famous grammar was to England what Donatus was
to mediaeval Europe. It was also used in the grammar schools of New
England. Lily visited Jerusalem and studied under the best Latin teachers
in Rome, so that he ranks with Linacre, Grocyn, and Colet as an introducer
of classical culture into England.

[14] Winchester was the first of the so-called "great public schools" of
England, of which Eton, Saint Paul's, Westminster, Harrow, Charterhouse,
Rugby, Shrewsbury, and Merchant Taylors' are the other eight. The
foundation statutes of Winchester made elaborate provision for "a Warden,
a Head Master, ten Fellows, three Chaplains, an Usher, seventy scholars,
three Chapel Clerks, sixteen Choristers, and a large staff of servants,"
as did Henry VIII later on for Canterbury (R. l72 a). The Warden and
Fellows were the trustees. In addition to the seventy scholars
(Foundationers) other non-foundationers (Commoners) were to be admitted to
instruction. The admission requirements were to be "reading, plain song,
and Old Donatus," and the school was to teach Grammar, the first of the
Liberal Arts. Except for the change in the nature of the instruction when
the new learning came in, this and the other "public schools" remained
almost unchanged until the second half of the nineteenth century.

[15] Statutes for this school had provided the following entrance
regulations: "But first see that they can the Catechisme in English or
Latyn, that every one of the said two hundred & fifty schollers can read
perfectly & write competently, or els lett them not be admitted in no
wise."

[16] His _The Positions_ (1581), and _The Elementarie_ (1582). See Chapter
XVIII.

[17] Solomon Lowe, in his Grammar, published in 1726, gives a bibliography
of 128 _Phrase Books_ which had appeared by that time. The following
selection from the _Colloquies_ of Corderius (R. 136) illustrates their
nature:

  Col. 7. Clericus                        Col. 7. Clericus,
     The Master.                             Magister.
  C. Master, may not I and my uncle's     Licetne, Magister, ut ego &
     son go home?                         patruélis eámus domom?
  M. To what end?                         Quid eó?
  C. To my sister's daughter's wedding.   Ad nuptias consobrinae.
  M. When is she to be married?           Quando est nuptura?
  C. To-morrow.                           Crástino die.
  M. Why will you go so quickly?          Cur tam citò vultis ire?
  C. To CHANGE OUR CLOATHS.               _Ut mutémus vestimenta_.

[18] Sturm, Trotzendorf, and Neander insisted on the use of Latin in all
conversation in the school, and the Jesuits later on subjected boys to a
whipping if reported as having used the vernacular.

[19] Leach, A. F., _English Schools at the Reformation_, p. 105.


CHAPTER XII

[1] Up to this time the only Latin Bible had been the _Vulgate_ (p. 131),
translated by Jerome in the fourth century. Erasmus went back to and
edited the original Greek manuscripts, and then prepared a new parallel
Latin translation, the two being printed side by side. He also added many
explanations of his own which mercilessly exposed the mistakes of the
theologians and the Church, and pointed out the errors in translation
which were embodied in the _Vulgate_. This work passed through numerous
editions and sold in thousands of copies all over Europe.

So dangerous was this comparative method that "Greek was judged a
heretical tongue. No one should lecture on the New Testament, it was
declared, without a previous theological examination. It was held to be
heresy to say that the Greek or Hebrew text read thus, or that a knowledge
of the original language is necessary to interpret the Scriptures
correctly."

[2] This was accomplished between 1382 and 1384. Wycliffe translated only
a part of the Old Testament, and the Gospels of Saint Matthew and Saint
Mark of the New. The remainder was done under his direction by others. The
translation was from the Latin _Vulgate_, and was crude and imperfect. The
large number of copies of parts of this translation which have survived,
in manuscript form, to the present time show that it must have awakened
much interest, and been widely copied and recopied during the century
before the invention of printing.

[3] The heretic, it should be remembered, was the anarchist of the Middle
Ages. The Church regarded heresy as a crime, worthy of the most severe
punishments. The Church and the civil governments proceeded against the
heretic as against an enemy of society and order. Heretics could not give
evidence in a civil court, were prohibited from marrying or from giving a
son or daughter in marriage, and even to speak with a heretic was an
offense. Even torture and death were regarded as justified to stamp out
heresy.

[4] "What would have been the result had the Council of Constance
succeeded where it failed? It seems certain that one result would have
been the formation of a government for the Church like that which was
taking shape at the same time in England--a limited monarchy with a
legislature gradually gaining more and more the real control of affairs.
It seems almost equally certain that with this the churches of each
nationality would have gained a large degree of local independence, and
the general government of the Church have assumed by degrees the character
of a great federal and constitutional State. If this had been the case, it
is hard to see why all the results which were accomplished by the
reformation of Luther might not have been attained as completely without
the violent disruption of the Church." (Adams, G. B., _Civilisation during
the Middle Ages_, p. 403.)

[5] In 1302 the first "Estates-General" of France supported the King, and
denied the right of the Pope to any supremacy over the State in France. In
England, about the same time, the right of the Pope to levy taxation on
the English was disputed by King and Parliament. In 1446 William III of
Saxony limited the powers of ecclesiastical courts, and forbade appeals
from Saxon decisions to any foreign court.

[6] The London _Academy_, 1893, p. 197, published evidence to show that
there was a widespread demand among the bishops of Spain for church
reformation, during the fifteenth century, and along the same lines that
Luther advocated later.

[7] "But all these attempts at reformation in the Church, large and small,
had failed, as had those of the early fifteenth century to reform its
government, leaving the Church as thoroughly mediaeval in doctrine and in
practical religion as it was in polity. It was the one power, therefore,
belonging to the Middle Ages which still stood unaffected by the new
forces and opposed to them. In other directions the changes had been many;
here nothing had been changed. And its resisting power was very great.
Endowed with large wealth, strong in numbers in every State, with no lack
of able and thoroughly trained minds, its interests, as it regarded them,
in maintaining the old were enormous, and its power of defending itself
seemed scarcely to be broken....

"The Church had remained unaffected by the new forces which had
transformed everything else. It was still thoroughly mediaeval. In
government, in doctrine, and in life it still placed the greatest emphasis
upon those additions which the peculiar conditions of the Middle Ages had
built upon the foundations of the primitive Christianity, and it was
determined to remain unchanged." (Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the
Middle Ages_, pp. 406, 412.)

[8] Every reform movement produces two kinds of reformers, each seeking
the same ultimate goal, but differing materially as to methods of work. In
the religious conflict these two types are well represented by Erasmus and
Luther. Erasmus was as deeply interested in religious reform as Luther and
devoted the energies of a lifetime to trying to secure reform, but he
believed that reformation should come from within, and that the way to
obtain it was to remain within the old organization and work to reform it.
Luther represented the other type, the type which feels that things are
too bad for mere reform to be effective, and that what is wanted is
rebellion against the old. The two types seldom agree as to means, and
usually part company. One is content to be known as a conservative or a
conformer; the other delights in being classed as a progressive or even as
a radical.

[9] "The early Protestant theory was that an individual's Christian
religious life, convictions, and salvation were to be worked out through a
direct study of the Scriptures, acceptance of the obvious teachings of
Christ as there presented, and direct appeal to God through prayer for
help in leading a Christian life. The Catholic position, on the other
hand, came to be that the individual's religious life was to be achieved
through the intervention of the Church, which claimed on historical
grounds to have been founded by Christ, and to be his official
representative and mediator in the world. It was through the teachings of
this Church that the individual was to receive his ideas of the Christian
religion, to be stimulated to believe these, to be kept in the path of
righteousness, and to obtain salvation." (Parker, S. C., _History of
Modern Elementary Education_, p. 35.)

[10] Adams, G. B., _Civilization during the Middle Ages_, p. 413.

[11] A good illustration of the way parts of Germany and German
Switzerland were divided by religious differences is to be found in the
Canton of Appenzell, in northeastern Switzerland. As each small
governmental division had to follow the religion of the ruling prince in
Germany, so in Switzerland the cantons divided on religious lines. To
compromise matters in Appenzell the canton was divided into two half
cantons, following the religious wars of 1597--Inner Rhoden, of sixty-
three square miles, exclusively Roman Catholic, and Outer Rhoden, of
ninety-six square miles, entirely under the Swiss Reformed Church.

[12] Calvinism is also a product of the northern humanism, Calvin's
difficulties with the Church arising out of his study of the Greek texts.
Calvin had received an excellent theological and legal education, and used
the knowledge and training derived from both to help him formulate a
comprehensive system of belief.

[13] Like the famous _Sentences_ of Peter Lombard (p. 171), it formed a
splendid textbook of the new faith. Calvin based his work on the
infallibility of the Bible, as against that of the Church and Pope, and
presented, in a remarkably clear and logical manner, the principles of
Calvinistic doctrine. Before 1630, as many as seventy-four full editions
and fourteen partial editions of the _Institutes_ had been printed, and in
nine different languages.

[14] This went through seventy-seven editions (fourteen in English) before
1630, and in nearly all the languages of Europe, and was one of four
Catechisms, one of which was required of all Oxford undergraduates in
1578. It was adopted by the Scotch, Huguenot, French-Swiss, and Walloon
(Dutch) churches, and was widely used in Holland, England, and America.
(See "Calvin and Calvinism," in Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol.
I.)

[15] By 1560 the Calvinists had two thousand houses for religious worship
in France, and demanded religious freedom. In 1562 the persecutions began
in earnest, and for the next thirty-six years religious warfare ruled in
France. In 1598 the Edict of Nantes established religious freedom, though
this was revoked in 1685.

[16] Even the celebrated Peace of Augsburg (1555) which left to each
German prince and each town and knight the liberty to choose between the
beliefs of the Roman Church and the Lutheran, provided only for religious
freedom for the rulers, and only one alternative. Calvinists, for example,
hated equally by Catholic and Lutheran, were not included. So deeply was
the idea of Church and State as inseparable embedded in the minds of men
that no provision was made for the religious freedom of subjects. This was
a much later evolution, coming first in America.

[17] In the proposals for the League of Nations Covenant, made at the
conclusion of the World War, in 1919, religious freedom for all persons in
any State in the League was finally decided to be a necessary principle
for any world league.

[18] Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_, pp. 96-97.

[19] The terms _atheist_ and _atheism_ now arose, as the modern
substitutes for excommunication and imprisonment, and during the next two
centuries these were applied, by the churchmen of the time, to almost
every prominent philosopher and scientist and independent thinker.

[20] Very severe measures were enacted to prevent the spread of the
contagion of heresy. All Protestant literature was forbidden circulation
in Catholic lands. The printing-press, as a disseminator of heresy, was
placed under strict license. Certain books were ordered burned. Perhaps
the most extreme and ruthless measure was the prohibition, under penalty
of death, of the reading of the Bible. That this harsh act was carried out
the record of martyrs shows. As one example may be mentioned the sister of
the Flemish artist Matsys and her husband, he being decapitated and she
buried alive in the square fronting the cathedral at Louvain, in 1543, for
having been caught reading the sacred Book.


CHAPTER XIII

[1] Dr. Philip Schaff, the Church historian, says: "Schleiermacher reduced
the whole difference between Romanism and Protestantism to the formula,
'Romanism makes the relation of the individual to Christ depend on his
relation to the Church: Protestantism, _vice versa_, makes the relation of
the individual to the Church depend on his relation to Christ.'" (Quoted
by G. B. Adams, from a pamphlet, _Luther Symposiac_, Union Seminary,
1883.)

[2] The importance of writing before the days of printing can readily be
appreciated. Just as the monk was carefully trained to copy manuscript, so
the clerk for a city or a business house needed to be carefully trained to
read and write. Writing formed a distinct profession, there being the
"city writer" (city clerk, we say), Latin and vernacular secretaries,
traveling writers, writing teachers, etc. Writing masters sometimes taught
reading also, but usually not. In some French cities the guild of writing
masters was granted an official monopoly of the privilege of teaching
writing in the city.

[3] Reckoning schools were to meet direct commercial needs in the cities,
and were seldom found outside of commercial towns. The arithmetic taught
in the Latin schools as a part of the Seven Liberal Arts was largely
theoretical; the arithmetic in the reckoning schools was practical. The
work of the professional reckoner in time developed similarly to that of
the professional writer, and often the two were combined in one person.
When employed by a city he was known as the city clerk. In 1482 the first
reckoning book to be published in Germany appeared, filled with merchant's
rules and applied problems in denominate numbers and exchange. See an
interesting monograph by Jackson, L. L., _Sixteenth Century Arithmetic_
(Trs. College Pubs., No. 8, 1906).

[4] Luther tried to make a translation so simple that even the unlearned
might profit by listening to its reading. To insure that his translation
should be in a language that would be perfectly clear and natural to the
common people, he went about asking questions of laborers, children, and
mothers to secure good colloquial expressions. It sometimes took him weeks
to secure the right word, but so satisfactory was the result that it fixed
the standard for modern German, and still stands as the most conspicuous
landmark in the history of the German language.

[5] The French version of this great original work represents the first
use of French as a language for an argumentative treatise, and, as
Calvin's work was more widely discussed than any other Protestant
theological treatise, it did much to fix the character of this national
language.

[6] "Tyndale's translation is not only the first which goes back to the
original tongues, but it is so noble a translation in its mingled
tenderness and majesty, its Saxon simplicity, and its smooth, beautiful
diction that it has been but little improved on since. Every succeeding
version is little more than a revision of Tyndale's." (J. Paterson Smyth,
_How We Got Our Bible_.)

The following extract from Matthew is illustrative: "O oure father which
art in heven, halewed be thy name. Let thy kingdom come. Thy wyll be
fulfilled, as well in erth, as hit ys in heven. Geve vs this daye oure
dayly breade. And forgeve vs oure treaspases, even as we forgeve them
whych treaspas vs. Lede vs nott in to temptacion, but delyvre vs from
yvell. Amen."

[7] The most famous of Luther's German hymns, and one expressive of the
Protestant spirit, is the one beginning:

  "Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott,  "A mighty fortress is our God,
   Ein gute Wehr und Waffen."       A bulwark never failing."

This hymn has often been called "The Marseillaise of the Reformation."

[8] The evolution, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, of the
German vernacular school-teacher out of the parish sexton is one of the
interesting bits of our educational history.

[9] Magdeburg is typical, where the Lutherans united all the parish
schools under the supervision of one pastor.

[10] Wittenberg, founded in 1502 as a new-learning university, and in
which Luther, Melanchthon, and Bugenhagen were professors, was the first
of the universities to become Protestant. Gradually the other universities
in Protestant Germany threw off their allegiance to the Pope, and took on
that of the ruling prince.

[11] The first Protestant university to be founded was Marburg, in Hesse,
in 1527. When this later went over to Calvinism, a new university was
founded at Giessen, in 1607, by a migration of the Lutheran professors.
Other Protestant universities founded were Königsberg (1544) Jena (1555),
Helmstadt (1576), and the free-city universities of Altdorf (1573),
Strassburg (1621), Rinteln (1621), Duisberg (1655) and Kiel (1665). The
support of these came, to a considerable extent, from old monastic or
ecclesiastical foundations which had been dissolved after the Reformation.

[12] This was in response to a petition to the King, nearly two years
before. The King finally granted the request, "though maintaining that he
was not compelled by God's Word to set forth the Scriptures in English,
yet 'of his own liberality and goodness was and is pleased that his said
loving subjects should have and read the same in convenient places and
times.'" (Procter and Frere, _History of the Book of Common Prayer_, p.
30.)

[13] "The injunctions directed that 'a Bible of the largest volume in
English' be set up in some convenient place in every church, where it
might be read, only without noise, or disturbance of any public service,
and without any disputation, or exposition." (_Ibid._, p. 30.)

[14] The right to read the Bible was later revoked, during the closing
years of Henry VIII's reign (d. 1547), by an act of Parliament, in 1543,
which provided that "no woman (unless she be a noble or gentle woman), no
artificers, apprentices, journeymen, servingmen, under the degree of
yeomen ... husbandmen, or laborers" should read or use any part of the
Bible under pain of fines and imprisonment.

[15] These were, distributed by reigns, as follows:

    Henry VIII      (1509-1547)     63 schools
    Edward VI       (1547-1553)     50   "
    Mary            (1553-1558)     19   "
    Elizabeth       (1558-1603)    138   "
    James I         (1603-1625)
    Charles I       (1625-1649)    142   "
    Protectorate    (1649-1660)
    Charles II      (1660-1685)
    James II        (1685-1688)    146   "


CHAPTER XIV

[1] "These Calvinists had a common program of broad scope--not merely
doctrinal, but also political, economic, and social. Their common program
and their social ideals demanded education of all as instruments of
Providence for church and commonwealth. Their industrious habits and
productive economic life provided funds for education. Their
representative institutions in both church and commonwealth not only
necessitated general diffusion of knowledge, but furnished the
organization necessary for founding, supervising, and maintaining, in
wholesome touch with the common man, both elementary and higher
institutions of learning. Their disciplined and responsive conscience,
their consequent intensity of moral conviction and spirit of self-
sacrifice for the common weal, compelled them to realize, in concrete and
permanent form, their ideals of college and common school." (Foster, H.
D., In Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. i, p. 499.)

[2] In 1625 a list of the famous men of the city of Louvain, in Belgium,
was printed. More than one fourth of those listed had studied in the
colleges of Geneva.

[3] Foster, H. D., Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. I, p. 491.

[4] In Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. I, p. 498.

[5] "That public schools abounded throughout the Netherlands is evident.
Every study of the archives of town or province discloses their presence.
The minutes of every religious body bear overwhelming testimony not only
to the existence of schools, but also a zealous interest in their
maintenance." (Kilpatrick, W. H., _Dutch Schools of New Netherlands_, p.
37.)

[6] For long the Church had had the Inquisition, but, while it had
rendered loyal and iniquitous service, the results had been in no way
commensurate with the bitter hatred which its work awakened.
Excommunication, persecution, imprisonment, the stake, and the sword had
been tried extensively, but with only partial success. In education the
reformers had shown the Church a new method, which was positive and
effective and did not awaken opposition, and from the reformer's zeal for
Latin grammar schools to provide an intelligent ministry the Church took
its cue of establishing schools to train its future leaders. It was a
long-headed and far-sighted plan, and its success was proportionately
large.

[7] This is not true of their missions in foreign lands, where the mission
priests usually gave elementary instruction. Elementary schools were
maintained in the Jesuit missions of North and South America. Thus a
mission school was established at Quebec as early as 1635, and one at
Newtown, in Catholic Maryland, in 1640. After 1740 elementary parish
schools were opened by the Jesuits among the German Catholics in
Pennsylvania. From these beginnings Catholic parish schools have been
developed in the United States.

[8] The Order was reëstablished in 1814 and it has since been allowed to
reëstablish itself in most countries, though not in France or Germany.
There are 41 Jesuit colleges in America, in 21 states. (For list see
Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. III, p. 540.) In the revision of
its course of instruction, in 1832, modern studies were added, but the
Society has never played any such conspicuous part in education since its
reëstablishment as it did during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

[9] It is an interesting speculation as to whether the fact that the
Jesuits made such headway in German lands, and so deeply impressed their
training on the children of the nobility there, has had any connection
with the attitude of German and Austrian political leaders in their
governmental and political policies since that time.

[10] By the middle of the eighteenth century the Jesuits had lost much of
their former vigor, and their colleges their former large influence. They
had become powerful and arrogant, mixed deeply in political intrigues,
quarreled with any one who crossed their path, and refused to change their
instruction to meet new intellectual needs. They were finally driven from
France, Spain, Portugal, and German lands, and were ultimately abolished
as an Order.

[11] The care with which the _Ratio Studiorum_ was worked out is typical
of the thoroughness of the Order. A preliminary outline of work was
followed for many years, the whole being experimental. Reports on it were
made, and finally a preliminary Ratio was issued, in 1586. This was again
revised and cast into final form, in 1599. In this form it remained until
1832, when some modern studies were added.

[12] Dabney, R. H., _The Causes of the French Revolution_, p. 203.

[13] For example, the "States-General" of France met four times during the
seventeenth century, with weighty problems of religion and state for
consideration, yet in three of the four meetings resolutions were passed
urging the clergy to establish schoolmasters in all the towns and
villages, and a general system of compulsory education for all.

[14] _Les vrais Constitutions des Religieuses de la Congrégation de Nostre
Dame_, chap. xi, sec. 6, 2d ed., Toul, 1694.

[15] See especially Felix Cadet, _Port-Royal Education_ (Scribners, New
York, 1898), for translations of many of the brief pedagogical writings of
members of the Order.

[16] Father Demia, at Lyons, had organized what was probably the first
training-school for masters, in 1672. La Salle's training-school dates
from 1684. Francke's German _Seminarium Praeceptorum_, at Halle, the first
in German lands, dates from 1696.

[17] The numerous pictures of schools and educational literature well into
the nineteenth century show the general prevalence of the individual
method of instruction. It was the method in American schools until well
toward the middle of the nineteenth century. To have graded the children
and introduced class instruction in 1684 was an important advance which
the world has been slow in learning.

[18] Everything was according to rule, even the ferule, which must be made
of two strips of leather, ten to twelve inches long, sewed together. All
offenses, and the number and location of the blows for each, were
specified. Later the corporal punishment was replaced by penances.


CHAPTER XV

[1] Representing not over one tenth of the population, the Protestants in
France had from the first been subjected to much persecution. In the
Massacre of Saint Bartholomew (1572) over one thousand had been massacred
in Paris and ten thousand more in the provinces. After some warfare, a
treaty was made, in 1598, under which the so-called "Edict of Nantes"
guaranteed religious toleration for the Protestants. In 1685 this was
revoked, and their ministers were given fifteen days to leave France. The
members were, however, forbidden to leave. Many, though, got away,
escaping to the Low Countries, England, and to America.

[2] The culmination of this dissatisfaction came in 1649, when Charles I
was beheaded and "The Commonwealth" was established under Cromwell. During
the troubled times which followed (1649-60) much damage was done to the
churches of England by way of eliminating vestiges of "popery."

[3] Some of these went back to England--many after the establishment of
the Protestant Commonwealth under Cromwell (1649). It has been estimated,
for three of the early colonies, that the population by decades was
approximately as follows:

                                  1630  1640  1650  1660
   New Netherlands..............   500  1000  3000  6000
   Massachusetts................  1300 14000 18000 25000
   Virginia...................... 3000  8000 17000 33000

[4] The name and the form came alike from old England, where an irregular
area known as a "town" or a "township," constituted the unit of
representation in the shiremoats and the membership of the church parish.
Almost every town and parish officer known in England was created by the
new towns in New England, with practically the same functions as in the
old home.

[5] "The settlers were in the first freshness of their Utopian enthusiasm,
and their church establishment was the very heart of their enterprise. It
became therefore a matter of primary importance to educate preachers. For
ages preparation for the ministry had consisted mainly in acquiring a
knowledge of Latin, the sacred tongue of western Christendom. Though the
Latin service was no longer used by Protestants, and the Vulgate Bible had
been dethroned by the original text, and though the main stream of English
theology was by this time flowing in the channel of the mother tongue, the
notion that all ministers should know Latin had still some centuries of
tough life in it." (Eggleston, E., _The Transit of Civilization_, p. 225.)

[6] For example, the town of Boston, in 1641, devoted the income from
Deere Island to the support of schools, and Plymouth, in 1670,
appropriated the income from the Cape Cod fishing industry to the support
of grammar schools (R. 194 c).

These are among the earliest of the permanent endowments for education in
America.

[7] See _The Development of School Support in Colonial Massachusetts_, by
George L. Jackson, for a careful study of the different early methods of
school support.

[8] The Puritan emigrants to New England represented a sturdy and well-
educated class of English country squires and yeomen. They came of thrifty
and well-to-do stock, the shiftless and incompetent not being represented.
All had had good educational advantages, and many were graduates of
Cambridge University. It has been asserted that probably never since has
the proportion of college men in the community been so large.

[9] Martin, Geo. H., _The Evolution of the Massachusetts Public-School
System_, pp. 14-16.

[10] The charging of a tuition fee to those who could afford to pay was a
common European practice of the time, nevertheless the public authorities
--at that time a mixture of civil and church officials--provided the
school, employed and licensed the teacher, determined the textbooks to be
used, and laid down the conditions under which the school should be
conducted. The schoolmaster assisted the church by participating in the
Sunday services. The elementary school of the Dutch, which was copied in
the New Netherland, was thus a combination of a public and parochial, and
a free and pay school.

[11] This was, of course, much more true of New York City and Island than
of the outlying Dutch villages. In these latter a public school was for
long maintained.

[12] Draper, A. S., _Origin and Development of the New York Common School
System_.

[13] Among the German Lutherans, who constituted nearly one fourth of the
total population of the colony, a school is claimed to have been
established alongside the church by each of the congregations "at the
earliest possible period after its formation." The close connection
between these Lutheran congregations and their schools may be seen from
the following contract, dated at Lancaster, in 1774:

    "I, the undersigned, John Hoffman, parochial teacher of the church at
    Lancaster, have promised in the presence of the congregation, to serve
    as choirister, and, as long as we have no pastor, to read sermons on
    Sunday. In summer I promise to hold cathechetical instruction with the
    young, as becomes a faithful teacher, and also to lead them in the
    singing and attend to the clock."

[14]  The seventeenth-century Virginia legislation relating to education
is as follows:

  1643. Orphans to be educated "according to the competence of their
        estate."
  1646. "If the estate be so meane and inconsiderate that it will not
        reach to a free education, then that orphan [shall] be bound to
        some manuall trade ... except some friends or relatives be willing
        to keep them."
  1660-61. "To avoid sloth and idleness ... as also for the relief of
        parents whose poverty extends not to giving [their children]
        breeding, the justices of the peace should ... bind out children
        to tradesmen or husbandmen to be brought up in some good and
        lawful calling."

[15] "Perhaps the most remarkable, because the most widespread and complex
illustration of the educational genius of Calvinism is to be found in the
American colonies, where the various European streams of Calvinism so
converged that the seventeenth-century colonists were predominantly
Calvinists--not merely the Puritans of New England, but the Dutch,
Walloons, Huguenots, Scotch, and Scotch-Irish, with a considerable Puritan
admixture in Anglican Virginia and Catholic Maryland." (Foster, H. D., in
Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_, vol. I, p. 498.)

[16] "To illustrate how omnipresent this religious atmosphere was, I
cannot do better than to cite the occasion when Judge Sewell found that
the spout which conducted the rain water from his roof did not perform its
office. After patient searching, a ball belonging to the small childeren
was found lodged in the spout. Thereupon the father sent for the minister
and had a season of prayer with his boys that their mischief or
carelessness might be set in its proper aspect and that the event might be
sanctified to their spiritual good. Powers of darkness and of light were
struggling for the possession of every soul, and it was the duty of
parents, ministers, and teachers to lose no opportunity to pluck the
children as brands from the burning." (Johnson Clifton, _Old-Time Schools
and Schoolbooks_, p. 12.)


CHAPTER XVI

[1] Thales had guessed that water was the primal element from which all
had been derived; Anaximenes guessed air; Heraclitus fire; Pythagoras held
that number was the essence of all things; Empedocles thought that fire
and heat, accompanied by "indestructible forces," formed the basis;
Xenophanes had guessed air, fire, water, and earth, and had worked out a
complete scheme of creation. For an interesting discussion of these early
attempts to explain creation, see J. W. Draper, _History of the
Intellectual Development of Europe_, vol. 1, chap. iv.

[2] Among the treatises by him accepted as genuine are _On Airs, Waters,
and Places_; _On Epidemics_; _On Regimen in Acute Diseases_; _On
Fractures_; and _On Injuries of the Head_.

[3] For example, Hippocrates had held that the human body contains four
"humors"--blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile--and that disease was
caused by the undue accumulation of some one of these humors in some
organ, which it was the business of the physician to get rid of by blood-
letting, blistering, purging, or other means.

[4] From a collection of doggerel rhymes put out by two pastors and
doctors of theology at Basle, in 1618, by the names of Grassner and Gross,
to interpret the orthodox theory of comets to peasants and school
children.

[5] "The earth is a sphere, situated in the center of the heavens; if it
were not, one side of the heavens would appear nearer to us than the
other, and the stars would be larger there. The earth is but a point in
comparison to the heavens, because the stars appear of the same magnitude
and at the same distance _inter se_, no matter where the observer goes on
the earth. It has no motion of translation.... If there were a motion, it
would be proportionate to the great mass of the earth and would leave
behind animals and objects thrown into the air. This also disproves the
suggestion made by some, that the earth, while immovable in space, turns
round on its own axis." (Ptolemy, Digest of argument of Book 1 of the
_Almagest_.)

[6] In the dedicatory letter Copernicus states that he had had the
completed manuscript in his study for thirty-six years, and published it
now only on the urging of friends.

[7] To secure the greatest possible accuracy he constructed a wooden
outdoor quadrant some ten feet in radius, with a brass scale, thus
permitting readings to a fraction of an inch.

[8] "The current view was that comets were formed by the ascending of
human sins from the earth, that they were changed into a kind of gas, and
ignited by the anger of God. This poisoned stuff then fell down on
people's heads, causing all kinds of mischief, such as pestilence, sudden
death, storms, etc." (Dryer, J. L. E., _Tycho Brahe_.)

[9] "For over fifty years he was the knight militant of science, and
almost alone did successful battle with the hosts of Churchmen and
Aristotelians who attacked him on all sides--one man against a world of
bigotry and ignorance. If then... when face to face with the terrors of
the Inquisition he, like Peter, denied his Master, no honest man, knowing
all the circumstances, will be in a hurry to blame him." (Fahie, J. J.,
_Galileo, His Life and Work_.)

[10] See Routledge, R., _A Popular History of Science_, pp. 135-36, for a
good digest of Bacon's inductive investigation, as a result of which he
arrived at the conclusion that "Heat is an expansive bridled motion,
struggling in the small particles of bodies."

[11] Bacon himself died a victim of one of his inductive experiments.
Wishing to try out his theory that cold would prevent or retard
putrefaction, he killed a chicken, cleaned it, and packed it in snow. In
so doing he contracted a cold which caused his death.


CHAPTER XVII

[1] See footnote 1, p. 272, on the origin of the term. Six years before
the publication of the _Tractate_, Milton had visited Italy, and had been
much entertained in Florence by members of the Academy and University
there. In the _Tractate_ he outlined a plan for a series of classical
Academies for England, many of which were established. From England the
term was carried to America, and became the name for a great development
of semi-private secondary schools which flourished during the late
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.

[2] Unlike England and France, the German lands long remained feudal and
not united. As late as the beginning of the nineteenth century Germany was
made up of more than three hundred little principalities, of which sixty
were free cities. Each little principality was self-governing and
maintained its little court.

[3] Richard Mulcaster (1531-1611), for forty-eight years a famous London
Latin grammar-school master, often classed as a precursor of the sense
realists, in two books, published in 1581 and 1582, had urged the great
importance of a study of the English tongue, and of using it as a medium
for instruction. In his _Elementarie_ (1582) he had said: "Our own
language bears the joyful title of our liberty and freedom, the Latin
remembers us of our thralldom and bondage. I love Rome, but London better;
I favor Italy, but England more. I honor the Latin, but I worship the
English." (R. 226.)

[4] The school was opened with 433 boys and girls enrolled. It was divided
into six classes. In the first three German only was used. In the first
two classes the children were taught to read and write German, Genesis
being the reading book of the second class. In the third class German
grammar was studied. Music, religion, and the elements of arithmetic were
also taught in these classes. In the fourth class Latin was begun,
studying Terence, and Latin grammar was worked out from the constructions.
In the sixth and highest class Greek was taught. A good education was to
be given in six years, through the saving of time.

[5] This was written out in his native Czech tongue, but was not published
at the time. A quarter of a century later it appeared in Latin, with his
collected works, as published by his patron at Amsterdam (1657). It was
then forgotten for two centuries. In 1841 the manuscript was found at
Lissa, and published in the original at Prague, in 1848. The first English
edition appeared in 1896.

[6] See the English edition edited by M. W. Keatinge, A. and C. Black,
London, 1896.

[7] The following is illustrative: "Sec. 518 (Geometria). Ex concursu
linearum fit angulus qui est vel rectus, quern linea incidens
perpendicularis efficit, ut est (in subjecto schemate) angulus A C B; vel
acutus, minor recto, A ut B C D; vel obtusus, major recto, ut A C D."

[Illustration:
          B   D
          |  /
          |/ A-------------
          C ]

[8] A very good reprint of the 1727 English edition, with pictures from
the first edition of 1658, was brought out by C. W. Bardeen, of Syracuse,
New York, in 1887. This ought to be in all libraries where the history of
education is taught.

[9] Basedow's _Elementarwerk mit Kupfern_ (Elementary Reading Book, with
copperplate pictures), published in 1773 (see p. 535), was the first
attempt, and not a particularly successful one either, to improve on the
_Orbis Pictus_.

[10] This term was at first applied in derision, just as Methodism was
applied to the English religious reformers in the eighteenth century, but
the term was soon made reputable by the earnestness and ability of those
who accepted it.

[11] Francke's father had been counselor to Duke Ernest of Gotha, who had
created for his little duchy the most modern-type school system of the
seventeenth century. How much Francke's progressive ideas in educational
matters go back to the work of Duke Ernest forms an interesting
speculation.

[12] "Francke had the rare ability to see clearly what needed doing, and
then to do it regardless of obstacles or consequences. The magnitude of
his work in Halle is simply marvelous, and yet what he actually
accomplished is insignificant in comparison with what he inspired others
to do. He showed how practical Christianity could be incorporated in the
work of the common schools; his plan was immediately adopted by Frederick
William I and made well-nigh universal in Prussia. He showed how the
Realien could be profitably employed in a Latin school, and even made a
constituent part of a university preparatory course; as a result of his
methods, and especially of his suggestion that schools should be founded
for the exclusive purpose of fitting the youth of the citizen class for
practical life, there has since grown up in Germany a class of Real-
schools." (Russell, J. E., _German Higher Schools_, p. 64.)

[13] Paulsen, Fr., _The German Universities_, p. 36.

[14] As late as 1805, according to Paulsen, of the whole number of
students in the universities of Prussia, there were but 144 in the
combined medical faculties, as against 555 in theology, and 1036 in law.

[15] Francke relates that, as a student at Erfurt (c. 1675), he was able
to study physics and botany, along with his theological studies. Oxford
records show the publication of a list of plants in the "Physick Garden"
there as early as 1648. The garden was endowed about that time by the Earl
of Danby, and in 1764 lectures on botany were begun there. Lord Bacon, in
his _Advancement of Learning_ (1605), had written: "We see likewise that
some places instituted for physic (medicinae) have annexed the commodity
of gardens for simples of all sorts, and do likewise command the use of
dead bodies for anatomies."

[16] Thomasius was made professor of theology, and Francke professor of
Greek and Oriental languages. Both had been expelled from the University
of Leipzig. Christian Wolff, who had been banished by Frederick William I,
was recalled and made professor of philosophy. It was he who "made
philosophy talk German."


CHAPTER XVIII

[1] Quick, R. H., _Essays on Educational Reformers_, 26. ed., p. 97.

[2] Locke was the first to lay the basis for modern scientific psychology
to supersede the philosophic psychology of Plato and Aristotle. In his
_Essay on the Conduct of the Human Understanding_ (1690) upon which he
spent many years of labor, he first applied the methods of scientific
observation to the mind, analyzed experiences, and employed introspection
and comparative mental study. He thus built up a psychology based on the
analysis of experiences, and came to the conclusion that our knowledge is
derived by reflection on experience coming through sensation. He is
consequently called the founder of empirical psychology, and the
forerunner of modern experimental psychology and child study. His
philosophy, and his theory of education as well, thus came to be a
philosophy of experience--a rejection of mere authority, and a constant
appeal to reason as a guide.

[3] "Freedom and self-reliance, these are the watchwords of these two
marvelously modern men (Montaigne and Locke). Expansion, real education,
drawing out, widening out, that is the burden of their preaching; and
voices in the wilderness theirs were! Narrowness, bigotry, flippancy,
inertia, these were the rule until Rousseau's time, and even his voice was
to fall upon deaf ears in England." (Monroe, Jas. P., _Evolution of the
Educational Ideal_, p. 122.)

[4] Schmidt, Karl, _Geschichte der Pädagogik_, translated in Barnard's
_American Journal of Education_.

[5] Rules for the schools of Dorchester, Massachusetts.

[6] Duke Eberhard Louis's _Renewed Organization of the German School_,
1729; republished 1782.

[7] One of the earliest horn books known appears in the illuminated
manuscript shown in Figure 44, which dates from 1503. The first definitely
known horn book in England dates from 1587, while most, of the specimens
found in museums date from about the middle of the eighteenth century. As
improvements or variations of the horn book, cardboard sheets and wooden
squares, known as battledores, appeared after 1770. On these the
illustrated alphabet was printed. (See Tuer, A. W., _History of the Horn
Book_, 2 vols., illustrated, London, 1886, for detailed descriptions.)

[8] The diversity of religious primers which had grown up by 1565 led
Henry VIII to cause to be issued a unified and official Primer, containing
the Pater Noster, Ave Maria, Credo, and the Ten Commandments.

[9] The title-page of an edition of 1715 declares that edition to be:
"_The Protestant Tutor_, instructing Youth and Others, in the compleat
method of _Spelling, Reading, and Writing True English_: Also discovering
to them the Notorious _Errors_, Damnable _Doctrines_, and cruel
_Massacres_ of the bloody _Papists_ which _England_ may expect from a
_Popish_ Successor."

[10] This was compiled by the Westminster Assembly of Divines, called
together by Parliament, in 1643, composed of 121 clergymen, 30 of the
laity, and 5 special commissioners from Scotland. It held 1163 sessions,
extending over six years, and framed the series of 107 questions and
answers which appeared in the Primer as "The Shorter Catechism."

[11] So great was the sale of this book that the author was able to
support his family during the twenty years (1807-27) he was at work on his
_Dictionary of the English Language_, entirely from the royalties from the
_Speller_ though the copyright returns were less than one cent a copy. At
the time of his death (1843), the sales were still approximately a million
copies a year, and the book is still on sale.

[12] In Nuremberg, as an example of German practice, the guild of writing
and arithmetic masters continued, throughout all of the eighteenth
century, and even into the nineteenth, as an organization separate from
that of other types of teachers.

[13] Francke, in his Institutions at Halle (p. 418), had tried to develop
a number-concept, and apply the teaching. In the Braunschweig-Lüneburg
school decree of 1737 appeared directions for beginning number work by
counting the fingers, apples, etc., and basing the multiplication table on
addition. A few German writers during the eighteenth century suggested
better instruction, Basedow (chapter XXII) tried to institute reform in
the teaching of the subject, but it was left for Pestalozzi (chapter XXI)
to give the first real impetus to the rational teaching of the subject.

[14] Such offices were not considered in any sense as degrading, and the
attaching of the new duty of instructing the young of the parish in
reading and religion dignified still more the other church office. As
schools grew in importance there was a gradual shifting of emphasis, and
finally a dropping of the earlier duties. Many early school contracts in
America (Rs. 105; 236) called for such church duties on the part of the
parish teacher. See also footnote, p. 370.

[15] In 1722 country schoolmasters in Prussia were ordered selected from
tailors, weavers, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, and carpenters, and in 1738
they were granted the tailoring monopoly in their villages, to help them
to live. Later Frederick the Great ordered that his crippled and
superannuated soldiers should be given teaching positions in the
elementary vernacular schools of Prussia.

[16] The "Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge," organized in
1609 to aid the Church and provide schools at home, and the "Society for
the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts," organized in 1702 to
supply ministers and teachers for churches and schools in the English
colonies.

[17] In 1704 the ordinary charge in London for a "School of 50 Boys
Cloathed comes to about £75 per Annum, for which a School-Room, Books, and
Firing are provided, a Master paid, and to each Boy is given yearly, 3
Bands, 1 Cap, 1 Coat, 1 Pair of Stockings, and one Pair of Shooes." A
girls' school of the same size cost £60 per annum, which paid for the
room, books, mistress, fixing and providing each girl with "2 Coyfs, 2
Bands, 1 Gown and Petticoat, 1 Pair of knit Gloves, 1 Pair of Stockings,
and 2 Pair of Shooes."

[18] McCarthy, Justin H., _Ireland since the Union_, p. 13.

[19] Frederick the Great, in the General School Regulations issued in 1763
(R. 274, § 15), strictly prohibited the keeping of "hedge schools" in the
towns and rural districts of Prussia.

[20] Bunyan's _Pilgrim's Progress_ (1678,) Defoe's _Robinson Crusoe_
(1719), and _Gulliver's Travels_ (1726), The publication of these
tremendously stimulated the desire to read.

[21] Strype, John, _Stowe's Survey of London_, 1720; bk. 1, pp. 199, 201-
02.

[22] Paulsen, Friedrich, _German Education_, p. 141.

[23] Barnard, Henry. Translated from Karl von Raumer; in his _American
Journal of Education_, vol. v., p. 509.

[24] Salmon, David, "The Education of the Poor in the Eighteenth Century";
in _Educational Record_, London, 1908.

[25] "If you would comprehend the success of Rousseau's _Émile_, call to
mind the children we have described, the embroidered, gilded, dressed-up,
powdered little gentlemen, decked with sword and sash,... alongside of
these, little ladies of six years, still more artificial,--so many
veritable dolls to which rouge is applied, and with which a mother amuses
herself for an hour and then consigns them to her maids for the rest of
the day. This mother reads _Émile_. It is not surprising that she
immediately strips the poor little thing (of its social harness of
whalebone, iron, and hair) and determines to nurse her next child
herself." (Taine, H. A., _The Ancient Régime_, vol. II, p. 273.)

[26] Montmorency, J. E. G. de., _The Progress of Education in England_,
pp. 46, 50.

[27] A change now took place in the intellectual life of Germany: "The
nation began to make itself independent of French influence. In literature
Klopstock and Lessing broke the fetters of French classicism. An ardent
desire for a deeper culture peculiar to the German people asserted itself.
But the soil of the national life was too poor in genus for a purely
German culture, hence scholars looked for new models and found them in
classical antiquity. The ancient authors became again the masters of
culture and taste; with this difference, though, that it was not desired
to learn how to express their thoughts as well as the learner's thoughts
in Latin, but to become familiar with their manner of thinking and
feeling, for the purpose of enlarging and ennobling German thought and
speech. From this standpoint Greek, on account of its more valuable
literature, assumed a higher importance, and, by degrees, a superiority
over Latin." (Nohle, E., _History of the German School System_, pp. 48-
49.)

[28] "If any one be destined for a studious career, let him not shirk his
Greek lessons, inasmuch as he would thereby suffer irretrievable loss....
He who reads the classic writers, studying mathematical reasoning at the
same time, trains his mind to distinguish what is true or false, beautiful
or unsightly, fills his memory with manifold fine thoughts, attains skill
in grasping the ideas of others as well as in fluently expressing his own,
acquires a number of excellent maxims for the improvement of the
understanding and the will, and thus learns by practice nearly all that a
good compendium of philosophy could teach him in systematic order and
dogmatic form." (School Regulations for Braunschweig-Lüneburg, of 1737.)

[29] "Be assured that if you forget your Greek, yes, even your Latin too,
you still have the advantage of having given your mind a training and
discipline that will go with you into your future occupation." (Friedrich
Gedike, 1755-1803.)


PART IV

CHAPTER XIX

[1] "The Period of the Enlightenment" had two main aims: (1) the
perfection of the individual, which gave a new emphasis to education, and
(2) the mastery of man over his environment, which expressed itself
through the new scientific studies. In German lands elementary education,
a regenerated classical education, and the _Realschule_ were the fruits of
this period.

[2] Frederick used to say that his subjects might think as they pleased so
long as they behaved as he ordered.

[3] Though Prussia was primarily Lutheran, Catholics, Mennonites, Jews,
and Huguenots early found a home in the kingdom. Frederick used to say
that "all religions must be tolerated, for in this country every man must
go to heaven in his own way."

[4] After the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (p. 301; 1685), over
20,000 French Huguenots--merchants, manufacturers, skilled workmen--found
an asylum in Prussia alone. Settling in the Rhine countries, they
contributed much to the future development of this region.

[5] "For the first time since Luther, the German people could call a great
hero their own, whether they were the subjects of Frederick or not. Joyous
pride in this prince, whose achievements in times of peace were no less
than those in time of war, brought national consciousness to life again
and this national feeling found expression in literature. It was the
restoration of confidence in themselves that gave the Germans the courage
to break with French rules and French models, and to seek independently
after ideals of beauty. And this self-confidence they owed to Frederick
the Great." (Priest, G. M., _History of German Literature_, p. 116.)

[6] Though Joseph II claimed to be a good Catholic, he felt that
monasticism had outlived its usefulness as an institution, and that its
continuance was inimical to the interests of organized society and the
State. This view has since been taken by the rulers of every progressive
modern nation.

[7] The Cortes, or National Parliament, met but three times during the
century, and when it did meet possessed but few powers and exercised but
little influence.

[8] The first Russian university was established at Kiev, in 1588; the
second at Dorpat, in 1632; the third at Moscow, in 1755; and the fourth at
Kasan, in 1804.  The University of Petrograd dates from 1819.

[9] The great difference between a church and true religion must always be
kept in mind. Religion is a thing of the spirit, and its principle
represents the loftiest thoughts of the race; a church is a human
governing institution, and clearly subject to its own ambitions and the
human frailties of its age.

[10] That is, 25,000 to 30,000 families. There were also, in even numbers,
83,000 monks in 2500 monasteries (one for every ninety square miles in
France), 37,000 nuns in 1500 convents, and 60,000 priests. Of the soil of
France, the King and towns owned one fifth, the clergy and the monks one
fifth, the nobility one fifth, the bourgeoisie one fifth, and the
peasantry one fifth.

[11] In 1788 the 131 bishops and archbishops of France had an average
income of 100,000 francs, and 33 abbots and 27 abbesses had incomes
ranging from 80,000 to 500,000 francs. The Cardinal de Rohan, Archbishop
of Strasbourg, had an income of more than 1,000,000 francs, and the 300
Benedictine monks at Cluny had an income of more than 1,800,000 francs.

[12] "The real importance of _Esprit des lois_ is not that of a formal
treatise on law, or even on polity. It is that of an assemblage of the
most fertile, original, and inspiriting views on legal and political
subjects, put in language of singular suggestiveness and vigour,
illustrated by examples which are always apt and luminous, permeated by
the spirit of temperate and tolerant desire for human improvement and
happiness, and almost unique in its entire freedom at once from
doctrinairism, visionary enthusiasm, egotism, and an undue spirit of
system. The genius of the author for generalization is so great, his
instinct in political science so sure, that even the falsity of his
premises frequently fails to vitiate his conclusions." (Saintsbury,
George, in _Encyclopedia Britannica_, vol. XVIII, p. 777.)

[13] "By the captivating prospects which he held out of future progress,
and by the picture which he drew of the capacity of society to improve
itself, Turgot increased the impatience which his countrymen were
beginning to feel against the despotic government, in whose presence
amelioration seemed to be hopeless. These, and similar speculations of the
time, stimulated the activity of the intellectual classes, cheered them
under the persecutions to which they were exposed, and emboldened them to
attack the institutions of their native land." (Buckle, H. T., _History of
Civilisation in England_, vol. I, p. 597.)

[14] Duruy, V., _History of France_, p. 523.

[15] _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th ed., vol. viii, p. 204.

[16] "The real king of the eighteenth century was Voltaire; but Voltaire,
in his turn, was a pupil of the English. Before Voltaire became acquainted
with England, through his travels and his friendships, he was not
Voltaire, and the eighteenth century was still undeveloped." (Cousin,
_History of Philosophy_.)

[17] "The first Frenchmen who in the eighteenth century turned their
attention to England were amazed at the boldness with which, in that
country, political and religious questions of the deepest moment were
discussed--questions which no Frenchman in the preceding age had dared to
broach. With wonder they discovered in England a comparative freedom of
the public press, and saw with astonishment how in Parliament itself the
government of the Crown was attacked with impunity, and the management of
its revenues actually kept under control. To see the civilization and
prosperity of England increasing, while the power of the upper classes and
the King diminished, was to them a revelation.... England, said Helvetius,
is a country where the people are respected, a country where each citizen
has a part in the management of affairs, where men of genius are allowed
to enlighten the public upon its true interests." (Dabney, R. H., _Causes
of the French Revolution_, p. 141.)

[18] Tennyson, in his "You ask me why," well describes the growth of
constitutional liberty in England when he says that England is:

  "A land of settled government,
  A land of just and old renown,
  Where freedom broadens slowly down,
  From precedent to precedent."

[19] James I, in 1604, had declared: "As it is atheism to dispute what God
can do, so it is presumption and a high contempt in a subject to dispute
what a king can do." For this attitude the Commons continually contested
his authority, his son lost his crown and his head, and his grandson was
driven from the throne and from England. By contrast, and as showing the
different attitude toward self-government of the two peoples, the German
Emperor William II, three centuries later, so continually boasted of his
rule by divine right that "Me and God" became an international joke, and
to his assumption the German people took little or no exception.

[20] The passage of the Bill of Rights (1689) ended the divine-right-of-
kings idea in England for all time. This prohibited the King from keeping
a standing army in times of peace, gave every subject the right to
petition for a redress of grievances, gave Parliament the right of free
debate, prohibited the King from interfering in any way with the proper
execution of the laws, declared that members ought to be elected to
Parliament without interference, and gave the Commons control of all forms
of taxation.

[21] Though the English first developed regulated or constitutional
government, they themselves have no single written constitution. Instead,
the foundations of English constitutional government rest on _Magna
Charta_ (1215), the Petition of Rights (1628), and the Bill of Rights
(1689), these three constituting "the Bible of English Liberty."

[22] At first used as a term of ridicule, from the very methodical manner
in which the Wesleyans organized their campaigns.

[23] "If we except the great Puritan movement of the seventeenth century,
no such appeal had been heard since the days when Augustine and his band
of monks landed in Kent and set forth on their mission among the barbarous
Saxons. The results answered fully to the zeal that awakened them. Better
than the growing prosperity of extending commerce, better than all the
conquests of the East or the West, was the new religious spirit which
stirred the people of both England and America, and provoked the National
Church to emulation in good works--which planted schools, checked
intemperance, and brought into vigorous activity all that was best and
bravest in a race that when true to itself is excelled by none."
(Montgomery, D. H., _English History_, p. 322.)

[24] The contrast between eighteenth-century England and France, in the
matter of religious liberty, is interesting. In France the Church took
care, during the whole of the eighteenth century, that the persecution
process should go on. "In 1717 an assembly of seventy-four Protestants
having been surprised at Andure, the men were sent to the galleys and the
women to prison. An edict of 1724 declared that all who took part in a
Protestant meeting, or who had any direct or indirect communication with a
Protestant preacher, should have their heads shaved and be imprisoned for
life, and the men condemned to perpetual servitude in the galleys. In 1745
and 1746, in the province of Dauphine, 277 Protestants were condemned to
the galleys and a number of women flogged. From 1744 to 1752 six hundred
Protestants in the east and south of France were condemned to various
punishments. In 1774 the children of a Calvinist of Rennes were taken from
him. Up to the very eve of the Revolution Protestant ministers were hanged
in Languedoc, and dragoons were sent against their congregations."
(Dabney, R. H., _Causes of the French Revolution_, p. 42.)

[25] Back as early as 1695 the Commons had refused to renew the press-
licensing act, enacted in 1637, to control heresy. This had confined
printing to London, Oxford, and Cambridge, and to twenty master printers
and four letter founders for the realm. This refusal marks the beginning
of the freedom of the press in England. In 1709 the copyright law was
enacted, and in 1776 the redress against publishers of libelous articles
was confined to the ordinary courts of law. A century ahead of France, and
more than two centuries ahead of Teutonic and Romanic lands, England
provided for a free press and open discussion.

[26] George III, always consistently wrong, opposed this extension of
popular rights. In 1771 he wrote the Prime Minister, Lord North: "It is
highly necessary that this strange and lawless method of publishing
debates in the papers should be put a stop to. But is not the House of
Lords the best court to bring such miscreants before; as it can fine, as
well as imprison, and has broader shoulders to support the odium of so
salutary a measure."

[27] "It is evident that a nation perfectly ignorant of physical laws will
refer to supernatural causes all the phenomena by which it is surrounded.
But as soon as natural science begins to do its work there are introduced
the elements of a great change. Each successive discovery, by ascertaining
the law that governs events, deprives them of that apparent mystery in
which they were formerly involved. The love of the marvelous becomes
proportionally diminished; and when any science has made such progress as
to enable it to fortell the events with which it deals, it is clear that
the whole of those events are at once withdrawn from the jurisdiction of
the supernatural, and brought under the authority of natural power? Hence
it is that, supposing  other things equal, the superstition of a nation
must always bear an exact proportion to the extent of its physical
knowledge." (Buckle, H. T., _History of Civilization in England_, vol. 1,
p. 269.)

[28] The Charter of this Society stated the purpose to be to increase
knowledge by direct experiment, and that the object of the Society was the
extension of natural knowledge, as opposed to that which is supernatural.
As an institution embodying the idea of intellectual progress it was most
bitterly assailed by partisans of the old flunking.

[29] Birmingham, Sheffield, Leeds, and Manchester, for example, great
manufacturing cities early in the nineteenth century, were insignificant
villages in Cromwell's day. The steam engine made the coal and iron
deposits of northern England of immense value, and the "smoky mill towns"
that arose in the north began to displace southern agricultural England in
population, wealth, and importance.

[30] For example, in 1774 John Howard began his great work in prison
reform; in 1772 pressing to death was abolished; in 1780 the ducking-stool
was used for the last time; and soon thereafter the earlier laws relating
to the death penalty were modified, and the slave trade abolished. Up to
the middle of the eighteenth century as many as one hundred and sixty
offenses were punishable by death.

[31] The Declaration of Independence was written by Thomas Jefferson, a
great admirer of French life and a propagandist for French ideas.

[32] Compare the American preamble with the following sentence from the
_Social Contract_ (Book I, chap, ix) of Rousseau:

    "I shall close this chapter and this book with a remark which ought to
    serve as a basis for the whole social system; it is that instead of
    destroying natural equality, the fundamental pact, on the contrary,
    substitutes a moral and lawful equality for the physical inequality
    which nature imposed upon men, so that, although unequal in strength
    or intellect, they all become equal by convention and legal right."

[33] "I read attentively the _cahiers_ drawn up by the three Orders before
their union in 1789. I see that here the change of a law is demanded, and
there of a custom--and I make note of them. I continue thus to the end of
this immense task, and, when I come to put side by side all these
particular demands, I see, with a sort of terror, that what is called for
is the simultaneous and systematic abolition of all the laws and of all
the customs existing in the country; whereupon I instantly perceive the
approach of the vastest and most dangerous revolutions that have taken
place in the world." (De Tocqueville, A. C., _State of Society in France
before the Revolution of 1789_, p. 219.)

[34] For example, the clergy of Rodez and Saumur demanded "that there may
be formed a plan of national education for the young"; the clergy of Lyons
that education be restricted "to a teaching body whose members may not be
removable except for negligence, misconduct, or incapacity; that it may no
longer be conducted according to arbitrary principles, and that all public
instructors be obliged to conform to a uniform plan adopted by the States-
General"; the clergy of Blois that a system of colleges under church
control be formed (R. 252); the nobility of Lyons that "a national
character be impressed on the education of both sexes"; the nobility of
Paris that "public education be perfected and extended to all classes of
citizens"; the nobility of Blois that "better facilities for the education
of children, and elementary textbooks adapted to their capacity, wherein
the rights of man and the social duties shall be clearly set forth" shall
be provided, and to this end that "there be established a council composed
of the most enlightened scholars of the capital and of the provinces and
of the citizens of the different orders, to formulate a plan of national
education, for the benefit of all classes of society, and to edit
elementary textbooks." The Third Estate of Blois demanded the
establishment of free schools in all the rural parishes.

[35] See footnote 1, page 165. One of the great results of the French
Revolution was the abolition of serfdom in central and western Europe. The
last European nation to emancipate its serfs was Russia, where they were
freed in 1861.

[36] "Great was the difference between France at the end of 1791 and at
the end of 1793. At the former date all looked hopeful for the future; the
king was the father of his people; the Constitution of 1791 was to
regenerate France, and set an example to Europe; all old institutions had
been renovated; everything was new, and popular on account of its
novelty.... By the end of 1793 all looked threatening for the future; for
the purpose of repelling her foreign foes, who included nearly the whole
of Europe, France submitted to be ground down by the most despotic and
arbitrary government ever known in modern history,--the Great Committee of
Public Safety; the Reign of Terror was in full exercise, and it was
doubtful whether the energy, audacity, and concentrated vigour of the
Great Committee would enable France to be victorious over Europe, and thus
secure for her the right of deciding on the character of their own
government. She was to be successful, but at what a cost!" (Stephens, H.
M., _The French Revolution_, vol. II, p. 512.)

[37] The _Code Napoléon_, prepared in 1804, was the first modern code of
civil laws, though Frederick the Great had earlier prepared a partial code
of Prussian laws. What the _Justinian Code_ was to ancient Rome, this,
organized into better form, was to modern France. This _Code_, prepared
under Napoleon's direction, substituted one uniform code of laws worthy of
a modern nation for the thousands of local laws which formerly prevailed
in France.


CHAPTER X

[1] The complaints were largely along such lines as that the instruction
was confined to a few Latin authors; that instruction in the French
language was neglected; that instruction in the history and geography of
France should be introduced; that time was wasted "in copying and learning
notebooks filled with vain distinctions and frivolous questions"; that
training in the use of the French language should be substituted for the
disputations in Latin; that in religion the study of the Bible was
neglected for books of devotion and propaganda compiled by the members of
the Order; that moral casuistry and religious bigotry were taught; and
that the discipline was unnecessarily severe and wrong in character.

[2] In 1759 the Jesuits were expelled from Portugal, in 1767 from Spain,
and in 1773 the Pope at Rome, "recognizing that the members of this
Society have not a little troubled the Christian commonwealth, and that
for the welfare of Christendom it were better that the Order should
disappear," abolished the Society entirely. Forty years later it was
reconstituted in a modernized form.

[3] Little boys wore their hair long and powdered, carried a sword, and
had coats with gilded cuffs, while little girls were dressed in imitation
of the lady of fashion. Proper deportment was an important part of a
child's training.

[4] The iconoclastic nature of Rousseau's volume may be inferred from its
opening sentence, in which he says: "Everything is good as it comes from
the hand of the author of nature; everything degenerated in the hand of
man." In another place he breaks out: "Man is born, lives, and dies in a
state of slavery. At his birth he is stitched into swaddling clothes, at
his death he is nailed in his coffin; and as long as he preserves the
human form he is held captive by our institutions."

[5] "I do not presume to exclude ecclesiastics, but I protest against the
exclusion of laymen. I dare claim for the nation an education which
depends only on the State, because it belongs essentially to the State;
because every State has an inalienable and indefeasible right to instruct
its members; because, finally, the children of the State ought to be
educated by the members of the State." (La Chalotais.)

[6] "Education cannot be too widely diffused, to the end that there may be
no class of citizens who may not be brought to participate in its
benefits. It is expedient that each citizen receive the education which is
adapted to his needs." (Rolland.)

[7] Condorcet had not been a member of the Constituent Assembly, but for
some years had been deeply interested in the idea of public education, and
had published five articles on the subject. His Report was a sort of
embodiment, in legal form, of his previous thinking on the question.

[8] All the educational aims of the past were now relegated to a second
place, and man became a political animal, "brought into the world to know,
to love, and to obey the Constitution." The _Declaration of the Rights of
Man_ became the new Catechism of childhood.

[9] This was created on a grand and visionary scale. Its purpose was to
supply professors for the higher institutions. It opened with a large
attendance, and lectures on mathematics, science, politics, and languages
were given by the most eminent scholars of the time. A normal school,
though, it hardly was, and in 1795 it closed--a virtual failure. In 1808
Napoleon re-created it, on a less pretentious and a more useful scale, and
since then it has continued and rendered useful service as a training-
school for teachers for the higher secondary schools of France.

[10] A total of 105 of these Central Schools were to be established, five
in Paris, and one in each of the one hundred chief towns in the
departments. By 1796 there were 40, by 1797 there were 52, by 1798 there
were 59, by 1799 there were 86, and by 1800 there were 91 such schools in
existence. This, times considered, was a remarkable development.

[11] "The commercial depression of 1740 fell upon a generation of New
Englanders whose minds no longer dwelt preeminently upon religious
matters, but who were, on the contrary, preeminently commercial in their
interests." (Green, M, L., _Development of Religious Liberty in
Connecticut_, p, 226.)

[12] Prominent in the Indiana constitutional convention of 1816 were a
number of Frenchmen of bearing and ability, then residing in the old
territorial capital--Vincennes. How much they influenced the statement of
the article on education is not known, but it reads as though French
revolutionary ideas had been influential in shaping it.

[13] For the original Bill of 1779 in full, in the original spelling, see
the _Biennial Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction for
Virginia_, 1900-01, pp. lxx-lxxv.

[14] Though Jefferson had been Governor of Virginia during the
Revolutionary War; had repeatedly served in the Virginia legislature and
in Congress; and had twice been President of the United States, he counted
all these as of less importance than the three services mentioned, and in
preparing the inscription to be placed on his tomb he included only these
three.


CHAPTER XXI

[1] "As a man who sought after glory, and whose gloomy temper took umbrage
at everything, Rousseau complained that his _Émile_ did not obtain the
same success as his other writings. He was truly hard to please! The anger
of some, the ardent sympathy of others; on the one hand, the parliamentary
decrees condemning the book and issuing a warrant for the author's arrest,
the thunders of the Church, and the famous mandate of the Archbishop of
Paris; on the other hand, the applause of the philosophers, of Clairant,
Duclos, and d'Alembert,--what more, then, did he want? _Émile_ was burned
in Paris and Geneva, but it was read with passion; it was twice translated
in London, an honor which no French work had received up to then. In truth
never did a book make more noise and thrust itself so much on the
attention of men. By its defects, no less than by its qualities, by the
inspired and prophetic character of its style, as well as by the
paradoxical audacity of its ideas, _Émile_ swayed opinion and stirred up
the more generous parts of the human soul." (Compayré, G., _Jean-Jacques
Rousseau_, p. 100.)

[2] Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_, p. 157.

[3]  Within three years Basedow had collected seven thousand
_Reichsthaler_, subscriptions coming to him from such widely scattered
sources as Joseph II of Austria, Empress Catherine of Russia, King
Christian VII of Denmark, "the wealthy class in Basle," the Abbot of the
monastery of Einsiedel in Switzerland, "the royal government of
Osnabruck," the Grand Prince Paul, and others. Jews and Freemasons seem to
have taken particular interest in his ideas. Freemason lodges in Hamburg,
Leipzig, and Göttingen were among the generous contributors.

[4] See Barnard's _American Journal of Education_, vol. v, pp. 487-520,
for an account of the examinations and the institution.

[5] "The pedagogical character of the _Real_ school was established by
Basedow and his followers. Originally the plan was to provide for the
middle classes what would be called nowadays manual training schools, in
which the scientific principles underlying the various trades and business
vocations should have a prominent place. These schools were to be one step
removed from the trade schools for the lower classes. But under the
influence of the Philanthropinists the _Real_ school was transformed into
a modern humanistic school, and placed in competition with the humanistic
_Gymnasium_." (Russell, J. E., _German Higher Schools_, pp. 65-66.)

[6] His two most important followers were Joachim Heinrich Campe (1746-
1818), who succeeded Basedow at Dessau and later founded a Philanthropinum
at Hamburg, and Christian Gotthilf Salzmann (1744-1811), who founded a
school at Schnepfenthal, in Saxe-Gotha. Both these men had for a time been
teachers with Basedow at Dessau. Campe translated Locke's _Thoughts_ and
Rousseau's _Émile_ into German, wrote a number of books for children
(chief among which was the famous _Robinson der Jünger_), and also
prepared a number of treatises for teachers. Salzmann's school, opened in
1784 in the Thuringen forest, made much of gardening, agricultural work,
animal study, home geography, nature study, gymnastics, and recreation, as
well as book study. It was distinctively a small but high-grade
experimental school, so successful that in 1884 it celebrated its one
hundredth anniversary. A pupil in the school was Carl Ritter, the founder
of modern geographical study.

[7] "The picture shown in _Leonard and Gertrude_ is very crude. Everywhere
is visible the rough hand of the painter, a strong, untiring hand,
painting an eternal image, of which this in paper and print is the merest
sketch.... Read it and see how puerile it is, how too obvious are its
moralities. Read it a second time, and note how earnest it is, how exact
and accurate are its peasant scenes. Read it yet again, and recognize in
it the outpouring of a rare soul, working, pleading, ready to be despised,
for fellow souls." (J. P. Monroe, _The Educational Ideal_, p. 182.)

[8] "When I now look back and ask myself: What have I specially done for
the very being of education, I find I have fixed the highest supreme
principle of instruction in the recognition of _sense impression as the
absolute foundation of all knowledge_. Apart from all special teaching I
have sought to discover the _nature of teaching itself_, and the
prototype, by which nature herself has determined the instruction of our
race." (Pestalozzi, _How Gertrude teaches her Children_, X, Section 1.)

[9] "What he did was to emphasize the new purpose in education, but
vaguely perceived, where held at all, by others; to make clear the new
meaning of education which existed in rather a nebulous state in the
public mind; to formulate an entirely new method, based on new principles,
both of which were to receive a further development in subsequent times,
and to pass under his name; and finally, to give an entirely new spirit to
the schoolroom." (Monroe, Paul, _Text Book in the History of Education_,
p. 600.)

[10] In 1809 the German, Carl Ritter, a former pupil of Salzmann (see
footnote 2, p. 538) and the creator of modern geographical study, visited
Pestalozzi at Yverdon. Of this visit he writes:

    "I have seen more than the paradise of Switzerland, I have seen
    Pestalozzi, I have learned to know his heart and his genius. Never
    have I felt so impressed with the sanctity of my vocation as when I
    was with this noble son of Switzerland. I cannot recall without
    emotion this society of strong men, struggling with the present, with
    the aim of clearing the way for a better future, men whose only joy
    and reward is the hope of raising the child to the dignity of man.

    "I left Yverdon resolved to fulfill my promise made to Pestalozzi to
    carry his method into geography.... Pestalozzi did not know as much
    geography as a child in our Primary Schools, but, none the less, have
    I learned that science from him, for it was in listening to him that I
    felt awaken within me the instinct of the natural methods; he showed
    me the way." (Guimps, Baron de, _Pestalozzi, his Aim and Work_,
    p. 167.)

[11] The young German student of geology and mineralogy, Karl George von
Raumer (1783-1865), was in Paris, in 1808. While there he read
Pestalozzi's _How Gertrude teaches her Children_, and what Fichte had said
of his work in his _Addresses to the German Nation_ (see chapter xxii).
These sent him to Yverdon to see for himself. He remained two years, and
returned to Germany as a teacher. In 1846 he published his four-volume
_Geschichte der Pädagogik_, the first important history of education to be
written.

[12] In 1814 King Frederick William III himself visited Pestalozzi, at
Neufchatel. His queen, Louise, was deeply touched by reading the _Émile_,
and frequently spent hours in the Prussian schools witnessing work
conducted after the ideas of Pestalozzi.


CHAPTER XXII

[1] One of the first acts of the reign of Frederick the Great was to
recall Wolff from banishment. In doing so he said: "A man that seeks
truth, and loves it, must be reckoned precious in any human society."

[2] "It was a bold declaration, but one which exactly described the great
change which had taken place. The older university instruction was
everywhere based upon the assumption that the truth had already been
given, that instruction had to do with its transmission only, and that it
was the duty of the controlling authorities to see to it that no false
doctrines were taught. The new university instruction began with the
assumption that the truth must be discovered, and that it was the duty of
instruction to qualify and guide the student in this task. By assuming
this attitude the university was the first to accept the consequences of
the conditions which the Reformation had created." (Paulsen, Fr., _The
German Universities_, p. 46.)

[3] "He who reads the works of the ancients will enjoy the acquaintance of
the greatest men and the noblest souls who ever lived, and will get in
this way, as it happens in all refined conversation, beautiful thoughts
and expressive words.

"We thus receive, in early childhood, doctrines and philosophy and wisdom
of life from the wisest and best educated men of all ages; we thus learn
to recognize and understand clearness, dignity, charm, ingenuity,
delicacy, and elegance in language and action, and gradually accustom
ourselves to them." (Gesner, Johann Matthias.)

[4] The sacristan or custodian of the church was frequently also the
teacher of the elementary school, the two offices being combined in one
person. Out of this combination the elementary teacher was later evolved.
(See p. 446.)

[5] "When the schoolmaster had to pass an examination before the clergyman
of the place by order of the inspector, the local authorities, owing to
the lamentable life of a schoolmaster, were glad to find persons at all
who were willing to accept an engagement for such a position. In
consequence an otherwise intolerable indulgence in examining and employing
teachers took place, especially in districts where large landholders had
patriarchal sway." (Schmid, K. A., _Encydopädie_, vol. VI, p. 287.)

[6]  Austria at that time included not only the Austro-Hungarian Empire of
1914, but extended further into the German Empire and Italy, and included
Belgium and Luxemburg as well.

[7] Bassewitz, M. Fr. von, _Die Kurmark Brandenburg_, p. 342. (Leipzig,
1847.)

[8] These lectures were listened to by Napoleon's police and passed to
print by his censor, not being regarded as containing anything seditious
or dangerous.

[9] "He set all his hopes for Germany on a new national system of
education. One German State was to lead the way in establishing it, making
use of the same right of coercion to which it resorted in compelling its
subjects to serve in the army, and for the exercise of which certainly no
better justification could be found than the common good aimed at in
national education." (Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_,
p. 240.)

[10] "Never have the souls of men been so deeply stirred by the idea of
raising the whole existence of mankind to a higher level. Something like
the enthusiasm which had taken hold of the minds at the outbreak of the
French Revolution was again at work, the only difference being that the
strong current of national feeling directed it toward an aim which, if
more limited, was, for that very reason, more practicable and more
defined." (Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_, p. 183.)

[11] As a result of the overthrow of Napoleon, the Congress of Vienna
restored to Prussia and France substantially the boundaries they had at
the opening of the Napoleonic Wars. Still more important for the future
was the consolidation of some four hundred States and petty German
kingdoms into thirty-eight States.

[12] Friedrich Adolph Wilhelm Diesterweg became a pupil in one of the
earliest normal schools in Prussia, that at Frankfort; then a teacher; and
in 1820 became a director of a Teachers' Seminary at Moers. From 1833 to
1849 he was head of the normal school at Berlin. He has often been called
"der deutsche Pestalozzi."

[13] Made in a letter to Baron von Altenstein, Prussian Minister for
Education.

[14] "Herbart's seminar at the university of Königsberg was officially
recognized, in 1810; Gedike's seminar in Berlin was formally taken over by
the university, in 1812; the seminar in Stettin, founded in 1804, was
reorganized in 1816; Breslau began pedagogical work, in 1813; and in 1817
it was stated that the purpose of the reorganized seminar in Halle was
'the training of skilled teachers for the _Gymnasien_.'" (Russell, James
E., _German Higher Schools_, p. 97.)

[15] Gesner at Göttingen and Wolff at Halle laid down the lines for these
in the middle eighteenth century. The early nineteenth-century foundations
were at Königsberg, 1810; Berlin, 1812; Breslau, 1812; Bonn, 1819;
Griefswald, 1820; and Münster, 1825.

[16] All prospective gymnasial teachers, whether graduates of the
universities or not, were now required to take examinations in philosophy,
pedagogy, theology, and the main gymnasial subjects, showing marked
proficiency in one of the following groups, and a reasonable knowledge of
the other two: namely, (1) Greek, Latin, German; (2) Mathematics and the
Natural Sciences; (3) History and Geography.

[17] See Russell, Jas. E., _German Higher Schools_, p. 101, for the
detailed "Gymnasial Program" promulgated in 1837.

[18] In 1840 there were six Prussian universities; by 1900 the number had
increased to eleven, and three technical universities in addition. In the
other German States eleven additional universities and six technical
universities were in existence, in 1900.

[19] Benjamin Franklin visited Göttingen, as early as 1766, but the first
American student to take a degree at a German university was Benjamin S.
Barton, of Philadelphia, who took his doctor's degree at Göttingen, in
1799. By 1825 ten American students had studied one or more semesters at
Göttingen. That year the first American student registered at Berlin, and
in 1827 the first at Leipzig. (See Hinsdale, B. A., in _Report, U.S.
Commissioner of Education_, 1897-98, vol. 1, pp. 603-16.)

[20] The remark attributed to Bismarck is interesting in this connection.
"Of the students who attend the German universities," he said, "one-third
die prematurely as the result of disease arising from too great poverty
and undernourishment while students; another one-third die prematurely or
amount to little due to bad habits and drinking and disease contracted
while students; the remaining third rule Europe."

[21] Barnard, Henry, _American Journal of Education_, vol. xx, p. 365.

[22] This was proposed by Czar Alexander I of Russia in 1815, and became a
personal alliance of the Czar of Russia, the Emperor of Austria, and the
King of Prussia, "to promote religion, peace, and order." Other princes
were asked to join this continental League to enforce peace and, under the
rule of Prince Metternich, chief minister of Austria, it dominated Europe
until after the political revolutions of 1848.

[23] As a young man Altenstein had been in charge of a subordinate
division of the Department of Public Instruction under Humboldt, and was a
man of somewhat liberal ideas. Now he was compelled to fall in with the
ideas of the political leaders and the wishes of the king, though he still
did something to hold back the reactionary forces and preserve much of
what had been gained.

[24] Paulsen, Fr., _German Education, Past and Present_, p. 246.

[25] It was this same Frederick William IV who had for a time refused to
grant constitutional government to Prussia, saying: "No written sheet of
paper shall ever thrust itself like a second providence between the Lord
God in heaven and this land." In 1850, however, he was forced to grant a
limited form of constitutional government to his people.

[26] "The motive which dictated the law of 1872 on school supervision
(namely, placing the State in complete control of the supervision of
religious as well as other instruction) was, as is well understood, to
strengthen the hands of the government in its struggle with the Catholic
hierarchy, which was then prominently before the public. The law affirmed
again the sovereign right of the State over the whole school system,
including the elementary or people's schools." (Nohle, Dr. E., _History of
the German School System_, p. 79.)

[27] Alexander, Thomas, _The Prussian Elementary Schools_, pp. 537-38.


CHAPTER XXIII

[1] The commune in France was the smallest unit for local government, and
corresponded to the district, town, or township with us, or with the
Church parish under the old régime. There were approximately 37,000
communes in France. The Department was a much larger unit, France being
divided, for administrative purposes, into 82 Departments, these
corresponding to a rather large county.

[2] By this term what is known elsewhere as secondary school must be
understood. See footnote, page 272, for explanation of the term.

[3] The University had at its disposal approximately 2,500,000 francs a
year. This was derived from a state grant of 400,000 francs, the income
from the property still remaining from the old confiscated universities,
and the remainder largely from examination fees. In 1850 its property was
taken over by the State, and the University was changed into a state
department.

[4] This type of administrative organization is at first not easy for the
American student to understand. The University of the State of New York--
virtually the department of public instruction for the State--is our
closest American analogy. On the banishment of Napoleon and the
restoration of the monarchy, in 1815, the Grand Master and Council were
replaced by a Commissioner of Public Instruction, with Assistant
Commissioners for the different divisions, and in 1820 this was further
changed into a Royal Council of Public Instruction.

[5] In 1909 a decree restored Greek and Latin to their old place of first
importance in the Lycées, thus destroying the strong interest in
scientific instruction, in so far as the higher secondary schools were
concerned, which had characterized the Revolution.

[6] _Report on the Condition of Public Instruction in Germany, and
particularly in Prussia_. Paris, 1831. Reprinted in London, 1834; New York
City, 1835.

[7] François Pierre Guillaume Guizot was Minister for public Instruction
from 1832 to 1837, and head of the French government from 1840 to 1848. He
was throughout his entire political career a conservative, anxious to
preserve constitutional government under a monarchy and stem the tide of
republicanism.

[8] We see here the beginnings of education in agriculture, in which the
French were pioneers.

[9] The schools, though, were not very successful, because of social
reasons. Parents who could afford to do so sent their children to the much
higher-priced Communal Colleges or _Lycées_, where Latin was the main
study, in preference to sending them to a scientific, modern-type, middle-
class school, as conferring a better social distinction on both pupils and
parents.

[10] By 1838 there were 14,873 public schools the property of the
communes; by 1847 there were 23,761; and by 1851 but 2500 out of
approximately 37,000 communes were without schools. There were also over
six thousand religious schools by 1850. By 1834 the number of boys in the
communal schools was 1,656,828, and a decade later over two millions. The
thirteen normal schools of 1830 had grown to seventy-six by 1838, with
over 2500 young men then in training for teaching. In 1836 the Law of 1833
was extended to include, where possible, schools for girls as well, and
the creation of a new set of normal schools to train schoolmistresses was
begun. By 1848 over three and a half millions of children, of both sexes,
were receiving instruction in the primary schools. In 1835 primary
inspectors, those "sinews of public instruction," as Guizot termed them,
were established, one for every Department, by royal decree. By 1847 there
were two inspectors-general, and 13 inspectors and sub-inspectors at work
in France.

[11] This was in large part due to manufacturing and business needs, as
France was rapidly forging ahead during the period as a manufacturing and
commercial nation.

[12] Prominent among these, perhaps most prominent, was Jules Ferry, Mayor
of Paris during the trying period of 1870-71, then member of the French
legislature and Minister of Public Instruction in a number of cabinets
between 1879 and 1885.  Drawing his inspiration from Condorcet's _Plan of
Education_ (p. 514; R. 256) and Edgar Quinet's _Instruction of the People_
(R. 289), he brought about the enactment of a series of reform school laws
commonly known as the "Ferry Laws." These provided for free, compulsory,
elementary education, to be given by laymen; secondary education for
girls; the extension of normal schools; and enlarged aid by the State in
the building up of popular education.

[13] "The non-sectarian school is not the work of a few advanced thinkers
imposed upon a docile country. They would not have been able to create
anything enduring if the French conscience had not been ready to follow
them. This is what the adversaries of our schools do not wish to
understand, cannot understand, or are anxious to conceal from those whom
they direct. Certainly they have the right to attempt a reaction according
to their own preferences. They have no right to believe, nor even to allow
it to be believed, that the creation of the non-sectarian school was the
_coup de force_ of an audacious minority. The non-sectarian school has
come because the nation wished it. The program of moral instruction, long
prophesied, conceived, and hoped for, was in the traditions of France as
she marched forward toward her republican aspirations. This program is not
only the conscious effort of the men who gave the school a new mission--
that of laying the foundation of social peace through elementary
instruction; it is the expression of the republican conscience of 1882."
(Moulet, Alfred, _D'une éducation morale démocratique_.)

[14] "To each man his proper sphere; to the minister of religion the
liberty of preaching the doctrine of the different churches, to teachers
who teach in the name of the State, that is, of society, the right of
limiting themselves to the field of universal human morals, together with
the duty of refraining from any attack on religious beliefs. Neutrality is
guaranteed by the secularization of the teaching body, and it must be
strictly observed." (Compayré, Gabriel.)

[15] "The most striking feature is that, in place of the one single and
uniform course for all pupils, several are provided for their selection.
Here is obvious the influence of the elective courses common in the United
States, whose existence and success were reported on to the Minister of
Public Instruction by the Commission to the World Exposition at Chicago,
in 1893. The courses last seven years. The school period is divided into
two cycles, first one of four years, and then one of three. In the first
cycle, the pupils have a choice of two sections, one emphasizing the
ancient and modern languages, the other the modern languages and science.
In the second cycle there are four sections, viz., Graeco-Latin; Latin-
modern languages; Latin-scientific; and scientific-modern languages."
(Compayré, Gabriel, _Education in France_.)

[16] Arnold, Matthew, _Schools and Universities on the Continent_, p. 115,
(London, 1868.)

[17] For example, by the Peace of Lunéville (1801), by which Napoleon took
from the Germans all territory west of the Rhine and consolidated it, he
extinguished 118 free cities, principalities, and petty states. In
addition, he extinguished the separate existence of 160 others east of the
Rhine. The importance of such consolidations for the future of Germany has
been large.

[18] Bologna, for example, had 166 professors in the early seventeenth
century, but by 1737 it had but 62. The universities came chiefly to be
places where young men obtained degrees but not learning. At Naples a
noble family by the name of Avellino came to have the power of virtually
selling degrees in law and medicine.

[19] Not only were schools built up, but commerce, roads, and in
particular scientific agriculture were subjects of deep interest to
Cavour. He saw, very clearly, that if Sardinia was to be the nucleus of a
future Italy, Sardinia must show unmistakably her worthiness to lead.

[20] By 1859 Sardinia had come to include Savoy and Lombardy, and was the
largest State in northern Italy. A year later all but Venetia and the
States of the Church had been added.

[21] The Law of 1877 fixed the instruction in the primary schools, for the
three compulsory years, as reading, writing, the Italian language,
elements of civics, arithmetic, and the metric system. The omission of
religious instruction excited much opposition from church authorities, but
without effect.


CHAPTER XXIV

[1] Prussia and Holland possibly form exceptions in the matter. Frederick
the Great (p. 474) was noted for his liberality in religious matters.
There different varieties of Protestants, Catholics, and Jews were all
tolerated, and there they mingled and intermarried. So well were the Jews
received that the type--German-Jew--is to-day familiar to the world.

[2] As early as 1670, in the celebrated Bates case, the English court held
that a teacher could not be dispossessed from his school for teaching
without the Bishop's license, if he were the nominee of the founder or
patron. This led (p. 438) to a great increase in endowed schools.

[3] In the Cox case (1700), another important legal decision, the English
court held that there was not and never had been any ecclesiastical
control over any schools other than grammar schools, and that teachers in
elementary schools did not need to have a license from the Bishop. The
year following, in the case of _Rex_ v. _Douse_, the same principle was
affirmed in even clearer language.

[4] It was not until 1779 that an Act (19 Geo. III, c. 44) granted full
freedom to Dissenters to teach. In 1791 a supplemental Act (31 Geo. III,
c. 32, s. 13-14) granted similar liberty to Roman Catholics.

[5] It was this second Society that did notable work in the Anglican
Colonies of America, and particularly in and about New York City (p. 369).
See Kemp, W. W., _Support of Schools in Colonial New York by the S.P.G._
(New York, 1913.)

[6] Begun, in 1704, in London, these were continued yearly there until
1877. They were also preached for more than a century in many other
places. To these sermons the children marched in procession, wearing their
uniforms, and a collection for the support of the schools was taken. Of
the first of these occasions in London, Strype; in his edition of Stow,
says: "It was a wondrous surprising, as well as a pleasing sight, that
happened June the 8th, 1704, when all the boys and girls maintained at
these schools, in their habits, walked two and two, with their Masters and
Mistresses, some from Westminster, and some through London; with many of
the Parish ministers going before them; and all meeting at Saint Andrews',
Holburn, Church, where a seasonable sermon was preached... upon Genesis
xviii, 19, _I know him that he will command his children_, etc., the
children (about 2000) being placed in the galleries."

[7] "The religious revival under Wesley owed, perhaps, more than is
generally suspected to the Christian teaching in these new and humble
elementary schools." (Montmorency, J. E. G. de, _The Progress of Education
in England_, p. 54.)

[8] He gathered together the children (90 at first) employed in the pin
factories of Gloucester, and paid four women a shilling each to spend
their Sundays in instructing these poor children "in reading and the
Church Catechism."

[9] Sunday being a day of rest and the mills and factories closed, the
children ran the streets and spent the day in mischief and vice. In the
agricultural districts of England farmers were forced to take special
precautions on Sundays to protect their places and crops from the
depredations of juvenile offenders.

[10] "In a very special way they met the sentiment of the times. They were
cheap--many were conducted by purely voluntary teachers--they did not
teach too much, and they had the further merit of not interfering with the
work of the week." (Birchenough, C., _History of Elementary Education in
England and Wales_, p. 40.)

[11] In a Manchester Sunday School, in 1834, there were 2700 scholars and
120 unsalaried teachers, all but two or three of whom were former pupils
in the Sunday Schools, now teaching others, free of charge, in return for
the advantages once given them.

[12] "The amount of instruction rarely, if ever, exceeds the first four
rules of arithmetic, with reading and writing. The class of children
instructed is presumed to be of the very poorest, living in the most
crowded districts. No doubt a large number come under this designation,
but not a few better-to-do persons are found ready to take advantage for
their children of the free instruction thus held out to them, and even at
times almost pressed upon them." (Bartley, George C. T., _The Schools for
the People_, p. 385.)

[13] The Reverend George Crabbe (1754-1832). "The schools of the Borough."

[14] French Revolutionary thought "represented an attack on over-
interference, vested interests, superstition, and tyranny of every form.
It showed a marked propensity to ignore history, and to judge everything
by its immediate reasonableness. It pictured a society free from all laws
and coercion, freed from all clerical influence and ruled by benevolence,
a society in which all men had equal rights and were able to attain the
fullest self-realization. In its strictly educational aspects, it demanded
the withdrawal of education from the Church and the setting up of a state
system of secular instruction." (Birchenough, C., _History of Elementary
Education in England and Wales_, p. 20.)

[15] The ideas of Malthus were especially offensive to his brother
clergymen, and created quite a furor. Many regarded him as an insane and
unorthodox fanatic. A prevailing idea of the time was that of a "beautiful
order Providentially arranged," and it was the custom to give everything a
rose-colored hue. The poor were thought to be contented in their poverty,
and the rich and the aristocratic considered themselves divinely appointed
to rule over them. Malthus saw the fallacy of such thinking, and stated
matters in the light of biologic and political truths.

[16] Foster, John, _An Essay on the Evils of Popular Ignorance_, p. 259.

[17] Bell, Reverend Dr. Andrew, _An Experiment in Education made at the
Male Asylum at Madras, Suggesting a System by which a School or a Family
may teach itself under the Superintendence of the Master or Parent_.
London, 1797.

[18] Lancaster, Joseph, _Improvements in Education as it Respects the
Industrial Classes of the Community_. London, 1803; New York, 1807.

[19] Both Bell and Lancaster worked with great energy to organize schools
after their respective plans, and quarreled with equal energy as to who
originated the idea. While both probably did, the idea nevertheless is
older than either. In 1790 Chevalier Paulet organized a monitorial school
in Paris; while the English schoolmaster, John Brinsley (1587-1665), in
his _Ludus Literarius, or the Grammar Schooles_ (1612), laid down the
monitorial principle in explicit language.

[20] This Society adopted, as a fundamental principle, "that the national
religion should be made the foundation of national education, and
according to the excellent liturgy and catechism adopted by our Church for
that purpose."

[21] "When Lancaster had his famous interview with King George III, that
monarch was impressed, as he naturally might be, by the statement that one
master 'could teach five hundred children at the same time.' 'Good,' said
the King; 'Good,' echoed a number of wealthy subscribers to Lancaster's
projects." (Binns, H. B., _A Century of Education_, p. 299.)

[22] In 1807 Mr. Whitbread, an ardent supporter of schools, said, in an
address before the House of Commons: "I cannot help noticing that this is
a period particularly favorable for the institution of a national system
of education, because within a few years there has been discovered a plan
for the instruction of youth which is now brought to a state of great
perfection, happily combining rules by which the object of learning must
be infallibly attained with expedition and cheapness, and holding out the
fairest prospect of utility to mankind."

[23] When Lancaster first hired the large hall in Borough Road which later
became an important training-college, and opened it as a mutual-
instruction school, he announced: "All that will may send their children,
and have them educated freely, and those who do not wish to have education
for nothing, may pay for it if they please."

[24] In 1820, Brougham, in introducing his "Bill for the Better Education
of the Poor in England and Wales," gave statistics as to the progress of
education at that time in England. His estimate as to the numbers being
educated were:

    430,000  in endowed and privately managed schools;
    220,000  in monitorial schools;
     50,000  being educated at home;
    100,000  educated only in Sunday Schools;
     53,000  being educated in dame schools.

From these figures he argued that one in fifteen of the population of
England and one in twenty in Wales were attending some form of school, but
with only one in twenty-four in London. The usual period of school
attendance for the poorer classes was only one and a half to two years.

[25] Known as the Health and Morals of Apprentices Act. It limited the
working hours of apprentices to twelve; forbade night work; required day
instruction to be provided in reading, writing, and arithmetic; required
church attendance once a month; and provided for the registration and
inspection of factories. The Act was very laxly enforced, and its chief
value lay in the precedent of state interference which it established.

[26] Whitbread proposed a national system of rate-aided schools to provide
all children in England with two years of free schooling, between the ages
of seven and fourteen.

[27] See J. E. G. de Montmorency's _State Intervention in English
Education_, pp. 248-85, for Brougham's address to the Commons in 1820 on
"The Education of the Poor"; and pp. 285-324 for his address before the
House of Lords in 1835, on "The Education of the People." Both addresses
contain an abundance of data as to existing conditions and needs.

[28] So called because the House of Lords rejected the first two passed by
the Commons, and finally accepted the third only because the King had
agreed to create enough new Lords to pass the bill unless it was enacted
by the upper House.

[29] This was a development of the monitorial system of training, and was
virtually an apprenticeship form of teacher-training.

[30] In 1885 the same liberty was extended to rural laborers. This added
two million more voters, and gave England almost full manhood suffrage.
Finally, in 1918, some five million women were added to the voting
classes.

[31] Nearly two million children had been provided with school
accommodations, three fourths of which had been done by those associated
with the Church of England. In doing this the Church had spent some
£6,270,000 on school buildings, and had raised some £8,500,000 in
voluntary subscriptions for maintenance. The Government had also paid out
some £6,500,000 in grants, since 1833. In 1870 it was estimated that
1,450,000 children were on the registers of the state-aided schools, while
1,500,000 children, between the ages of six and twelve, were unprovided
for.

[32] Speech before the House of Commons, July 23, 1870.

[33] "The clergy of the National Society exhibited amazing energy and
succeeded, according to their own account, in doing in twelve months what
in the normal course of events would have taken twenty years. By the end
of the year they had lodged claims for 2885 building grants, out of a
total of 3342. They also set to work, without any governmental assistance,
to enlarge their schools and so increased denominational accommodation
enormously. The voluntary contributions in aid of this work have been
estimated at over £3,000,000. At the same time the annual subscriptions
doubled.... By 1886, over 3,000,000 places had been added, one-half of
which were due to voluntary agencies, and Voluntary Schools were providing
rather more than two-thirds of the school places in the country. In 1897
the proportion had fallen to three-fifths." (Birchenough, C., _History of
Elementary Education_, pp. 138, 140.)

[34] These were the seven endowed secondary boarding schools--Winchester
(1382), Eton (1440), Shrewsbury (1552), Westminster (1560), Rugby (1567),
Harrow (1571), and Charterhouse (1611)--and the two endowed day schools,--
Saint Paul's (1510) and Merchant Taylors' (1561).

[35] At least one hundred towns, the Report showed, with a population of
five thousand or over had no endowed secondary school, and London, with a
population then (1867) of over three million, had but twenty-six schools
and less than three thousand pupils enrolled. All the new manufacturing
cities were in even worse condition than London.

[36] The University of London was originally founded in 1836, and
reorganized in 1900.

[37] The scientist Thomas Huxley was a London School Board member, and,
speaking as such, he expressed the views of many when he said: "I conceive
it to be our duty to make a ladder from the gutter to the university along
which any child may climb."

[38] Royal (Bryce) Commission on Secondary Education, vol. I, p. 299.
London, 1895.

[39] Known as the "Education Act, 1918" (8 and 9 Geo. V, ch. 39). The Act
has been reprinted in full in the _Biennial Survey of Education_, 1916-18,
of the United States Commissioner of Education, in the chapter on
Education in Great Britain. It also has been reprinted as an appendix to
Moore, E. C., _What the War teaches about Education_, New York, 1919.


CHAPTER XXV

[1] "The Constitution," as John Quincy Adams expressed it, "was extorted
from the grinding necessities of a reluctant people" to escape anarchy and
the ultimate entire loss, of independence, and many had grave doubts as to
the permanence of the Union. It was not until after the close of the War
of 1812 that belief in the stability of the Union and in the capacity of
the people to govern themselves became the belief of the many rather than
the very few, and plans for education and national development began to
obtain a serious hearing.

[2] After the beginning of the national life a number of States founded
and endowed a state system of academies. Massachusetts, in 1797, granted
land endowments to approved academies. Georgia, in 1783, created a system
of county academies for the State. New York extended state aid to its
academies, in 1813, having put them under state inspection as early as
1787. Maryland chartered many academies between 1801 and 1817, and
authorized many lotteries to provide them with funds, as did also North
Carolina. The Rhode Island General Assembly chartered many academies, and
aided them by lotteries. Ohio, Kentucky, and Indiana, among western
States, also provided for county systems of academies.

[3] The study of Latin and a little Greek had constituted the curriculum
of the old Latin grammar school, and its purpose had been almost
exclusively to prepare boys for admission to the colony colleges. In true
English style, Latin was made the language of the classroom, and even
attempted for the playground as well. As a concession, reading, writing,
and arithmetic were sometimes taught. The new academies, while retaining
the study of Latin, and usually Greek, though now taught through the
medium of the English, added a number of new studies adapted to the needs
of a new society. English grammar was introduced and soon rose to a place
of great importance, as did also oratory and declamation. Arithmetic,
algebra, geometry, geography, and astronomy were in time added, and
surveying, rhetoric (including some literature), natural and moral
philosophy, and Roman antiquities were frequently taught. Girls were
admitted rather freely to the new academies, whereas the grammar schools
had been exclusively for boys. For better instruction a "female
department" was frequently organized.

[4] Thomas Jefferson's name appears in the first subscription list as
giving $200, and he was elected a member of the first governing board. The
chief sources of support of the schools, which up to 1844 remained pauper
schools, were subscriptions, lotteries, a tax on slaves and dogs, certain
license fees, and a small appropriation ($1500) each year from the city
council.

[5] This organization opened the first schools in Philadelphia for
children regardless of religious affiliation, and for thirty-seven years
rendered a useful service there.

[6] All at once, comparatively, a new system had been introduced which not
only improved but tremendously cheapened education. In 1822 it cost but
$1.22 per pupil per year to give instruction in New York City, though by
1844 the per-capita cost, due largely to the decreasing size of the
classes, had risen to $2.70, and by 1852 to $5.83. In Philadelphia, in
1817, the expense was $3, as against $12 in the private and church
schools. One finds many notices in the newspapers of the time as to the
value and low cost of the new system.

[7] The cotton-spinning industry illustrates the rapid growth of
manufacturing in the United States. The 15 cotton mills of 1807 had
increased to 801, by 1831; and to 1240, by 1840. The South owed its
prosperity chiefly to cotton-growing and shipping, and did not develop
factories and workshops until a much more recent period.

[8] Among many resolutions adopted by the laboring organizations the
following is typical: "At a General Meeting of Mechanics and Workingmen
held in New York City, in 1829, it was

    "_Resolved_, that next to life and liberty, we consider education
    the greatest blessing bestowed upon mankind.

    "_Resolved_, that the public funds should be appropriated (to a
    reasonable extent) to the purpose of education upon a regular system
    that shall insure the opportunity to every individual of obtaining a
    competent education before he shall have arrived at the age of
    maturity."


CHAPTER XXVI

[1] Connecticut and New York both had set aside lands, before 1800, to
create such a fund, Connecticut's fund dating back to 1750. Delaware, in
1796, devoted the income from marriage and tavern licenses to the same
purpose, but made no use of the fund for twenty years. Connecticut, in
1795, sold its "Western Reserve" in Ohio for $1,200,000, and added this to
its school fund. New York, in 1805, similarly added the proceeds of the
sale of half a million acres of state lands, though the fund then formally
created accumulated unused until 1812. Tennessee began to build up a
permanent state school fund in 1806; Virginia in 1810; South Carolina in
1811; Maryland in 1812; New Jersey in 1816; Georgia in 1817; Maine, New
Hampshire, Kentucky, and Louisiana in 1821; Vermont and North Carolina in
1825; Pennsylvania in 1831; and Massachusetts in 1834. These were
established as permanent state funds, the annual income only to be used,
in some way to be determined later, for the support of some form of
schools.

[2] Now for the first time direct taxation for schools was likely to be
felt by the taxpayer, and the fight for and against the imposition of such
taxation was on in earnest. The course of the struggle and the results
were somewhat different in the different States, but, in a general way,
the progress of the conflict was somewhat as follows:

    1. Permission granted to communities so desiring to organize a school
    taxing district, and to tax for school support the property of those
    consenting and residing therein.

    2. Taxation of all property in the taxing district permitted.

    3. State aid to such districts, at first from the income from
    permanent endowment funds, and later from the proceeds of a small
    state appropriation or a state or county tax.

    4. Compulsory local taxation to supplement the state or county grant.

[3] Concerning the system, "The Philadelphia Society for the Establishment
and Support of Charity Schools," in an "Address to the Public," in 1818,
said:

    "In the United States the benevolence of the inhabitants has led to
    the establishment of Charity Schools, which, though affording
    individual advantages, are not likely to be followed by the political
    benefits kindly contemplated by their founders. In the country a
    parent will raise children in ignorance rather than place them in
    charity schools. It is only in large cities that charity schools
    succeed to any extent. These dispositions may be improved to the best
    advantage, by the Legislature, in place of Charity Schools,
    establishing Public Schools for the education of all children, the
    offspring of the rich and the poor alike."

[4] In 1821 the counties of Dauphin (Harrisburg), Allegheny (Pittsburg),
Cumberland (Carlisle), and Lancaster (Lancaster) were also exempted from
the state pauper-school law, and allowed to organize schools for the
education of the children of their poor.

[5] Some 32,000 persons petitioned for a repeal of the law, 66 of whom
signed by making their mark, and "not more than five names in a hundred,"
reported a legislative committee which investigated the matter, "were
signed in English script." It was from among the parochial-school Germans
that the strongest opposition to the law came.

[6] For Stevens's speech in defense of the Law of 1834, see _Report of the
United States Commissioner of Education_, 1898-99, vol. I, pp. 516-24.

[7] By 1836 the new free-school law had been accepted by 75 per cent of
the districts in the State, by 1838 by 84 per cent, and by 1847 by 88 per
cent.

[8] This State had enacted an experimental school law, and made an annual
state grant for schools, from 1795 to 1800. Then, unable to reënact the
law, the system was allowed to lapse and was not reëstablished until the
New England element gained control, in 1812.

[9] By his vigorous work in behalf of schools the first appointee, Gideon
Hawley, gave such offense to the politicians of the time that he was
removed from office, in 1821, and the legislature then abolished the
position and designated the Secretary of State to act, _ex officio_, as
Superintendent. This condition continued until 1854, when New York again
created the separate office of Superintendent of Public Instruction.

[10] When Connecticut sold its Western Reserve, in 1795, and added the sum
to the Connecticut school fund, it was stated to be for the aid of
"schools and the gospel." In the sales of the first national lands in Ohio
(1,500,000 acres to The Ohio Company, in 1787; and 1,000,000 acres in the
Symmes Purchase, near Cincinnati, in 1788), section 16 in each township
was reserved and given as an endowment for schools, and section 29 "for
the purposes of religion."

[11] The Public School Society continued to receive money grants, it being
regarded as a non-denominational organization, though chartered to teach
"the sublime truths of religion and morality contained in the Holy
Scriptures" in its schools. In 1828 the Society was even permitted to levy
a local tax to supplement its resources, it being estimated that at that
time there were 10,000 children in the city with no opportunities for
education.

[12] The question may be regarded as a settled one in our American States.
Our people mean to keep the public-school system united as one state
school system, well realizing that any attempt to divide the schools among
the different religious denominations (the _World Almanac_ for 1917 lists
49 different denominations and 171 different sects in the United States)
could only lead to inefficiency and educational chaos.

[13] The movement gained a firm hold everywhere east of the Missouri
River, the States incorporating the largest number being New York with
887, Pennsylvania with 524, Massachusetts with 403, Kentucky with 330,
Virginia with 317, North Carolina with 272, and Tennessee with 264. Some
States, as Kentucky and Indiana, provided for a system of county
academies, while many States extended to them some form of state aid. In
New York State they found a warm advocate in Governor De Witt Clinton, who
urged (1827) that they be located at the county towns of the State to give
a practical scientific education suited to the wants of farmers,
merchants, and mechanics, and also to train teachers for the schools of
the State.

[14] The new emphasis given to the study of English, mathematics, and
book-science is noticeable. New subjects appeared in proportion as the
academies increased in numbers and importance. Of 149 new subjects for
study appearing in the academies of New York, between 1787 and 1870, 23
appeared before 1826, 100 between 1826 and 1840, and 26 after 1840.
Between 1825 and 1828 one half of the new subjects appeared. This also was
the maximum period of development of the academies.

[15] The existence of a number of colleges, basing their entrance
requirements on the completion of the classical course of the academy, and
the establishment of a few embryo state universities in the new States of
the West and the South, naturally raised the further question of why there
should be a gap in the public-school system. The increase of wealth in the
cities tended to increase the number who passed through the elementary
course and could profit by more extended education; the academies had
popularized the idea of more advanced education; while the new
manufacturing and commercial activities of the time called for more
training than the elementary schools afforded, and of a different type
from that demanded by the small colleges of the time for entrance.

[16] For an interesting table showing the simple entrance requirements of
Harvard in 1642, 1734, 1803, 1825, 1850, 1875, and 1885, see _Report of
the United States Commissioner of Education_, 1902, vol. I, pp. 930-33.


CHAPTER XXVII

[1] In Spain, for example, the percentage of illiteracy in 1860 was 75.52;
in 1870 70.01 per cent; in 1887, 68.01 per cent; in 1890, 63.78 per cent;
and in 1910, 59.35 per cent. The percentage for 1920 will probably not be
less than for 1910, due to the closing of many schools for lack of
teachers during the World War. In 1916 ten provinces had an illiteracy of
over 70 per cent, and but five had less than 40 per cent. In Madrid and
Barcelona, cities as large as Baltimore and Cleveland, the illiteracy
approaches a third of the population in Madrid, and a half in Barcelona.

[2] While an exile from the Argentine, Dr. Sarmiento was commissioned by
Chili to visit, study, and report on the state school systems of the
United States and Europe. While in the United States he became intimately
acquainted with Horace Mann. Later he was Minister from the Argentine to
the United States, being recalled, in 1868, to assume the presidency of
the Republic. He was deeply impressed with the type of educational
opportunity provided in the schools of the United States and, through an
appointed Minister of Education, impressed his ideas on the Argentine
nation.

[3] In 1910 only about 3 per cent of the total population was in any type
of school.

[4] The Mikado still retained, through his ministers, very large powers,
while the parliament was a consultative assembly rather than a legislative
one. The form of government has been much like that of the German Empire
before the World War.

[5] The Japanese Government has so far been a military autocracy, and the
Japanese have been the Prussians of the Orient. The two-class school
system has accordingly met the needs of a benevolent autocracy fairly
well. With the rise of a liberal party in Japan, and the beginning of some
democratic life, we may look for progressive changes in their schools
which will tend to produce a more democratic type of educational
organization.

[6] "The idea of education for all classes, the aim of all educators and
statesmen of western countries, scarcely entered the minds of the leaders
of China under the traditional system of education. With the introduction
of the new educational system, however, the problem of universal education
suddenly came into prominence. Indeed, it is the stated goal of the new
educational policy." (Ping Wen Kuo, _The Chinese System of Public
Education_, p. 149.)

[7] Education in China has been common, for a class, for over four
thousand years. The schools were private, but a detailed national system
of examinations was provided by the State, and all who expected any state
preferment were required to pass these state examinations. The system was
based on the old Confucian classics. Under it schools existed in all the
chief towns, and the examination system exerted a strong unifying
influence on the nation. In 1842 China opened five treaty ports to the
ships and commerce of western nations, and from 1842 to 1903 a process of
gradual transition from the ancient examination system to modern
conditions took place.

[8] "A nation that has preserved its identity by peaceful means for three
milleniums; that has made the soil produce subsistence for a multitudinous
population during that long period, while Western peoples have worn out
their soil in less than that many centuries; that has produced many of the
most influential of modern inventions, such as printing, gunpowder, and
the compass; that has developed such mechanical ingenuity and commercial
ability as are shown in its everyday life, undoubtedly possesses the
ability to accomplish results by the use of methods worked out by the
Western world. When modern scientific knowledge is added by the Chinese to
the skill which they already have in agriculture, in commerce, in
industry, in government, and in military affairs, results will be
achieved, on the basis of their physical stamina and moral qualities,
which will remove the ignorance, the indifference, and the prejudice of
the Western world regarding things Chinese." (Monroe, Paul, Editorial
introduction to Ping Wen Kuo's _The Chinese System of Public Education_.)

[9] Though appearing small on the map, Siam is a nation of six millions of
people and an area over three and a half times that of the six New England
States.

[10] "Through metaphysics first; then through alchemy and chemistry,
through physical and astronomical spectroscopy, lastly through radio-
activity, science has slowly groped its way to the atom." (Soddy, F.,
_Matter and Energy_.)

[11] Adams in England, and Leverrier in France. The planet Uranus had for
long been known to be erratic in its movements, and Adams and Leverrier
concluded, working from Newton's law for gravitation, that it must be due
to the pull of an unknown planet. Both calculated the orbit of this
unknown body, Adams sending his calculations to the Royal Observatory at
Greenwich, and Leverrier to the observatory at Berlin. At both
observatories the new planet--later named Neptune--was picked up by the
telescope at the position indicated.

[12] This theory of "catastrophes" held that at a number of successive
epochs, of which the age of Noah was the latest, great revolutions or
disasters had taken place on the earth's surface, in which all living
things were destroyed. Later the world was restocked, and again destroyed.
This explained the successive strata, and the fossils they contained. For
this theory Lyell substituted a slow and orderly evolution, covering ages,
and completely upset the Mosaic chronology.

[13] For example:--mineralogy, petrography, petrology, crystallography,
stratigraphy, and paleontology.

[14] "Darwin's Origin of Species had come into the theological world like
a plow into an ant-hill. Everywhere those thus rudely awakened from their
old comfort and repose had swarmed forth angry and confused. Reviews,
sermons, books, light and heavy, came flying at the new thinker from all
sides." (White, A. D., _The Warfare of Science and Theology_, vol. 1, p.
70.)

[15] Natural history as a study goes back to the days of Aristotle, in
Greece, but it had always been a study of fixed forms. Darwin destroyed
this conception, and vitalized the new subject of biology. From this
botany and zoology have been derived, and from these again many other new
sciences, such as physiology, morphology, bacteriology, anthropology,
cytology, entomology, and all the different agricultural sciences.

[16] The bacillus of tuberculosis was isolated in 1882, Asiatic cholera in
1883, lockjaw and diphtheria in 1884, and bubonic plague in 1894.

[17] Schools of engineering, mining, agriculture, and applied science are
types.

[18] The book on Germany (_De l'Allemagne_) by Madame de Staël (1766-
1817), a brilliant French novelist, was published and immediately
confiscated in France in 1811, and republished in England in 1813. It is
one of the most remarkable books on one country written by a native of
another which had appeared up to that time. Through reading it many
English and Americans discovered a new world.

[19] For example, it has been estimated that one fifteenth of the working
population of modern industrial nations devotes itself to transportation;
another one fifteenth to maintaining public services--light, gas,
telephone, water, sewage, streets, parks--unknown in earlier times; and
another one fifteenth to the manufacture and distribution and care of
automobiles. Add still further the numbers employed in connection with
theaters, moving-picture shows, phonographs, magazines and the newspapers,
soft-drink places, millinery and dry goods, hospitals, and similar
"appendages of civilization," and we get some idea of the increased labor
efficiency which the applications of science have brought about.

[20] Labor unions were legalized in England in 1825. In the United States
they arose about 1825-30, and for a time played an important part in
securing legislation to better the condition of the workingman and to
secure education for his children. In continental Europe, the reactionary
governments following the downfall of Napoleon forbade assemblies of
workingmen or their organization, as dangerous to government. In
consequence, labor organizations in France were not permitted until 1848,
and in Germany and Austria not until after the middle of the century. In
Japan, as late as 1919, laborers were denied the right to organize.

[21] Up to 1789 serfdom was the rule on the continent of Europe; by 1850
there was practically no serfdom in central and western Europe, and in
1866 serfdom was abolished in Russia. For the worker and farmer the years
between 1789 and 1848 were years of rapid progress in the evolution from
mediaeval to modern conditions of living.

[22] Under conditions existing up to the close of the eighteenth century,
in part persisting up to the middle of the nineteenth on the continent,
and still found in unprogressive lands, a close limitation of the rights
of labor was maintained. Children followed the trade of their fathers, and
the right of an apprentice later to open a shop and better his condition
was prohibited until after he had become an accepted master (p. 210) in
his craft. Guild members, too, were not permitted to branch out into any
other line of activity, or to introduce any new methods of work. All these
old limitations the Industrial Revolution swept away.

[23] Women in Europe have secured the ballot rapidly since the end of the
nineteenth century. With manhood suffrage secured, universal suffrage is
the next step. Women were given the right to vote and hold office in
Finland in 1906; in Norway in 1907; in Denmark in 1916; in England in
1918; in Germany in 1919; and in the United States in 1920.

[24] See an excellent brief article "On German Education," by E. C. Moore,
in _School and Society_, vol. I, pp. 886-89.

[25] A State approximately the size of Illinois, and containing a
population of about two million people. The great development of this
country is in reality a history of the work of President Manuel Estrada
Cabrera, who was president from 1898 to 1920. His ruling interest has been
public education, believing that in universal education rests the future
greatness of the State. He accordingly labored to establish schools, and
to bring them up to as high a level as possible. The government has spent
much in building modern-type schoolhouses and in subsidizing schools,
holding that with the proper training of the younger generation the future
position of the nation rests. A sincere admirer of the United States,
American models have been copied. When the United States entered the World
War, Guatemala was the first Central American republic to follow. During
the War President Cabrera "would allow nothing to interfere with the
advancement of free and compulsory education in the State." (See Domville-
Fife, C. W., _Guatemala and the States of Central America_.)

[26] "Imagine how the streams of Celestials circulating between Hong Kong
and the mainland spread the knowledge of what a civilized government does
for the people! At Shanghai and Tientsin, veritable fairylands for the
Chinese, they cannot but contrast the throngs of rickshas, dog-carts,
broughams, and motor cars that pour endlessly through the spotless asphalt
streets with the narrow, crooked, filthy, noisome streets of their native
city, to be traversed only on foot or in a sedan chair. Even the young
mandarin, buried alive in some dingy walled town of the far interior,
without news, events, or society, recalled with longing the lights, the
gorgeous tea houses, and the alluring 'sing-song' girls of Foochow Road,
and cursed the stupid policy of a government that penalized even
enterprising Chinamen who tried to 'start something' for the benefit of
the community." (Ross, E. A., _Changing America_, p. 22.)


CHAPTER XXVIII

[1] The earliest Teachers' Seminaries in German lands were:

    1750. Alfeld, in Hanover.
    1753. Wolfenbüttel, in Brunswick.
    1764. Glatz, in Prussia.
    1765. Breslau, in Prussia.
    1768. Carlsruhe, in Baden.
    1771. Vienna, in Austria.
    1777. Bamberg, in Bavaria.
    1778. Halberstadt, in Prussia.
    1779. Coburg, in Gotha.
    1780. Segeberg, in Holstein.
    1785. Dresden, in Saxony.
    1794. Weissenfels, in Prussia.

[2] "My views of the subject," said he, "came out of a personal striving
after methods, the execution of which forced me actively and
experimentally to seek, to gain, and to work out what was not there, and
what I yet really knew not."

[3] See footnote 1, page 573, for places and dates.

[4] By the Reverend Samuel R. Hall, who conducted the school as an adjunct
to his work as a minister. The school accordingly traveled about, being
held at Concord, Vermont, from 1823 to 1830; at Andover, Massachusetts,
from 1830 to 1837; and at Plymouth, New Hampshire, from 1837 to 1840.

[5] By James Carter, at Lancaster, Massachusetts.

[6] In 1836, Calvin Stowe, a professor in the Lane Theological Seminary at
Cincinnati, went to Europe to buy books for the library of the
institution, and the legislature of Ohio commissioned him to examine and
report upon the systems of elementary education found there. The result
was his celebrated _Report on Elementary Education in Europe_, made to the
legislature in 1837. In it chief attention was given to contrasting the
schools of Würtemberg and Prussia with those found in Ohio. The report was
ordered printed by the legislature of Ohio, and later by the legislatures
of Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Michigan, North Carolina, and Virginia,
and did much to awaken American interest in advancing common school
education.

[7] These are higher institutions which offer two, three, or four years of
academic and some professional education, and may be found in connection
with a university; may be maintained by city or county school authorities;
or may be voluntary institutions. In 1910-11 there were eighty-three such
institutions in England and Wales.

[8] In China, for example, as soon as the new general system of education
had been decided upon, normal schools of three types--higher normal
schools, lower normal schools, and teacher-training schools--were created,
and missionary teachers, foreign teachers, and students returning from
abroad were used to staff these new schools. By 1910 as many as thirty
higher normal schools, two hundred and three lower normal schools, and a
hundred and eighty-two training classes had been established in China
under government auspices. (Ping Wen Kuo, _The Chinese System of Public
Education_, p. 156.)

[9] The beginnings in the United States date from about 1890, and in
England even later. In France, on the other hand, the training of teachers
for the secondary schools goes back to the days of Napoleon.

[10] A common division was between the teacher who taught reading,
religion, and spelling, and the teacher who taught writing and arithmetic
(R. 307). Writing being considered a difficult art, this was taught by a
separate teacher, who often included the ability to teach arithmetic also
among his accomplishments.

[11] A good example of this may be found in the monitorial schools. The
New York Free School Society (p. 660), for example, reported in its
_Fourteenth Annual Report_ (1819) that the children in its schools had
pursued studies as follows:

    297 children have been taught to form letters in sand.
    615 have been advanced from letters in sand, to monosyllabic reading
        on boards.
    686 from reading on boards, to Murray's First Book.
    335 from Murray's First Book, to writing on slates.
    218 from writing on slates, to writing on paper.
    341 to reading in the Bible.
    277 to addition and subtraction.
    153 to multiplication and division..
     60 to the compound of the four first rules.
     20 to reduction.
     24 to the rule of three.

[12] Herbart had visited Pestalozzi at Burgdorf, in 1799, just after
graduating from Jena and while acting as a tutor for three Swiss boys, and
had written a very sympathetic description of his school and his theory of
instruction. Herbart was one of the first of the Germans to understand and
appreciate "the genial and noble Pestalozzi."

[13] The son of a well-educated public official, Herbart was himself
educated at the _Gymnasium_ of Oldenburg and the University of Jena. After
spending three years as a tutor, he became, at the age of twenty-six, an
under teacher at the University of Göttingen. At the age of thirty-three
he was called to succeed Kant as professor of philosophy at Königsberg,
and from the age of fifty-seven to his death at sixty-five he was again a
professor at Göttingen.

[14] Charles De Garmo's _Essentials of Method_, published in 1889, marked
the beginning of the introduction of these ideas into this country. In
1892 Charles A. McMurry published his _General Method_, and in 1897, with
his brother, Frank, published the _Method in the Recitation_. These three
books probably have done more to popularize Herbartian ideas and introduce
them into the normal schools and colleges of the United States than all
other influences combined. Another important influence was the "National
Herbart Society," founded in 1892 by students returning from Jena, in
imitation of the similar German society.

[15] The studies which have come to characterize the modern elementary
school may now be classified under the following headings:

    _Drill subjects_     _Content subjects_     _Expression subjects_
     Reading              Literature             Kindergarten Work
     Writing              Geography              Music
     Spelling             History                Manual Arts
     Language             Civic Studies          Domestic Arts
     Arithmetic           Manners and Conduct    Plays and Games
                          Nature Study           School Gardening
                          Agriculture            Vocational Subjects

[16]  Next, perhaps, would come Italy, which is strongly democratic in
spirit. In the cities of Holland one finds many privately supported
kindergartens, but the State has not made them a part of the school
system. In Norway and Sweden the kindergarten practically does not exist.
The kindergarten will always do best among self-governing peoples, and
seldom meets with favor from autocratic power.

[17] "In the best English Infant Schools a profound revolution has taken
place in recent years. Formal lessons in the 3 Rs have disappeared, and
the whole of the training of the little ones has been based on the
principles of the kindergarten as enunciated by Froebel. Much of the old
routine still remains; nevertheless there is no part of the English
educational system so brimful of real promise as the work that is now
being done in the best Infant Schools." (Hughes, R. E., _The Making of
Citizens_ (1902), p. 40.)

[18] In France, the Infant School or kindergarten is known as the Maternal
School. Pupils are received at two years of age, and carried along until
six. In the lower division the school is largely in the nature of a day
nursery, but in the upper division many of the features of the
kindergarten are found.

[19] Since Froebel's day we have learned much about children that was then
unknown, especially as to the muscular and nervous organization and
development of children, and with this new knowledge the tendency has been
to enlarge the "gifts" and change their nature, to introduce new
"occupations," elaborate the kindergarten program of daily exercises, and
to give the kindergarten more of an out-of-door character. Especially has
the work of Dewey (p. 780) and the child-study specialists been important
in modifying kindergarten procedure.

[20] By 1880 some 300 kindergartens and 10 kindergarten training-schools,
mostly private undertakings, had been opened in the cities of thirty of
the States of the Union. By 1890 philanthropic kindergarten associations
to provide and support kindergartens had been organized in most of the
larger cities, and after that date cities rapidly began to adopt the
kindergarten as a part of the public-school system, and thus add, at the
bottom, one more rung to the American educational ladder. To-day there are
approximately 9000 public and 1500 private kindergartens in the cities of
the United States, and training in kindergarten principles and practices
is now given by many of the state normal schools.

[21] In 1918, for example, according to a recent Report to the Zionist
Board of Education in the United States, there were over 5300 children in
kindergartens in Palestine, 125 kindergarten teachers there, and a College
for Kindergarten Teachers had been organized in the Holy Land to train
additional teachers.

[22] The Saint Louis Manual Training High School, founded in 1880 in
connection with Washington University, first gave expression to this new
form of education, and formed a type for the organization of such schools
elsewhere. Privately supported schools of this type were organized in
Chicago, Toledo, Cincinnati, and Cleveland before 1886, and the first
public manual-training high schools were established in Baltimore in 1884,
Philadelphia in 1885, and Omaha in 1886. The shop-work, based for long on
the "Russian system," included wood-turning, joinery, pattern-making,
forging, foundry and machine work. The first high school to provide
sewing, cooking, dressmaking, and millinery for girls was the one at
Toledo, established in 1886, though private classes had been organized
earlier in a number of cities.

[23] A few of the earlier adaptations of the idea may be given. In 1882
Montclair, New Jersey, introduced manual training into its elementary
schools, and in 1885 the State of New Jersey first offered state aid to
induce the extension of the idea. In 1885 Philadelphia added cooking and
sewing to its elementary schools, having done so in the girls' high school
five years earlier. In 1888 the City of New York added drawing, sewing,
cooking, and woodworking to its elementary-school course of study.

[24] In 1802 Napoleon provided for instruction in natural history,
astronomy, chemistry, physics, and mineralogy in the scientific course of
the _lycées_, and in 1814 enlarged this instruction. He also established
numerous technical and military schools, with instruction based on
mathematics and science.

[25] The Royal Commissioners which reported on the condition of the
University of Oxford, in 1850, said: "It is generally acknowledged that
both Oxford and the country at large suffer greatly from the absence of a
body of learned men devoting their lives to the cultivation of science,
and to the direction of academical education. The fact that so few books
of profound research emanate from the University of Oxford materially
impairs its character as a seat of learning, and consequently its hold on
the respect of the nation."

[26] Book instruction in the new sciences goes back, in the universities
of most lands, to the late eighteenth century, but  laboratory instruction
is a much more recent development. Chemistry was the first science to
develop, being the mother of science instruction, and probably the first
chemical laboratory in the world to be opened to students was that of
Liebig at Giessen, in 1826. The first American university to provide
laboratory instruction in chemistry was Harvard, in 1846. The instruction
in science in most of the universities, up to at least 1850, was book
instruction. (See schedule of studies for University of Michigan, R. 331.)
The first American university to be founded on the German model was Johns
Hopkins, in 1876.

[27] By Charles Mayo and his sister, who opened a private Pestalozzian
school, about 1825. Miss Mayo published her _Lessons on Objects_,
explaining the method, and this became very popular in England after about
1830. Both the Mayos were prominent in the Infant-School movement, which
adopted a formalized type of Pestalozzian procedure.

[28] In 1871 Dr. William T. Harris, then Superintendent of City Schools in
Saint Louis, published a well-organized course for the orderly study of
the different sciences. This attracted wide attention, and was in time
substituted for the scattered lessons on objects which had preceded it.
This in turn has largely given way, in the lower grades, to nature study.

[29] At the time of Professor Bache's visit, in 1838, the instruction
included Latin, French, English, German, history, religion, music,
drawing, mathematics, natural history, physics, chemistry, and geography.

[30] Scientific instruction in the _Lycées_ was not in favor in France
after 1815, and in 1840 it was materially reduced, on the ground that it
was injuring classical studies.

[31] Astronomy, botany, chemistry, and natural philosophy had been
prominent studies in the American academies. Between about 1825 and 1840
was the great period of their introduction. The first American high school
(Boston, 1821) provided for instruction in geography, navigation and
surveying, astronomy, and natural philosophy. By 1850 the rising high
schools were incorporating scientific studies quite generally. The
instruction was still textbook instruction, but some lecture-table
demonstrations had begun to be common.

[32] The Oneida School of Science and Industry, the Genesee Manual-Labor
School, the Aurora Manual-Labor Seminary, and the Rensselaer School, all
founded in the State of New York, between 1825 and 1830, were among the
most important of these early institutions.

[33] Spencer's classification of life activities and needs, in the order
of their importance, was (R. 362):

    1 Those ministering directly to self-preservation.

    2. Those which secure for one the necessities of life, and hence
    minister indirectly to self-preservation.

    3. Those which have for their end the rearing and discipline of
    offspring.

    4. Those involved in the maintenance of proper social and political
    relations.

    5. Those which fill up the leisure part of life, and are devoted to
    the gratification of tastes and feelings.

[34] All were republished in book form, in 1861, under the title of
_Education; Intellectual, Moral, and Physical_. The volume contains four
essays: What Knowledge is of Most Worth?; Intellectual Education; Moral
Education; and Physical Education. The first essay served as an
introduction to the other three.

[35] "A Liberal Education," in his _Science and Education_. p. 86.

[36] For many years head of the School of Education at the University of
Chicago, but more recently Professor of Philosophy at Columbia University,
New York City.

[37] Dewey, John, in _Elementary School Record_, p. 142.

[38] Described in _The Elementary School Record_, a series of nine
monographs, making a volume of 241 pages. University of Chicago Press,
1900.

[39] A very good example of this is to be found in the work of Colonel
Francis W. Parker (1837-1902) in the United States. It was he who
introduced Germanized Pestalozzian-Ritter methods of teaching geography;
he who strongly advocated the Herbartian plan for concentration of
instruction about a central core, which he worked out for geography; he
who insisted so strongly on the Froebelian principle of self-expression as
the best way to develop the thinking process; he who advocated science
instruction in the schools; and he who saw educational problems so clearly
from the standpoint of the child that he, and the pupils he trained, did
much to bring about the reorganization in elementary education which was
worked out in the United States between about 1875 and 1900.


CHAPTER XXIX

[1] For long the knowledge-conception dominated instruction, it being
firmly believed by the advocates of schools that knowledge and virtue were
somewhat synonymous terms.

[2] It is to democratic England and the United States, and to the English
self-governing dominions, that the greatest flood of emigrants from less
advanced civilizations have gone. South America has also experienced a
large recent immigration, but this has been mainly of peoples from the
Latin races, and hence easier of assimilation.

[3] See a good article on this development by I. L. Kandel, in the
_Educational Review_ for November, 1919, entitled "The Junior High School
in European Systems."

[4] Paris, for example, has become the greatest university in Europe,
exceeding Berlin (1914) in students by approximately 25 per cent and in
expenditures 40 per cent.

[5] "The rise of these great universities is the most epoch-making feature
of our American civilization, and they are to become more and more the
leaders and the makers of our civilization. They are of the people. When a
state university has gained solid ground, it means that the people of a
whole state have turned their faces toward the light; it means that the
whole system of state schools has been welded into an effective agent for
civilization. Those who direct the purposes of these great enterprises of
democracy cannot be too often reminded that the highest function of a
university is to furnish standards for a democracy." (Pritchett, Henry S.,
in _Atlantic Monthly_.)

[6] The gifts and bequests for colleges and universities in the United
States, from 1871 to 1916, totaled $647,536,608, and by 1920 probably have
reached $750,000,000.

[7] The oldest was Charlottenburg (1799), Darmstadt (1822), Carlsruhe
(1825), Munich (1827), Dresden (1828), Nuremberg (1829), Stuttgart (1829),
Cassel (1830), Hanover (1831), Augsburg (1833), and Brunswick (1835). A
similar school, which later developed into a technical university, was
founded at Prague, in Bohemia, in 1806.

[8] The German technical training "produces an engineer who is not only
older in years, but also more mature in experience and in judgment than
the average graduate of an engineering college in America. Whether or not
it would be wise to adopt--so far as that would be possible--German
methods in the schools and colleges of the United States, it must
nevertheless be recognized that those methods have given Germany a
leadership in applied science and in industry which she will keep unless
the educational authorities of other nations find some way of producing
men of like calibre." (Munroe, James P., "Technical Education"; in
Monroe's _Cyclopedia of Education_.)

[9] _Report of Commission on National Aid to Vocational Education_,
Washington, 1914, p. 90.

[10] The first veterinary school in the world was established at Lyons,
France, in 1762; the second at Alfort, a suburb of Paris, in 1766; the
third at Berlin, in 1792; and the fourth at London, in 1793.

[11] The development of scientific training for nursing, begun by the
Germans near the end of their wars with Napoleon, is another example of
the creation of a new profession through the application of science. This
was carried to new levels by Miss Florence Nightingale, who began work in
London, in 1860, after her experiences in the Crimean War of 1854-56, and
has been greatly improved since 1870 as a result of the new medical
knowledge and methods which have come in since that time. The provision of
training for nurses, and the certification of doctors and nurses for
practice, are other new developments in the field of state education.
Similarly is the training and certification of dentists, veterinarians,
and pharmacists, all of which are nineteenth-century additions.

[12] The work of the Rockefeller Foundation, an American Foundation
organized to promote "the well-being of mankind throughout the world," in
spending millions to provide China with a modern system of western medical
education and hospital service, is perhaps the greatest example of a
scientifically organized service ever tendered by the people of one nation
to those of another.

[13] "Large-scale production, extreme division of labor, and the all-
conquering march of the machine, have practically driven out the
apprenticeship system through which, in a simpler age, young helpers were
taught, not simply the technique of some single process, but the 'arts and
mysteries of a craft' as well. The journeyman and the artisan have given
way to an army of machine workers, performing over and over one small
process at one machine, turning out one small part of the finished
article, and knowing nothing about the business beyond their narrow and
limited task." (_Report of the Commission on National Aid to Vocational
Education_, vol. i, pp. 19-20.)

[14] "In no country will you find the problem taken up in so thorough a
manner; in no country will you find an attempt made to cover, by means of
industrial schools, the occupations of everyone, from the lowly laborer to
the director of the great manufacturing establishment. The State provided
industrial training for every person who will be better off with it than
without it. No occupation is too humble to receive the attention of the
German authorities; and the opinion prevails there that science and art
have a place in every occupation known to man." (Cooley, E. G., in _Report
to the Commercial Club of Chicago_, 1912.)

[15] For example, the foreign trade of Germany, in 1880, was $31 per
capita of the total population, and that of the United States was $32.
Thirty years later, in 1910, Germany's foreign trade had increased to $62
per capita, and that of the United States to only $37.

[16] Chiefly raw products--a prodigal waste of natural resources. What
every nation should do is to work up its raw products at home, and sell
finished goods rather than raw products--"sell brains, rather than
materials." (R. 370.)

[17] The first trade school in the United States was established
privately, in New York City, in 1881. By 1900 some half-dozen had been
similarly established in different parts of the country. In 1902 a trade
school for girls was founded in New York City, which did pioneer work. In
1906 Massachusetts created a State commission on Industrial Education, and
later provided for the creation of industrial schools. In 1907 Wisconsin
enacted the first trade-school law, and New York State followed in 1909.

[18] Germany before 1914 formed an interesting contrast to such
conditions. There few untrained youths were to be found, and the nation,
before 1914, was rapidly moving toward universal vocational education.

[19] As illustrative of the general character of the vocations to be
trained for, a few of the more common ones may be mentioned:

    _In agriculture_: The work of general farming, orcharding,
    dairying, poultry-raising, truck gardening, horticulture, bee culture,
    and stock-raising.

    _In the trades and industries_: The work of the carpenter, mason,
    baker, stonecutter, electrician, plumber, machinist, toolmaker,
    engineer, miner, painter, typesetter, linotype operator, shoecutter
    and laster, tailor, garment maker, straw-hat maker, weaver, and glove
    maker.

    _In commerce and commercial pursuits_: The work of the
    bookkeeper, clerk, stenographer, typist, auditor, and accountant.

    _In home economics_: The work of the dietitian, cook and
    housemaid, institution manager, and household decorator.

[10] "The snail's pace at which the race has moved toward humanitarianism
is indicated by Payne's estimate (p. 6) that the race is perhaps two
hundred and forty thousand years old, civilized man a few hundred years
old, and a humanitarianism large enough to have any real concern in any
organized fashion for the protection of children scarcely fifty years old.
The fact that organizations in great number, laws, penalties, and constant
vigilance are still everywhere needed to secure for children their
inherent rights is evidence enough that we have still a long way to go
before we reach the golden age." (Waddel, C. W., _An Introduction to Child
Psychology_, p. 5.)

[21] "As late as 1840 children of ten to fifteen years of age and younger
were driven by merciless overseers for ten, twelve, sixteen, even twenty
hours a day in the lace mills. Fed the coarsest food, in ways more
disgusting than those of the boarding schools described by Dickens, they
slept, when they had opportunity, often in relays, in beds that were
constantly occupied. They lived and toiled, day and night, in the din and
noise, filth and stench, of the factory that coined their life's blood
into gold for their exploiters. Sometimes with chains about their ankles,
to prevent their attempts to escape, they labored until epidemics,
disease, or premature death brought welcome relief from a slavery that was
forbidden by law for negro slaves in the colonies." (Payne, G. H., _The
Child in Human Progress_.)

[22] An exception to this statement is to be found in the work of the
Pedagogical Seminars, organized in the German universities in the second
decade of the nineteenth century, which were intended for the professional
training of German university students for teaching in the German
secondary schools. (See footnote 1, page 573.)

[23] When the first teachers' training-school in America was opened at
Concord, Vermont, by the Reverend Samuel R. Hall, in 1823, it included,
besides a three-year academy-type academic course, practice teaching in a
rural school in winter, and some lectures on the "Art of Teaching."
Without a professional book to guide him, and relying only upon his
experience as a teacher, Hall tried to tell his pupils how to organize and
manage a school. To make clear his ideas he wrote out a series of
_Lectures on School-keeping_, which some friends induced him to publish.
This, the first professional book in English issued in America for
teachers, appeared in 1829.

[24] _Geschichte der Padagogik vom Wiederaufblühen klassicher Studien bis
auf unsere Zeit_. Vols. I and II, 1843; vol. III, 1847; vol. IV, 1855.
Much of this was translated into other languages. Barnard's _American
Journal of Education_, begun in 1855, published a translation of much of
von Raumer's work for American readers.

[25] In 1876 S. S. Laurie (1829-1909) was elected to one of the first
chairs in education in Great Britain, that of "Professor of the Theory,
History, and Practice of Education" in the University of Edinburgh.

[26] Probably the first lectures on Pedagogy given in any American college
were given in 1832, in what is now New York University. From 1850 to 1855
the city superintendent of schools of Providence, Rhode Island, was
Professor of Didactics, in Brown University. In 1860 a course of lectures
on the "Philosophy of Education, School Economy, and the Teaching Art" was
given to the seniors of the University of Michigan. In 1873 a
Professorship of Philosophy and Education was established in the
University of Iowa. This was the first permanent chair created in America.
In 1879 a Department of the Science and Art of Teaching was created at the
University of Michigan. In 1881 a Department of Pedagogy was created at
the University of Wisconsin, and in 1884 similar departments at the
University of North Carolina and at Johns Hopkins University.

[27] In education, as in other lines of work, the statement of Richard H.
Quick that the distinctive function of a university is not action, but
thought, has been exemplified.






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